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Introduction.Pdf 7 Introduction PERNILLE IPSEN AND GUNLÖG FUR* There is a story of a young Norwegian boy, aged 6 or so, who met with a friend of his mother’s who happened to be a historian working on colonial encounters. The boy, who was fascinated with American Indians, peppered the historian with ques- tions about the confrontation between Indians and European colonists. His eyes filled with tears as he heard about loss of lands and culture, reservations, and how white people had moved into areas previously inhabited by Indians. Finally he asked in a quavering voice: “But, there were no Norwegians there, were there?” He is not alone in wanting that question to be answered in the negative. Histories of colonial dominion awaken in many Scandinavians hope that our ancestors did not participate in that soiled and sordid past, and a desire to believe that Scandinavian nations have always been defending the world’s diversely oppressed and colonised peoples. Like the young boy, we long for history to demonstrate that our slate is clean. Or, said differently: Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, collectively known as the Nordic, or Scandinavian, countries share a set of discourses about the history of European expansion and colonialism in which direct engagement with colonialism appears to have been on a small scale and belonging to a distant past. Somehow the distance of the colonial past and the often more “indirect” colonial nature of Scandinavian engagements with the European expansion—given that none of the Scandinavian countries managed to attain actual empires like other European states—have allowed twentieth century Scandinavians to adopt a claim of innocence in confrontations with Europe’s colonial past. However, as shown in the following four articles broaching 400 years of Scandinavian expansion and engagements with a colonial world, the kingdoms and the people of Denmark-Norway1 and Sweden-Finland were in fact engaged in both colonial expansion, trade, exploration, and missionary activities.2 Scandinavian colonisation may appear small and insignificant in comparison to that of contem- porary European states, but the engagements with European expansion were diverse and geographically widespread. And it was not for lack of trying. As suggest- ed by Már Jónsson in this issue, the result of the European expansion was not a given. Both Danish and Swedish kings had colonial ambitions that matched those of the Netherlands and England; the overseas trading companies established in this period were equivalent to the better known Dutch and English companies founded Itinerario volume XXXIII (2009) number 2 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.33.19, on 28 Sep 2021 at 02:19:24, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use , available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0165115300003065 8 PERNILLE IPSEN AND GUNLÖG FUR at the same time; and throughout the following centuries Scandinavian kings, mer- chants, explorers, and missionaries were engaged in Europe’s colonial expansion directly as well as indirectly. Even with a narrow definition of colonial history as the history of remote colonies or territories at a considerable distance from the colonial centre—generally beyond the seas—accounts of Scandinavian colonialism contain a myriad of histories.3 Both Danish and Swedish kings and merchants established overseas plantation colonies based on racial slavery. While trade formed the basis of Sweden’s colonial venture in North America (New Sweden, 1638), the colony St. Barthélemy (1784- 1848) served partly as a nexus for the distribution of slaves. Denmark-Norway established a plantation colony in the Caribbean on the islands St. Thomas (1672), St. John (1718), and St. Croix (1733). In addition, Denmark-Norway established colonies in present-day India (Tranquebar 1620; Serampore 1755) and held author- ity over Greenland,4 Iceland,5 and the Faroe Islands.6 Both Sweden and Denmark- Norway established trading posts on the coast of West Africa to participate first in the gold trade and later the slave trade. However, after half a century of postcolonial critique of European colonial narra- tives, colonialism is no longer limited to colonies or colonial institutions. As both ideology and economic system, colonialism was not contained in colonies, but reached local encounters in trading posts, explorations, and missions; and as it made its way around the world it followed Danish and Swedish ships and people as well as Dutch, English, Spanish, Brandenburgers, Portuguese, Italians, French, and other Europeans. As a system of unequal power relations, Scandinavian colonialism is similar to other European colonialisms, and many of its repercussions have been the same on social, economic, political and cultural levels. When the definition of colonialism is broadened to include more than colonies and colonial institutions, Scandinavian engagement in the European expansion is therefore a larger and more complicated history. Indeed, when tracing colonialism beyond colonies to specific historical localities that may or may not have been called colonies, but that, nevertheless, were structured by European colonialism, it becomes clear that Scandinavian colonisation, trade, exploration and mission were all part of a larger system of European expansion. As suggested by the selection of articles in the present issue, the story about Scandinavian colonialism includes a variety of histories, including some—for instance, the history of trade, missions, and development aid—that have not tradi- tionally been considered as related to colonial history. Scandinavian long distance trading continued and expanded long after the Viking age and, as Klas Rönnbäck has recently argued, Swedish merchants took advantage of the expanding intra- European market for colonial commodities, which may have lessened their interest in acquiring formal overseas colonies with all their concomitant costs.7 Swedes, Danes, and Norwegians traded in “colonial” products like sugar, coffee, and spices, and participated in the Atlantic slave trade. Swedish trading companies made short- lived attempts at establishments on the African gold coast (Cabo Corso), where Denmark-Norway also settled in 1658 and through the eighteenth century became —for its size—an important agent in the transatlantic slave trade, exporting Africans as slaves to the Danish plantations in the West Indies.8 Scandinavian adventurers and scientists circumsailed the globe in search of Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.33.19, on 28 Sep 2021 at 02:19:24, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use , available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0165115300003065 INTRODUCTION 9 knowledge, honour, and riches, and thus became part of a larger colonial system. Students of Linnaeus covered the globe in their travels and contributed to the vast project of naming and categorising the world’s diverse flora, fauna, and human life into one unified natural system. Carsten Niebuhr and his team of researchers trav- elled through Arabia on an official grant from the Danish king on one of many such state-sponsored expeditions.9 Scandinavians were employed by other European states, as when several hundred Scandinavians participated in the exploration and management of territories along the river Congo, initiated and sponsored by the Belgian King Leopold.10 From the beginning many Scandinavian colonial ventures were European rather than inherently national. Founded in 1616, the Danish East India Company was modelled after the Dutch VOC and to a considerable extent headed by “experts” from the Netherlands. When the Danish East India trade flourished in the late eigh- teenth century, it was mainly because the major European powers were at war. This enabled Denmark-Norway to utilise the advantages of neutrality. Another important explanation of the success in this period was that illicit fortunes of civil servants in British India often and conveniently were remitted on ships sailing under the Danish flag. Thus, the features of the Danish presence in India were always contingent upon developments among the major colonial powers.11 Similarly, Dutch financial interests backed colonial efforts in the Swedish African Company, as well as in the South Company, or New Sweden Company, that eventually established a formal colony on the Delaware River in North America. Dutch bankers also funded the planters in the Danish West Indies through much of the eighteenth century, just as the Europeans living in the Danish West Indies were most often not Danish but rather British or Dutch.12 Another very important way that Scandinavians came into contact with other populations far from Europe was through missionary activities, which should be included in a colonial history that traces colonialism rather than colonies. As Sunniva Engh mentions in her article in this issue, Norway has sent more mission- aries out, proportionally, than any other nation, and other Scandinavian missionary efforts have also been important.13 Recently, Scandinavian scholars have respond- ed to a renewed focus on religion in historical studies and done interesting work on nineteenth- and twentieth-century Scandinavian missionaries in India and Africa.14 In this issue Karina Skeie shows how the Norwegian mission in Madagascar was not isolated from the politics of colonialism, but, on the contrary, operated in a careful balancing act between the French colonial rule and the Malagasy population. The Norwegian mission benefited from working under French colonial rule, where it gained favours in the eyes of the Malagasy to whom it made a difference that the missionaries were not French. A wider definition of colonialism also challenges Scandinavians to come to terms with what is sometimes labelled inner colonisation. In fact, the story of the coloni- sation of northernmost Scandinavia, the aboriginal homelands of Saami people, has exactly the characteristics of colonialism, as one ethnic group sought and gained dominance over another. In the early modern era the kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark-Norway vied for dominance, agreeing finally to draw a line dividing the realms in 1751.
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