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La Guérilla Libyenne. 19II-1932

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La Guérilla Libyenne. 19II-1932 la gttérilla libyenne. 1911·1932 Rosalba Davico tragique; il en est de même de celle d'Omar El Mukhtar, d'Abd el­ Krirn et d'innombrables autres, du Maghreb rifain au Moyen-Orient syrien. Seule Rosa luxemburg, en 1910, en soutenant le mot d'ordre de la grève de masses, a eu la notion claire de l'erreur fatale que commettait la social-démocratie européenne« en séparant» la question ouvrière de la question coloniale. les intellectuels se croiront encore assez longtemps - au moins jusqu'à l'épreuve de 1936 et du deuxième conflit mondial - des démiurges de l'histoire, porteurs La guérilla libyenne. 19II-1932 « �- de culture Malgré les soulèvements des paysans siciliens contre la politique de Crispi, les répressions sanglantes de la révolte de Milan Impérialisme et résistance anticoloniale en Italie et les innombrables autres épisodes de lutte de classes en en Afrique du Nord dans les années 1920 Europe, ce sont les positions conjuguées d'un Cecil Rhodes et d'un Bernstein qui l'emportent; la génération des années vingt en Europe allait ainsi mourir, sous le fascisme et dans la guerre, logique extrêmela d'un« système que P.». Sweezy a justement défini comme celui de guerre constante le «présent comme l'histoire nous», apprennent d'ailleurs que, s'il <<y a des impérialismes prolétariens» il y a eu et ... Amour, tendresse, toi, patrie abandonnée par il y a encore des impérialismes en smoking qui sont terriblement affection, non par haineô ... longs à mourir. Ahmed Rafik Al-Mahdaoui, Libye, 1923. Alors sonnera l'heure pour Alger, Tunis, Tripoli, dont le peuple se prépare déjà au moment de la grande délivrance. En Afrique du Nord, l'occupation coloniale véritable -la conquête Abd el-Krim, par les armes - marque la conclusion d'un processus économique 1925. séculaire de mise en dépendance. l'asservissement graduel par l'éco­ �- nomie occidentale, qui est un fait précolonial, se produit en libye dans les formes décrites par lucette Valensi pour les deux autres régences à . situation monétaire Ce rapport n'est qu'un essai, limité quelques points, sur l'expé­ turques du Maghreb, celles d'Alger et de Tunis La fournit un indice : la détérioration de la monnaie libyenne est rience historique qu'a été la résistance populaire à l'occupation colo­ en niale en Afrique du Nord au début de notre siècle ; la seule guérilla continue entre la fin du xvii• et le début du XIXe siècle. Entre 1711 libyenne mériterait plus ample développement. Que ce mouvement ct 1835, Tripoli est un organisme politique autonome dont la consis­ soit messianique ou nationaliste, qu'il soit tance économique ne cesse de fléchir 1; vers 1820, Yusuf Caramanli, «plus ou moins inspiré» du soulèvement des Jeunes-Turcs, ou de la grande révolte arabe pour rétablir le cours des monnaies, essaie d'obtenir des emprunts des années vingt, il n'en apparaît pas moins pour l'Islam comme internationaux, s'adressant, sans succès d'ailleurs, au roi de Sardaigne. une expérience de républiques libertaires ; il doit alors être rapporté Les ressources économiques de la Régence n'offrent plus en effet à à ce grand tournant de l'histoire politique et économique que fut œtte date, la moindre garantie. Pour l'achat d'armes, des objets la Commune, ce modèle libertaire qui vaut encore pour Je présent, (1835-1911), pour la compréhension historique des nationalismes d'aujourd'hui. Government1. Cf. A. ].Press, CACHIA, Tripoli, Libya 1945. tmder the Second Ottomat� Omi]Jalion. La génération des années vingt fut, en Europe, une génération 403 402 nécessaires à la cour, etc., Yusuf est contraint à des transactions sur Tableau A. L'émigration italienne (1881-1924) la vente des. produits des tribus et sur confiscations. Les achats sont remboursés aux marchands européens, non en argent comptant, mais Rapport de l'émigration italienne par des tzekers, c'est-à-dire du papier-monnaie à l'ordre des adjudi­ avec la masse de l'immigration aux Etats-Unis et comparaison avec cataires de rentes publiques dans les provinces maritimes, système l'émigration espagnole et l'immi· dont l'incertitude de paiement permettait aux commerçants européens gration en Argentine. les spéculations les plus usuraires ; les mêmes tzekers sont objet de L'émigration italienne (comme l'émigration espagnole) se dirige spéculation, aussi lourde pour les finances publiques que hasardée, vers l'Amérique; elle ne se ralentit lorsque Yusuf est contraint par les nécessités économiques d'affermer pas en 1911-1913; la rupture sera le fait de la guerre mondiale. L'ar­ pour plusieurs années, la rente publique et d'alourdir le poids des ·-·-·- immiE,rfi •uJC Ecàn-Unis gument de la nécessité démographi­ impôts sur les juifs et les fellahs. La peste de 1826 et la révolte du ----- immigr�s cft ,/tlgcntinc que développé par le colonialisme --, ..••.... _émîgr1ntS émign.ms itatit-nscspag.nols Djebel déclenchent une période d'anarchie qui se prolonge pendant donc pas probant. 1•1000 -1 ....,.-+--r::-!-- - italien n'est quelques décennies. �1 - �1 1 - �1 -,1 -: 0::+-,-1 -;;j� :.._-T;�o Entre la fin du et le début du siècle - âge d'or de l'en­ 1 §: � TAbLBAU 8 treprise RubattinoXIx• en Tunisie -, la BancoXX" di Roma commence sa pénétration économique en Libye, plus ou moins entravée par le l•hleau B. Les intérêts commer­ c!mpce$ Bloco di �orna gouvernement turc ; les accords secrets italo-français concernant la l�ux. \ /_ 1000000000 (Ttipoli/ ' / ] Libye ouvriront la voie aux initiatives de ce pionnier des instituts de / l•• comptes de la Banco di Roma v crédit italiens dans la future colonie. La succursale de Tripoli com­ / Tripoli. / / mence ses opérations en avril s'élargit bientôt dans un réseau de la taxe sur les affaires. 1907, 11tuduit libyenne correspond à côtier d'agences commerciales (à Homs, Tabia, Zleiten, Misurata, etc.), imp. Uby� � 1 rxpédition croissance des intérêts commer­ qui finance surtout les transactions foncières et les initiatives infra­ en particulier à la place A l�lie l�llllissante de l'importation. J structurelles (moulins à cylindre pour le blé, etc.) 2• l•ux, 100000 000 1 Le graphique du mouvement des recettes de la Banco di Roma de Tripoli entre 1907 et 1911 montre bien quels interets seront à IUts.(affli.rc-l) l'origine de l'intervention italienne en Libye. Et nous n'avons pas IV' été particulièrement surpris d'enregistrer, selon les documents secret � CXl'· ; 2 � \( -> t du War Office, la présence constante d'un délégué de la Banco di v Libye lt� ltlmCES. f Roma aux pourparlers de entre la Senussia et le gouvernement 1000000 1r exp. italien. Du fait qu'il ne s'agissait1913 pas véritablement, cette année-là, Italie GHISLERI, Tripolitania et -+!l ibye JV des « intérêts d'une population italienne installée », nous avons conclu 1912, 103. 5 11m11ica,- A. Milano, p. 1 que l'envoi de nouveaux contingents militaires, la poursuite de la COMMISSARIATO GENERALE imp. _1. -+ libye ) campagne coloniale, jusqu'au recours à l'aide et à la médiation an­ 1 1 'llMIGRAZIONE, Emigrazione ed ( / IIIIJ:razione, Roma, 1924. 2 lt.tie glaise, ont été décidés par des intérêts financiers précis et par ceux de A lS111'UTO CENTRALE DI STATIS- la Banco di Roma notamment (Cf. Tab. Tab. B). J A Anmtario di Statistiche del 100 000 - / A, 111 vol. XII, Roma, 1972, p. G g l.l.,'m, M E, L'Impérialisme90. co­ ' "'''' J.-L.italien IÈ de nos jours, 1968. 1 Cf. DB La Rinascita della TâpoJitania, Milan, Sedes, 1870 à 2.476 et G. VOLPI MISURATA, 1926, • �tl•. G. VOLPI, Rinascita della 0 p. s. J1l/•nli111nia, Milano,La 1926. � � � � � 404 la gttérilla libyenne. 1911·1932 l'évacuation des troupes turques l'intérieur du pays, la mobilisation Le front tripolitain des tribus de l'intérieur et leurà armement avec les fusils et les 1. « » munitions du Derna. Quant l'armement de la population urbaine , à 191 les fusils étaient distribués aux « Iman » et aux « Mukhtar » du '?ccupa ion italienne de 1 change brusquement le statu quo !- � Dahra, de la Menscia, du Sahel, d'Er-Rgheat, d'Alauna, enfin mediterraneen des grandes puissances coloniales dont les réactions tous les faubourgs et aux oasis des environs, sous le contrôle d'uneà sont �lu ou moins « indignées », mais surtout - et c'est ce qui � commission d'officiers tripolitains ; la ville était la dernière en nous tnteres:e le plus - elle suscite le mouvement libyen d'éman­ . avoir : les premiers les solliciter étaient les pêcheurs, les porteurs,à ctpatlon nationale. Ses débuts sont certes composites. La mise en les débardeurs réunisà et organisés dans une corporation autour de cause du sultanat ottoman sous la forme de l'ancien et irréductible Chalifa et Turchi et un certain Sciady Bey, officier vétérinaire en affronte�ent entre le bled-el-makhzen et le bled-es-siba au Maghreb, service près de la douane. La distribution des armes a lieu, mani­ est en Ltb�e une r al té bien antérieure à la révolution des Jeunes­ � � festement boycottée par des notables bien connus, qui font pression Turcs, mats ceux-ct JOUent le rôle de catalyseur. Le mouvement sur le deftardar en soutenant qu'il fallait « se conformer aux ordres nationaliste naissant fait aussi ses premières preuves dans une situa­ de Constantinople ». La distribution des armements ne sera reprise tion di f cile et paradoxale : d'un côté, face l'occupation italienne, � ! que par l'intervention du capitaine Suhni Effendi, de Tarhuna. 1 ' opposmon sourde des vieilles élites soutient àle sultanat ottoman ou Des boycots semblables ont lieu dans les oasis : des notables veulent un :ubstitut conservateur; de l'autre côté se dresse l'alliance « panis­ un mazbata qui empêche la distribution des armes au nom des lamique » des Jeunes-Turcs, dont Enver Pacha se fait le porte-parole « dispositions du gouvernement » et « pour ne pas mettre le pays fort ambigu.
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