S. Robson The Kawi classics in

In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 128 (1972), no: 2/3, Leiden, 308-329

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hese notes are the product of observations made in Bali in the second half of 1971, wkhin the framework of a project for Tthe completion1 of the Old Javanese-English dictionary being compiled by Professor P. J. Zoetmulder SJ. This project was set up on the initiative of the Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology, Leiden, and was subsidized by the Netherlands Foundation for the Advancement of Tropical Research, The Hague. During my stay in Bali I was the guest of the Lembaga Pufbakala dan Peninggalan Nasional (Bali Branch) in Bedaulu, Gianyar. The stay included a ten- day visit to the island of Lombok.1 The notes must be regarded as preliminary, because within the space of six months it was impossible to do more than obtain. an im- pression, one hopes fairly reliable, of an elusive subject. Tthere is undoubtedly much more ithat could be done, and indeed should be done as soon as possible, in view of the rapid rate of cultural change in Bali. The aimi of the notes is to discuss the study and use of Old and Middle Javanese literature. At the same time I must stress that, 'because of the great extent of regional variation in Bali, these observations have to be taken as specific to the Kabupaten of Gianyar, unless stated otherwise.2 The literature that has been called Old Javanese and Middle -

• I wish here to acknowledge my indebtedness to all those who helped me in Bali. I am particularly grateful for the generous help of the Head and staff of the Bali Office of the Lembaga Purbakala dan Peninggalan Nasional, as well as to the following persons: I Gusti Ngurah Bagus, Ida Bagus Gede, Tjokorda Gede Pemajun, I Gusti Ngurah Ketut Sangka and I Made Gerija. My special thanks go to I Ketut Lagas and the other members of the mabasan group in Pliatan. Finally an inadequate expression of gratitude for the unfailing patience and helpfulness of Drs. Made Sutaba. 1 The population of the central-western part of Lombok, around Cakranëgara and Mataram, is Balinese of Karagasém descent, and numbers around 40,000. 2 In any reports about Bali it is essential to take geographical factors into account. For example, information collected in North Bali cannot be taken as automatically valid for South Bali.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:11:45PM via free access THE KAWI CLASSICS IN BALI 309 nese in the publications of Western scholars is in Bali called Kawi — no distinction appears to be made corresponding to what are termed Old and Middle Javanese literature. Nevertheless the Balinese divide Kawi literature into the genres kakaiwin, kidiw, and parwa. The first two are forms of poetry and the last prose. It seems scarcely necessary to describe further the contents of these categories, as this has already been done elsewhere.3 However, these notes must also involve some reference to Literary Balinese, as a clear-cut distinction is difficult. Besides the above division, poëtica! literature can be divided into three kinds on the basis of the metrical system used. The terms are sëkar agët), sëkar madya and sêkar alit, corresponding to the metrical systems of the , the tëryihan kidwq and the macapat kidwq respectively, in a manner similar to the Javanese terminology.4 The terms te^ahan and macapat, however, are apparently not general in Bali. These metrical systems will be mentioned again shortly.

I have used the word Classics in view of the fact that the works concerned have stood the test of time and are still esteemed today. Having been composed in Java between the 9th and 15th centuries, or more recently in Bali, they have continued to be handed down and have not been lost. In these nötes I intend only to discuss works of literary art, and not works of a technical nature. Even though the Kawi Classics are essentially an inheritance from earlier, more or less obscure, times, and are couched in a language, Javanese, which is quite distinot from colloquial Balinese, they. are nevertheless also prodücts of a Hindu society and tradition, and hence are not foreign to modern Bali. In faot the Classics are not dead survivals from the past, buit are a living part of the present, still playing an active role in society. While cultural change threatens to overtake them, there are at the same time moves afoot to ensure the continued preservation and study of at least a centain proportion of the better known works. The various works of classical literature are contained in lontar (or rontal), palm-leaf manuscripts, of which collections are kept by persons belonging to a variety of social groups.5 In my experience owners are

3 In a forthcoming work by P. J. Zoetmulder entitled Kalangön. 4 Sëkar agëv,, madya and alit are alus terms, but corresponding kasar ones do not appear to be current. 5 A number of these works have been edited and translated, but the majority still await scholars' attention.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:11:45PM via free access 310 S. O. ROBSON reluctant to allow an outsider to view their complete collection, although they may be willing to bring out a particular work for inspection, probably one in good condition, and so it is difficult to estimate the extent of a collection, the type of wórk represented, or the condition of the manuscripts. Furthermore, lists of works contained in a collec- tion are rarely kept, and owners seem to have little interest in making such lists.

Manuscript collections are not common these days: we have no way of comparing the situation today with that, say, 50 or 100 years ago, but I have the impression that interest is waning.' Although it is of course impossible to produce statistical evidence, in my opinion the distribution of maniuscript collections can be described as follows. Beginning at the top of the social scale, probably the most literate group in society is that of the Brahmanas. It is this group that supplies the pëdanda (Brahmanic priests), and it is in their homes (griya) that collections of manuscripts are most often to be found. The type of manuscript found obviously to some extent reflects thedr religious preoccupations, and concerns ritual, medicine, magie and so on, although kakawin are not neglected. Secondly, we find colleotions of manuscripts in the homes (purï) of noblemen and princes, who belong tö the second and third ranks of the triwaqsa, the satriya and gusti (or wesya). Their manuscripts again reflect their interests: the works are mainly kakawin, with a few kiduq, parwa or babad, all these being prized for their instructional value. Manuscripts are also occasionally owned by persons outside the triwatqsa {wor$ jaba or sudra), principally by temple priests (pëmaqku or mmyku), medicine-men (balian), or those in positions of authority (e.g. përbëkët). The type of manuscript kept by these is mixed: for example, the priests may keep kidim,, the medicine-meri usada (also called wisada), and others works on fighting-cocks, their marks and the favourable times to fight them (pëtyayam-ayaman). But all in all, the most popular form of Hterature seems to be the kakawin.

Most collections consist of only a few works, passed down fröm father to son. On the other hand, thère are reports of collections in Kumënuh and Singaraja numbering mamy hundreds of manuscripts. It would be difficult to make an accurate survey, although this would be extremely valuable for purposes of documentation. Apart from private collections, there are in Bali also those of the Gëdong Kirtya in Singaraja and of Udayana University in Denpasar. In my opinion there are still works in private hands that have not been, and are

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probably never likely to be, copied and included in public collections.6 The fact of the survival of manuscripts down to the present, through the vicissitudes of the Dutch conquest of Bali, the Japanese period, the Revolution, the abortive coup of 1965 and, lately, the tourist invasion, immediately raises the question of their continued survival into the future. This depends on their continued recopying, which in turn depends on people's interest, because copying a manuscript, including the preparation of the leaf, takes months of hard work. To pay someone else to do the work is clearly beyond the means of most, so that whether the work is done depends entirely on one's own ability, leisure and love of classical literature. And so it is often after retirement that men take up the study of literature and start copying the works that seem most important to them. But such people are few and far between: in the course of six months I met only three whó were actively engaged in copying manu- scripts. Their work was of excellent quality, and obviously motivated by a love of the subject. One, an elderly nobleman of Klungkung, described to me how he went about producing a copy of a work that he wished to have. Having selected the work, he would borrow from others at least two, and preferably three, copies of it, so that in case of doubtful readings he could compare them and choose the best reading, thus eliminating errors. This was evidence of a tradition of critical scholarship in the field of literature.T The practice of borrowing manuscripts from friends is also common. Some of the manuscripts which I saw were kept in boxes (kropak) with tightly fitting lids, while others were exposed to the atmosphere in open buildings. In the course of time a large proportion of manu- scripts must crumble to dust, whilè others will be preserved as heir- looms of only magical significance. Literacy in Balinese script is already at a low ebb (despite being taught in Primary Schools), in keeping with the general low level of literacy, so that prospects for the long^term preservation of lontar manuscripts in Bali cannot be bright. The position in Lombok, however, appears more hopeful. I was told that there are many who can copy lontar, and the few manuscripts that I saw were in excellent condition. Among the Balinese population of Lombok efforts are made to teach the script at an early stage and to inculcate an interest in the classics: 6 The largest overseas collection is that of the Leiden University Library, recently made more accessible by the publication of a full catalogue entitled Literature of Java by Th. Pigeaud. 7 Cf. Robson (1971), p. 42.

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This brings us to a discussion of the uses to which the various forms of Kawi literature are put, beginning with the kakawin. The main use of kakawin is for what we can call study. Kakawin are sung and interpreted in groups called sëkaa bëbasan ("Translation dub").8 The alus term is sëkaa pëpaosan ("Reading Club"). The term sëkaa kakawin is sometimes also used. The term used in the Tabanan area is santi, pasatntian or përsantian. These clubs were the subject of an article by I Wajan Bhadra in 19279 — apart from this nothing has been written about them, although they certainly still exist. The clubs are composed of albout ten male members, with a smaller active core, who meet generally twice a week, in the afternoon or evening after work.10 Two streams are distinguishable among the members: there are those who follow traditional methods, and those younger members who try to apply more critica! standards. The activity of the clubs is singing and interpreting works of Kawi literature, usually kakawin, but sometimes also kiduty or parwa. In 1968 we had already surmised that the kakawin literature was meant to be sung, just as the kidum, literature is, rather than to be recited in a speaking voice. Enquiry in Bali has now revealed that at the present time kakawin material is definitely sung, and is sung according to a fixed method (rather than, say, by improvisation). The term for the method of singing is wirama, which might be translated with the word "chant". A large number of wirama exist, but the exact number is not known. The singing of kakawin to their various wirama is such a commonplace in Bali that it is surprising that it 'has never atfxacted the attention of Western scholars of Javanese literature. In kakawin we find a basic division into pada (Eng. "stanza", Dutch "strophe"). The pada is divided into four equal parts, called carik (Eng. "line" or "verse"); " in Lombok the term palet was given.12

8 Bëbasan is the nominal form; less correct but more frequent is the verbal form, thus: sëkaa mëbasan (or mabasan). 8 With this article I Wajan Bhadra was the pioneer on the subject. This report will be found to tally with his views on several points. 10 Confusion is sometimes caused by the fact that some sëkaa have a fixed set of rules, with fines for non-attendance, while others are simply groups of friends who gather to read kakawin when they have time or when there is a special event. 11 Carik means literally "comma", i.e. the comma at the end of each line. 12 However, McPhee (1966, p. 373) gives in his Glossary: "palet, p a 1 e t a n ... in kekawin texts a complete section composed of stanzas having the same metre", i.e. our "canto" — I do not know on whose part the misunderstanding has arisen.

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Each of the four carik has a name. In order they are the pëqawit, mvfysalah, pëfyumbcur) and pëmada. An indefinite number of pada goes to make up a pësalit (Eng. "canto", Dutch "zang"); literally, the term means "changeover", that is, from one wirama to the next. In Lombok the term pësalin was given, and in Singaraja pësalinan, which is also found in Van Eck's dictionary.13 In order to determine what melody is assodated with a given piece of kakawin, a combination of data is required: the number of syllables (aksara) per carik, and the patterm of long and short syllables (- lagu). This is because the method of singing has two aspects: length and pitch. The length of each syllable in singing is determined by the guru-lagu. Western scholars used to claim that the use in Javanese poetry of a metrical system involving a differentiation of syllable-length could not be anything fout an artifidal application of a foreign prindple borrowed from the kawya literature,14 but it is now clear that the metrical length of syllables is of vital importance for the technique of recitation and obviously not superfluous. Syllables that are metri- cally long are held for a longer period of time, and syllables that are metrically short for a shorter time. The sequence of high and low notes (or "melody", Bal. siur15) is determined by the count of syllables per carik. Or in other words, wirama having the same number of syllables per line have a similar melody — I was told that the melodies were very similar in these cases but not quite the same. Hence the total number of basic melodies is fewer than the number of wirama, as several wirama will have almost identical melodies. Thus the term wirama would seem to correspond to what Western scholars have called "metres"; some examples are Sardulawikridita, Wirat, Wasanta- tilaka, Sikarini, Sragdara, Mrëdukomala and Totaka. Of these there may be up to a hundred, whereas the number of basic melodies is estimated at no more than thirty, and probably less. The wirama extends over the whole pada; each line is basically similar, so that the melody is repeated four times, although the melody for certain lines may differ, that difference depending on the wirama concerned.

13 P. 132: "eene aideeling van een gedicht, daar waar eene nieuwe versmaat aanvangt". It is interesting that, as with carik, it is the end of the unit that supplies the term for the whole. " See e.g. Pigeaud (1967), p. 16. 15 In Singaraja the term rëq was given for melody, but in Pliatan it was ex- plained that in fact there is a difference: siur is the melody, which remains the same no matter who sings the wirama, while rei} is the resonance or tone, which varies with each singer.

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The fact that each wiranta is fixed was borne out by the way the members of a sëkaa would join in and help each other when in doubt or would repeat a line together. I asked whether it was possible to write down a wirama, and was told that this could be done by using Balinese musical notation, although this was not really satisfaotory as only the bare outline of the melody could be recorded this way. The only way to learn a wirama properly seemed to be to listen and imitate until perfect. There was a high degree of unanimity as to what the correct melody in any given case was; of course there is no way of telling whether the melody now regarded as correct has any relation to a melody known and used in the author's day — and the question is not of great importance here. The point is that kakawin must be sung, and according to a fixed wirama. In fact my impression was that a correct reading of the lontar and a correct singing of the text are perhaps more important than the paraphrase. There are said to be regional differences in the style of singing wirama, principally between North Bali and South Bali, with other less important differences among the regions of South Bali. As far as I know, the term wirama occurs only in passing in the scholarly literature in this field. It is found in the title of an article by I Goesti Poetoe Djlantik: "Een Balies overzicht van de versmaten («wirama») van de Nagarakrtagama".16 In Korn's "The Consecration of a Priest" (although the reference is somewhait confused) we read: "The third group (of writings) consists of the long series of Middle Javanese writings in wirama verse-form, among which the Baratayuda and the occupy leading positions".17 I Wajan Bhadra says only: "Op het gebied van de wirama's, d.i. de zangmethode volgens de Hindoe-dichtmaat, kan de desa Bandjar zich nog geducht weren".18 And finally, McPhee in the Glossary to his Music in Bali gives: "w i r a m a meter; metho-d of singing texts in Hindu meter, employed chiefly in the Ramayana readings" 10 — McPhee considered oral music as beyond his scope.20

16 In BKI 81 (1925), pp. 116-119. My attention was kindly drawn to this by Professor Zoetmulder. 17 Kom (1960), p. 136. 18 I Wajan Bhadra (1937), p. 7. « McPhee (1966), p. 378. 20 On p. 303 he says: "As with kidung and other categories of Balinese sung texts, the tembang is completely involved with classical Javano-Balinese prosody, and forms the subject for a separate study from the present."

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If I may be excused a digresaiom of a historica! nature, inforrnation kindly made available by Professor Zoetmulder shows that the word wirama does not occur in this sense in the Old Javanese kakawin literature, while in the Middle Javanese kidwq there are examples such as the following from Warjbai} Wideya (3, 90b):21 araras muni punaw, gëndiv, rara buyut duk w, kapw, tiga tuhu alaiyu atut lawan wirama kar^si. The word gëndiq in Bali often applies to singing; it appears that the punctuation or rhythm for the melody:"The Campaka Tree in the Third Month" was given by an instrument called the kai)si. In that case, the term wirama would not seem to occur in literature in its modern technical sense. At a mdbasan session the opening pada is first sung through from beginning to end. The singer (juru mëmaca) then returns to the begin- ning and breaks up each line into phrases according to the meaning, singing them separately, followed each time by a paraphrase declaimed by a second person (the juru basan). The correct separation of the words into meaningful groups for this purpose is called guru-basa. The language used for the. paraphrase is Literary Balinese. I have used the term "paraphrase" or "interpretation" rather than "translation" because in some ways the Literary Balinese closely resembles the Kawi of the original,22 and the aim is not so much to give a grammatical analysis as to render, interpret or paraphrase the content for the benefit of those listening who may not be thoroughly familiar with the Kawi and need to have the significance explained. For this reason I would submit that the so-called commentaries found in some manuscripts of Kawi works are worthy of editors' at- tention, in that they record the view that a certain copyist at a certain time took of the work as a whole and of its contents. That earlier editor could obviöusly not have taken a Western analytical approach to the grammar of his chosen work, but he nevertheless preserved a valid interpretation of it, even though we need not agree with his interpretation at every point. Sometimes the paraphrase is distinctly "free" — but how could it be otherwise, when, confronted with a difficult Sanskrit word, for example, one has no dictionary to consult? My impression is that the older school of paraphrasts has simply learned by heart an interpretation handed down from a father or teacher, whereas the newer school goes

21 Ed. Robson (1971); see pp. 196-197, 282-283. 22 In vocabulary rather than in morphology.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:11:45PM via free access 316 S. O. ROBSON to more trouble to try to discover how a sentence is construoted and how its constituent words are related to each other. Among the 'works selected for reading a definite preference is dis- cernible. Easily the most popular is the , folio wed by Sutasoma, , , and Bhomantaka (Bho- makawya). Other works such as and Parthayajna have been mentioned, but the above five are almost always quoted. Why? Ramayana is regarded as the finest from the viewpoint of beauty of ianguage, while Sutasoma is the most significant from a religious poirit of view. Arjunawiwaha is difficult, largely because of its descriptions of nature; it is noted for its esoteric religious teaching. Bhomantaka and Bharatayuddha are in fact read only rarely. I was told that the weightier the content the simpler the language, and the simpler the content the weightier the language. In practice often passages are chosen that contain teaching; most kakawin contain didactic material, and it is this that is most highly prized as representing the distilled wisdom of former ages. Works apart from kakawin can also be read in sëkaa bëbasan. As for kiduiy, I only heard of Malat and Raijga Lawe being read. Regarding the former, I was told that the problem was the correct way to sing it, although the language was comparatively easy. Regarding the latter, this is a special favourite of the Prince of Pemetjutan (Denpasar), an enthusiast of mabasan. As for parwa, in Mataram (Lombok) I heard a short selection read from Bhïsmaparwa. Kakawin are read and paraphrased not only for study purposes but on other occasions as well, to accompany celebrations of various kinds. They are not essential to the proceedings, but it adds lustre to the occasion and creates a good atmosphere if there is a group singing and interpreting kakawin somewhere in the vicinity. I witnessed this in a home where a .tooth-^filing ceremony was taking place, during a wake held in the home of a deceased man af ter he had been buried ("to comfort the family"), and in a temple during its anniversary celebra- tions. The passage from kakawin to be read may, I was informed, be chosen to suit the occasion. As part of a wider revivalist and reformist tendency in , action has been taken by the Office of Religion (Dinas Agama Hindu dan Budha) of the Kabupaten of Gianyar to stimulate the setting up of new sëkaa bëbasan. According to data kindly made available by the Head of the Office of Religion, there are at present seven groups in the Kabupaten, three in Sukawati, three in Ubud and

Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:11:45PM via free access THE KAWI CLASSICS IN BALI 317 one in Pliatan, each with up to fifteen members; more may be formed in the near future.23 I do not know exactly what the position is in the other seven Kabupatens of Bali.24 In Gianyar instruction in religion is given in the villages, and then sëkaa bëbascm may be formed with the explicit aim of studying kakawin and thus going back to purer and more 'basic sources as a stimulus to rediscover the best. in religion for the individual and society. In Gianyar there were no reports of mabasan competitions, such as are referred to by I Wajan Bhadra. In Tabanan, however, I was told that there are around ten groups in the town itself, and that these had recently engaged in a competition. In recent years the groups in Mataram, Lombok, had held an annual competition as part of their celebration of the Night of Siwa.25 And on 28th October 1971 the Lembaga Bahasa Nasional in Singaraja, Bali, organized a competition (sayëmbara) for singing and interpreting kakcmm and1 kiduw, with the aim of stimulating interest among younger people, both men and women. Apart from being sung and paraphrased in mabasan, kakawin have another important use. But to clarify matters it may help first to adopt the Balinese classification of ceremonies into five types, as follows:28 1. Manusayadna, rites de passage celebrated at the stages of the life of man, e.g. three-month, first year, tooth-filing and marriage ceremonies ; 2. Pitrayadfia, rites for the dead, from burial to cremation and post- cremation ceremonies; 3. Dewayadna, ceremonies for the gods, conducted in temples, chiefly anniversary celebrations; 4. Rësiyadfia, ceremonies for the sages, i.e. the ordination of priests, and 5. Butayadfia, ceremonies for the demons, conducted periodically at various places, to satisfy them and thus dissuade them from inter- fering with the ^welfare of mankind. Within the framework of Dewayadna, according to two sten- cilled booklets published by the Parisada Hindu Dharma (Kabupaten

23 For example, there is a group which has begun practicing in Bedaulu. 24 However, there is certainly activity in this field in Klungklung, Tabanan and Buleleng. 25 Properly held on 14th of the dark half of the seventh month, but often referred to as tilëm kapitu. 26 Cf. e.g. Sutaba (1968), p. 19. The five categories are sometimes put in a different order.

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Badung),27 one (or more) stanzas from the kakawin Arjunawiwaha may be used as a hymn to accompany the act of worship of the gods (pamuspan). The stanza concerned is well known and most appro- priate:28 OJ) sëmbah nhy anatha tirjhalana de trilokasarana wahwadyatmika sëmbah i nhulun i jörjta tan hana waneh saij lwir saken tahën kadi miiiak sakein dadhi kita * saj) saksat mëtu yan hana wwai) amutër tutur pinahayu. Further examples can be given for funeral and cremation ceremonies (pitrayadna). When the body is brought down to be bathed, the passage from Bharatayuddha commencing Atha sëdëiyira... may be sung; and as a processional to the cemetery the passage beginning Mamwit narendratmaja... may be used.29 Again the selections are fitting. The technique for singing these hymns differs from that used in mabasan. The line is divided into separate groups of four syllables; only the sound, not the meaning, is important for this purpose. Such a technique is called guru-pagëh. The second form of Kawi literature to be discussed is the kiduq using sëkar madya. The use to which the kidur^ is put contrasts with the kakawin. It has not been possible to make a complete survey of this subject — that would have required attendance at and close scrutiny of every type of ceremony conducted in Balinese temples, homes and fields. I was told that whereas the kakawin belonged in the home, the kidui) had its place in the temple — this is valuable as a general guide, but is not completely accurate. Some examples of the use of kidui} in ceremonies will be given here by way of illustration. In the first category, Manusayadna, within the space of six months I witnessed the singing of kidwq on two separate occasions, a tooth- filing ceremony and a wedding ceremony. At the tooth-filing ceremony (in Paguyangan, Badung) two elderly pëmcm,ku sang a selection from the Kiduij Tantri (Dëmui)) on the steps of the bale gëde (ceremonial pavilion within the domestic compound) during the actual filing. Earlier, the blessing of the girl by the pëdanda had been accompanied by mabasan from the kakawin Ramayana on the side. Before this the two pëmcnyku, seated below the ancestral shrine (saqgah këmulan) in the family temple {pëmrajan, at the northeastern

27 Entitled Kidung-Kekawin Pantja Yadnja and Kramaning Muspa (1970). 28 Arjunawiwaha, canto 10, stanza 1. 29 Bharatayuddha, canto 12 and Arjunawiwaha, canto 13 resp.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:11:45PM via free access THE KAWI CLASSICS IN BALI 319 corner of the domestic compound), had sung kidwy to the deified an- cestors, in order to influence them favourably toward descending from heaven and temporarily taking their seats on earth, so that they could witness the ceremony involving the life of one of their descendants. This was accompanied by a performance of wayaw, lëmah. On this occasion I was unable to obtain a name for the kxduv,; however, it was most probably Wargasari, which.will be discussed at length below. The wedding ceremony took place in the Puri of Bëdaulu, in the family temple in the late afternoon and early evening. This ceremony followed the first, fifteen days before, and appeared to consist of (1) prayers at the ancestral shrine; (2) a purification from ritual impurities by a pèdanda; (3) the actual wedding; and (4) further prayers at the ancestral shrine. During the prayers the accompanying kiduq was Wargasari, and during the rest of the ceremony selections were sung from the Kidutjs Malat and Tantri. The singers were a variety of people, including at least one Sudra and a Brahmana, joining in as the inspiration took them. Their place was at the foot of the pavilion where the ceremony was being held, below the couple who were seated above, facing the priest and an array of offerings. On enquiry I was told that the selections from Malat and Tantri are sung on such occasions because of their heroic quality and their connection with royalty. This made them fitting material to create a suitable atmosphere for ceremonies involving young people of noble family. They' were clearly not essential, simply helpful. No other kidiiq were ever mentioned. . At another time I was told that a selection from Malat can be sung for pëgunthycm, the shaving of the hair at a child's third otonari. Within the framework of Pitrayadna, kidur, can also be^heard. An example is the following. Before cremation, the bones of the deceased are exhumed. As a number of people will be cremated on the same afternoon, three days beforehand the bones are exhumed by various parties scattered across the graveyard. While watching one of these parties, I noted that'at the depth of about a metre they had reached the skeleton. While digging proceeded and the bones were extracted one by one and deposited on the side on palm-leaf matting, one man stood over the grave holding a branch of the dadap tree and a string of cash, while another sang kidwiy. I was told that the hxduv, was Malat, and that the aim was simply to comfort the deceased at being roused. The leaves and cash, when seen by the deceased, would also induce him to ari&e and be conducted home by his relatives.

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Covarrubias, referring to the night before cremation, says: "Relatives, guests, and populace spend the night divided between watching an all-night shadow-play and listening to public readings of the Balinese classic Bhima Swarga, the tale of the fantastic adventures of Bhima on his visit to Hades. Tradition prescribes that this should be read aloud from beginning to end on the eve of cremation." 30 I am unable to confirm this information, however. For the fui l text of songs, including the interesting Aji Këmbai), which can be used in connection with cremations, the reader is referred to the booklet mentioned above, Kidung-Kekawin Pantja Yadnja. The kiduq associated with the Dewayadiia will be discussed shortly. Finally, I should mention the information that within the framework of the Butayadfia mëcaru can be, if one is inclined, accompanied by kiduv,, but I was unable to witness this. There may indeed be yet other occasions, but they have yet to come to my notice. We must always bear in mind the fact that custom varies from village to village, and within the one village from family to family and from time to time. A discussion of kidut) and their performance inevitably involves us in the pröblem of how they are sung. The so^called tërphan metres (Bal. sëkar madya) have puzzled scholars ever since Berg edited the Kidui3 Harsa-Wijaya in 1931. Fortunately we are now in a position to offer a solution, based on the expedient of enquiring from the singers themselves. In 1971 I speculated that "... the manner ini which such passages are sung can provide information regarding' the metrical structure of the texts concerned." 31 Bearing in mind that there is no initernal punctuation in a stanza, I asked "Are we to conclude that the subdivisioni of the stanza — which there must have been in some way or other ... — was free metrically, and was simply based on syntactic divisions ?" 32 But in fact we might already have been guided by a clue given by Covarrubias: "The Balinese say that it is very difficult to leam the gambang because the performer must think of poetical texts (kidung) to learn the themes. The poems suggest the melody, and the measure and punctuation serve as guides to the rhythm and pauses, so the player thinks of words as he plays. That the gambang is not exclusively Bali-

30 Covarrubias (1937), p. 371. To the best of my knowledge, a Balinese shadow- play performance never lasts all night, but only for about three hours, from 11 p.m. to 2 a.m. Furthermore, "readings" seem unlikely, as poetry is always sung. This makes one wonder whether this is Covarrubias' own observation. si Robson (1971), p. 20. 32 Robson (1971), p. 22.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:11:45PM via free access THE KAWI CLASSICS IN BALI 321 nese is shown tby the fact that there are reliëfs in the East Javanese ruins of Tjandi Panataran depicting gambangs." 33 The information afforded me in Bali is as follows. For kiduv}, the term for melody is pupuh. For singing works such as Malat the text is divided into phrases depending on the meaning: this division is primary. The length of these phrases wdll of course vary. The pupuh is then applied to the phrase, and can be drawn out to fit the words — the expression for this is quad suara.3i Two examples taken from Malat (metre Rara Kadiri) are the fol- lowing. Firstly:35 (a) sarj ratu riij Malayu: kalawan pakanira: kalih won) Papata: pilih asih in manira: woi) ir; Toh-Pati; (b) rowat} in acarub awor: apan yayasanak: asui} sëpah nëhër mijil: rarjga Titah-Jiwa: katëmw w, yawi.

Here the division is into 7, 7, 6, 8, 5 (= 33), and 8, 6, 8, 6, 5 (== 33) syllables. Secondly: 36 (a) marj'kat nrëpati: samatuijgalan samaja: sahaja jujuluk: pinandin lawan dwaja: sëmunira afijrihi; (b) kaïj aiwahana: aewon: parjriknin turaijga: amiim' karna: kaya karëijw in wiyat: lwir lëbur kai) prëtiwi. In this instance the division is into 5, 8, 6, 7, 7 (== 33), and 5, 3, 6, 5, 7, 7 (= 33) syllables. The basic melody is repeated for each phrase. It can be sung "short" or "long", i.e. quickly or slowly. The singing of such a text is learned by heart, it seems; when faced with an unfamiliar text in the same metre a singer had no idea of how to deal with it. So it becomes clear why it would be impossible to play the gambaiy, traditionally the instrument for accompanying kiduv, singing, without having in one's mind a particular passage from kidwt) literature, as the divisions will constantly vary, following a syntaotic rather than metrical principle. These days kiduv, are generally unaccompanied, as are ka- kawin.37 However, I was told that, although now rare and then found only among really well-off people, a pair (or four) gender wayaiq can be used to accompany Tantri (Kawitan and Dëmui}:)' for Pitrayadfia, in particuilair the ceremony of oytsti, also called wfirorasin or nëkah.

33 Covarrubias (1937), pp. 215-216. 34 Ind. memperpandjangkan swara. 35 Sung by Ida Bagus Gede of Wanayu (Gianyar). 38 Sung by I Made Gerija of Kesihan (Gianyar). 37 See also McPhee (1966), pp. 266 and 280.

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The only kiduq using sëkar madya that were mentioned in con- versation were Malat and Tantri; the only metres (pupuh) mentioned were (Rara) Kadiri, Dëmuij, Gula Ganti and Jago Mele. Gula Ganti is supposed to be used when Malat is sung for pëgwntwym (shavirig of the hair). There may exist experts who know more about the subject than this, but I did not meet any. From manuscripts in the Leiden University Library it is clear that many varieties of sëkar madya have been used for kiduiy, but these have never been subjected to an exhaustive study. It is my impression that among certain people there exists a ten- dency to try to impose a sëkar alit system on the sëkar madya — these are people who do not realise that the sëkar madya in fact use a system quite distinct from the sëkar alit. Finally, the Kidui} Aiis-Alis Ijo, to which according to Van der Tuuk magical powers are (or were!) attributed,38 was never referred to; similarly, gita ("singing in the temple, of kakawin by men and kidur$ by women"), and mëpëtuk ("to celebrate before the harvest, at which there is also singing from kakawin") 39 were never mentioned.

There are also Kawi texts which use the sëkar alit, for example the Raijga Lawe mentioned above, but they are not generally known. This brings us to a discussion of the important Wargasari. This belongs withini the context of Dewayadina. In Bali ëvery village has its Pura Dalëm, Pura Desa and' Pura Puseh, and others besides, and every house has its temple too. All these temples then have their anniversary celebration (pdalari), some each Balinese wuku year, that is, every 210 days, and some each Saka year. The celebration lasts for some days. Although at some stage a pëdanda may be invited to come and adorn the proceedings by praying on a high pavilion, remote and ignored, the person necessary to open and close a celebration suoh as an odalcm. is a pëmastyku, as temple priest and keeper. It is he who biesses the offerings and passes down the holy water to be sprinkled on the worshippers.40 A frequent feature of an odalm is the singing of kidut) by one or more pëmmnku. Whenever I asked the name of the kidut} the answer was always the same: Wargasari. But when we look at the

38 See KBW I, p. 285. 39 See KBW IV, p. 721 and IV, p. 187 resp. 40 On two separate occasions I was told that the Brahmanas, and hence also the pëdanda, are a group outside Balinese society, and that their services were not obligatory but only for those who could afford it. But, curiously, it is they who until now have had the lion's share of Western literature, and not the pëmatjku.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:11:45PM via free access THE KAWI CLASSICS IN BALI 323 text of Wargasari that is generally used the reason is clear enough — it describes the gods descending in their glory, and so it is sung when the gods are being invited to come down from heaven and take their places (mëlw,gih) in order to witness the celebrations in their honour. One penuwfiu told me that in fact Wargasari is paryistawan mm,da ida sueca tëdun, that is, praises so that They may be pleased to descend. I am unable to say whether the text used is the same in every case, but suspect that there is some variation. The language of the text is Literary Balinese, not Kawi, and the metre belongs -to the category of the sëkar alit. This is interesting from the point of view of literary history, and raises the question of a relationship with the Middle Javanese kiduty of the same name.41 The version published in Kidung-Kekawin Pantja Yadnja has 31 stanzas, plus two stanzas of Kawitan; another version that I was given has nine stanzas, corresponding to 15-24 of the former. However, a pëmat$u informed me that the original Wargasari is in Kawi and has many stanzas; the other versions are later adaptations, in Balinese for ease of understanding. As the most important stanza he gave the f ollowing: kasy-asih patianiij indurj yayah sai) acihna Wargasari nininya datu nareswari arane punika irjamah-^amah amalar-malar tuhw asih aputra kalih siki lagya mendra moij panon kya Wargasëkar ki nada dëmakan istri.

The metrical scheme of the Balinese Wargasari is 8u, 8e, 8u, 8i, 8a(o), 6u, 6i. The sëkar alit of Balinese are "cbmparablé to the macdpat metres of Javanese; the metrical scheme of Wargasari, however, does not appear to be included among the more familiar macapat "schemes. In the same way as the macapat metres, the sëkar alit• oi Bah' each has its characteristic melody. Hence Wargasari is always sung to the same melody, in a stately and sonorous manner, and always unaccompanied. For this purpose guru-pagëh is applied, and the syllables grouped in twos, regardless of the meaning. I was told that the melodies for singing the various metres of Balinese poetry are different from the Javanese melodies of the same names, and these days are very neglected. This would then contrast with the situation in Java, where tëmbat} are still composed and where

41 See Pigeaud (1967), p. 200.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:11:45PM via free access 324 S. O. ROBSON knowledge of the metres aud melodies is widespread.42 In Lombok too Javanese poetry in the macapat metres is still sung. Having discussed1 the various forms of poetry, in order to complete the picture we still have to mention literature in prose. There séems to be comparatively little interest in prose works. Occasionally a parwa is read for mabasan; in this connection Bhïsmaparwa was mentioned in Lombok. Iri conversation Adiparwa, Wirataparwa and Udyogaparwa were also referred to, but I was told that in theory any of the parwa could be used. As for the ritual use of prose texts, I was informed (but never witnessed) that for the eeremony of -nekah which follows cremation there may be a recitation from Adiparwa or frocn Putur Saji.43 The section of Adiparwa chosen concerns the churning of the ocean. For this purpose there is no translation. Informants were unanimous as to the style of recitation required for prose works. It is called palawakya, which I should like to translate with "declamation". I managed to hear it on only one occasion. It is neither reading aloud nor singing, but a stylized, dramatic recitation. It would be useful to make a further study of palawakya, including especially the relation between the breaks in recitation and the punctu- ation in the manuscript.44 Apart from a use in mabasan and in religious ceremonies, the and literature also have a function in certain dramatic per- formances. Each of these of course forms a separate subject of study in itself, so I will be brief. As for the wayaiy, we can consider firstly the use of Kawi sources for the stories, and secondly the use of Kawi language in the perform- ance. According to a small stencilled booklet by Sugriwa,45 for Manusayadfia wayaq performances may be held as follows. For three-

42 Not as Pigeaud (1967, p.20) has it: "Originally poetry in macapat metres was meant to be sung, and each metre still has its own tune or melody, or in some cases several possible tunes. In old-fashioned country communities not affected by modern hurry, singing macapat stanzas and listening to the singing were favourite pastimes of an evening up to recent times." 43 A work called Putra Pasaji is mentioned by Pigeaud (1967), p. 62. 44 Cf. Pigeaud (1967, p. 15): "In the present author's opinion the Parwas and the Puranas were meant to be recited rhythmically on festive occasions, and their prose originally was rhythmic prose. If pronounced according to present day Javanese practice the Old Javanese prose tales seem to be quite well suited to the purpose of being used as recitation texts." 45 Sugriwa (1963), pp. 12-21.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:11:45PM via free access THE KAWI CLASSICS IN BALI 325 month ceremonies a story of the birth of Krësna or Baladewa, of one of the five Pandawas, of Sutasoma, of Rama or Laksamana. For wedding ceremonies the story may teil of the wedding of Drupadi, of with the seven nymphs in heaven, of Krësna with Rukmini, of Rama and Sita, or of Samba and Yajfiawati. In connection with Pitrayadna, the stories performed for burials or cremations may be taken from Sudamala or Bimaswarga; for post-cremation ceremonies the stories may be taken from Dewaruci or Swargarohanaparwa. For Dewayadfia the stories may be taken from Smaradahana or the story of the churning of the ocean, Samudramanthana, from Adiparwa. For Butayadna the stories taken are the same as those for post-cremation ceremonies and Dewayadfia. I have quoted this authority because of the interest of his information; I have not been able to check it, but would add that such wayaiy performances are by no means compulsory or universal. Besides performances associated with religious ceremonies, the author rightly poiruts out that there are also ones held merely for amusement. Coneeming the use of Kawi language in waywq performances, I was able to observe that the conversations of noble (alus) characters (e.g. Arjuna or' Dharmawaijsa — Bhima's Kawi is detective) are held in Kawi, after which their followers discuss their masters' conversation and explain it in Balinese. The dalaq's skill at such free use of Kawi was astounding. I was told that the untutored members of the audiencë could not understand' the Kawi/ but had to wait for the Balinese explanation, but the spontaneous audiencë reaction and the concen- trated attention made me suspect otherwise. Interspersed in the performance the dalav, sings brief snatches of Kawi, said to be taken from kakawin. The Balinese wayaq is a large subject, so it is to be hoped that it will be studied thoroughly before too long. Kawi is also used in performances of gambuh, a form of baris, jauk and parwa, but these dramatic forms are rare, at least in Gianyar. I was fortunate enough to witness a performance of parwa; the language used was mainly Kawi, interpreted each time by the clowns Twalen and Mrëdah (or Delëm and Sanut), although servants, demons and monkeys used Balinese. As far as I could teil, the Kawi, although handled with remarkable skill, was somewhat limited in range. It belonged to what we might call modern Kawi, that is, to Middle Javanese comparable to that found in the Panji kiduq, rather than to Old Javanese. This could be an extremely important point in a study of the development of the use of Kawi for literature in Bali.

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The important dramatic performances of arja and topev, are in Balinese, but on occasion the arja may use a Kawi source for ks story, while the topeq stories concern Balinese history, probably taken from the Usana Bali, as far as I could ascertain. Both of these forms deserve to be studied in depth.46

This preliminary survey has ranged widely, but it has as yet been impossible to go into much detail. One of the aims has been to show that it is still possible to collect information in Bali concerning Indo- nesia's classical language. The Kawi literature has survived into the present not as a lifeless curiosity, but as a living part of Balinese culture. There are some who are apathetic, and are oblivious to the many treasures that their culture possesses; or perhaps they are resigned to the idea that change must sweep them away. But fortun- ately there are also those who are taking timely steps to preserve and strengthen them. By way of summary I would suggest that the function fulfilled by the Kawi classics is threefold. They contain teaching that is useful for the inner life of man and for the welfare of society; they have a religieus role within the framework of various ceremonies; and they supply the inspiration and material for dramatic performances. Each of these aspects will need to be looked into more fully on another occasion. By way of conclusion, however, I should like to submit here that the Kawi classics are of unique value not just for the Balinese, or for Hindus and Buddhists, but for all Indonesians, as an important part of their cultural heritage.

Jogjakarta S. O. ROBSON

48 De Zoete and Spies (1938) discussed these forras but did not go into sufficient detail; further, their work is now more than 30 years old.

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Appendix I In order to give an impression of the kind of works contained in a lontar collection, I provide the following list of the texts in the pos- session of a person from the Puri of Klungkung. 1. Kakawin: Sutasoma/ Dharma Putus/ Dharma éünya/ Sünya Kelij}/ Bho- mantaka/ Wimalasmrti/ Parthayajfia/ Sarasaijkatha./ Ramayana/ Arjunawiwaha/ Satrughna/ Lubdhaka/ Arjunawijaya/ Malawi/ Candraberawa (Dharmawijaya)/ Bharatayuddha/ Hariwaijsa/ Harisraya.

2. Kaki Tuwa/ Cowak Pupuh/ Tantri Démui)/ Brayut/ Bhima- swarga/ Bhramara Sa^u Pati/ Duh Ratnayu/ Tanitri Maniduka- prakara/ Tantri Pisaca Harana. 3. Parwa: Sarasamucchaya/ Caturasrama/ Udyogaparwa/ Purwa Agama/ Agastyaparwa/ Kapiparwa/ Uttarakanda. 4. Babad: Babad Dalëm.

Appendix II

WARGASARI

This text was provided by courtesy of Drs. M. M. Sukarto (of Bedaulu) and Ida Bagus Gede ( of Wanayu). It shows a number of variations from the text found in Kidung-Kekawin Pantja Yadnja, but even so gives an example which is both fairly clear and a rounded whole.

1. Woi} awigëna pukulun 2. Pai}rëdanane kaluwur mëijrëncana batarane maka marjundarj dewane mërjayat ^aturai) kukus asëp mënyan majagau maduluraq pa^ubakti ambunyane mrik sumirit miwah sahananin) suci cëndanane pada mesandii) apai3 ica ida nonton pëmëndake riij batara nodya sakeij luwur ne karige di luwur kawula manaijkil. ijaran tiga sakti.

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3. Pada siwa majagau sanjatane dianda rumiyin paramasiwa cëndanane sarwanit) permas saranta mënyane galatji ëndih murub kukuse nëbud këla^it lwir mrëtyu sumilir. punika kèaxygën margi pacaij turun rit) kayat)an 7. Rii) pascima ida rawuh pacatj ida rawuh nagapasa sanjatane manusa manyiwi. sopacarane vw, ayun busanane sarwa kunit) 4. Patjastawane wus puput katon kadi gunut) sari turun ida batarane payase atjrawit tinon sakeij purwa ida turun mapënëkës gëlun sakej) kendran samitjiriij sarwa mas kinardi. widyadara widyadari sami pada pëpatëhan 8. Rit) utara ida turun pëtjangene murub sami krësna busanane sarwa ratna rjëndih. safijata cakrane dumun madulurair) ujan at)in 5. Safijata bajrane diumun këlëpe pada mëlilit ne makta widyadarane mega rëmrëm t)ëmu warsa pajëij robrob umbul-umbul tatite pasliyur pëj3ai3gone sarwa putih lwir t)uburaii) lainit. sampun mëdabdab rii) lait)it raris mërjidërin bwana 9. Balëbor) lan unsur-unsur rit) daksina rawuh pëtëtj dëdët palimunan turun sakeij laijit. marit) madya ida rawuh maMt}giih rirj caradi mainik 6. Maprabawa këtug linuh safijata padma sinandi^ ujan raja drës sumiyuk busanane maficawarna teja j)adëg kuwui)-kuwui) sami sampun puput pëi)aT)gone sarwa randi matjidërin gumi.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bhadra, I Wajan Het 'Mabasan' of de beoefening van het oud-Javaansch op Bali, Mededeelingen Kirtya Liefrinck-van der Tuuk V (1937), supplement. Covarrubias, M. Island of Bali, New York, 1937. Djlantik, I Goesti Poetoe Een Balies overzicht van de versmaten («wirama») van de Nagarakrtagama, BKI 81 (1925), pp. 116-119. Eek, R. van Eerste Proeve van een Balineesch-Hollandsch Woordenboek, Utrecht, 1876. KBW H. N. van der Tuuk, Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlandsch Woordenboek, Vols. I-IV, Batavia, 1897-1912.

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Korn, V. E. The Consecration of a Priest, in Bali, Studies in Life, Thought and Ritual, The Hague and Bandung, 1960, pp. 133-153 (translated from "Balische pries- terwijding / Ong awya prana masamah" in Koloniaal Tijdschrift XVII (1928), pp. 481-500. McPhee, C. Music of Bali, New Haven and London, 1966. Parisada Hindu Dharnia Kabupaten Badung Kidung-Kekawin Pantja Yadnja, 1970. Kramaning Muspa, 1970 (?). Pigeaud, Th. G. Th. Literature of Java, (Vol. I), 1967. Robson, S. O. (ed.) Wat>,bat$ Wideya, A Javanese Panji Romance, Bibliotheca Indonesica 6, The Hague, 1971. Sugriwa, I Gusti Bagus Ilmu Pedalangan/Pewajangan, Denpasar, 1963. Sutaba, I Made Upatjara Siklus Hidup di Bali, Basis Okt. 1968 (XVIII - 1), pp. 19-23. Teeuw, A. et al. (ed.) Éiwaratrikalpa of Mpu Tanakun,, Bibliotheca Indonesica 3, The Hague, 1968. Zoete, B. and W. Spies Dance and Drama in Bali, London, 1938.

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