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6-1970 Colores in Cicero's Philippics I and II, and in Pliny's Panegyricus Marilyn Jacke Smart
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Recommended Citation Smart, Marilyn Jacke, "Colores in Cicero's Philippics I and II, and in Pliny's Panegyricus" (1970). Master's Theses. Paper 980.
This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COLORES IN CICERO'S PHILIPPICS I AND II, AND IN PLINY'S PANEGYRICUS
BY
MARILYN JACKE SMART
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS
JUNE 1970
LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND VIRGINIA APPROVED BY THE DEPARTMENT OF ANCIENT LANGUAGES
5_. ;p. I "tW ~DIRECTOR (J.rli;:,_ ~ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My eternal gratitude and love to my hus band, John, and my daughters, Beth and Susan, for their understanding and cooperation in this endeavor, but most of all for their lov ing patience which at times was only short of m1raculous.
My appreciation and love which can never be adequately expressed to my mother, my fath er and my grandmother, for their tireless ef forts to free my.. time, and for their unending encouragement, comfort and love.
My thanks to the members of the faculty and my friends in the Department of Ancient Languages of the University of Richmond for their friendship, encouragement and help.
My very special thanks to my director and friend, Dr. Joseph s. White, for his time t' his advice and his determination and assurance that this thesis would be completed. TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . i PREFACE • . . . . iii CHAPTER I Non-Technical Color • . • ...... 1 Technical Color • • ...... 19 CHAPTER II The First Philippic . . . . • • • • • • 4 4 The Second Philippic . . • • • • • • 5 8
CHAPTER III .71
CONCLUSION ...... • • 9 5 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ancient Sources . i Modern Sources • • . v
VITA
LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND VIRGINIA
ii PREFACE
Color, as a figure of speech, is a small part of the art of rhetoric. The various definitions and uses of color in a selection of ancient writers form the subject of this thesis. The purpose is to present examples of col'o'r'es found in· PhiTi·p·pics I and II of Cicero, and in the· Pan·egy'r'icus of Pliny the Younger. These ex amples will be correlated to the demands of the situation of each speaker. Cicero's speeches represent free oratory during the period of the late Republic; Pliny's speech represents epideictic oratory during the Empire. The first chapter of this thesis will serve as an introduc tion to the history and development of color in Roman rhetoric, with definitions and major examples of its meanings and uses, first as a non-technical term and then as a technical term. Major ancient writers quoted in Chapter I are Cicero, Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
Quintilian, Sallust, Seneca Rhetor and Juvenal. There are additional definitions and commentaries from modern writers.
In Chapter II we shall examine the First and
Second Philippics of Cicero with emphasis on Cicero's definitions and use of color as a non-technical term. He also used co·lor in a technical manner. He employed this well-known and frequently used oratorical device which ·only after the advent of the Rhetorical schools and the ·decline of oratory durinq the empire, assumed the Latin nomen of· ·coTor.
Chapter III will deal with the· Panegyricus to the ·Emperor Trajan written by Pliny the Younger. It is a valuable example of Silver Age adulation and em bellished rhetoric in which Pliny has used abundantly both technical and non-technical ·colores. CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Non-Technical Color
As a definition of colores in its general and non-technical sense, Stanley F. Bonner states, "The colores are the Persian carpet of the declaimeri look at it from one angle and the colours are bright and clear, the pat tern simple, but observe it from another angle, and the shade deepens, the pattern changes, and the whole appears in a different light."l Marcus Tullius Cicero exhibited a style of ora- tory equalled by few. In its clarity and brilliance it was his g£eat strength. Such a styie recognized the necessity, nevertheless, of some type of embellishment which Cicero believed was, to a certain degree, inherent in :the very nature of good oratory: "ornatur igitur oratio genere primum et .quasi colore quodam et suco suo. 11 2
lstanley F. Bonner, Rom:an· Decl"antation in the Late Republic and Early Emoire, (California: University of- California Press, 1949), p. 56. 2cic. De Or. 3.25.96. See A. s. Wilkins, ed., M.· Tulli CiceronisDe Oratore Libri Tres, (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1965), p. 459, n. 14,coIOre: "here it is • • • the generally diffused element which is thought of: we should say in this case ••• 'tone• or 'complexion'". 2
Thus the embellishment of oratory arises from its "'gen- eral character' and from its color or 'tone' and its own
strength. 11 3 Cicero felt that this quality which had to be brought out by the orator, was not peculiar to any one part of oratory, but, as Ernesti writes, pertained to the whole corpus.4 It was this diffusion of ·coTor, or spirit · {sucus) , through the whole body of the speech which gave expression and feeling to the speech.5 It was color as a non-technical term with which Cicero was famill.ar.
Color, as embellishment or decoration of oratory, and used in these instances by Cicero in a general, non- technical manner should not be thoughtlessly scattered at random over the entire speech. For just as satiation may occur with excessive richness in one's food and drink, so too, it easily occurs with language.6 This same stress on the necessity for moderation.in the use of colores
3wilkins, p. 459, n.14 genere. Cf. p. 518, n. 6, 11 co-io·r·em, "tone • 4J. c. T. Ernesti, Lexicon Technologiae Latinorum Rhetoricae, (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1962), p. 63, where he defines the corpus of the speech to which this quality 11 11 pertains as , a·11gemeiner Charackter der Rede •
Sibid., p. 64.
6cic. De Or. 3.25.99-100. See Sen Rh.· Contr. 4.3.3, _where Pollio warns against putting a11· colores in one section; (See Bonner, p. 73). 3
is found in ·Ad Herennium:
omne ·genus orationis, et grave et mediocre et atenuatum, dignitate adficiunt exornationes . • • quae ·si rarae "disponentur, distinctam si cuti coloribus, si crebrae conlocabuntur, ob liquam reddunt orationem.7 To Cicero, as to Seneca, 8 the well-applied use of ·colores was an important, even necessary ability of the well- trained orator. It was only the well-trained orator
who possessed the capa~ity for rendering with grace and flavor those topics which would othe:rwise present themselves as deadly tedious and boring.9 Toward his conclusion
of Book 3 of the De Oratore, Cicero again states the importance of the proper use of decorations, and then uses color in a somewhat different sense from the one he, had used previously, this time meaning "tone", in a discussion and definition of the three styles of ora tory .10 It is in all three styles, sublimi, medio et tenui, Ernesti states, that color should be found, not
merely on the surface, but diffused thro~ghout in accord-
7Auct •· Ad Her. 11.16. Bsee Bonner, p. 147, where he states that Seneca was always ready to applaud a good col·or, but quite often criticized them as "far-fetched ·c16nge arcessitus, Controv. 1. 6. 9) , puerile (puerilis ,· "Suas. _2 .16, J?ionysius *µ1:'y;a,JC.1t3071s De ·rsoc. c. 12, De Dem. cc. 5, 20, 21) in bad taste (cacozelia, cacozelos, Controv. 9·.1.15, 10.2.28, Suas. 2.16, 7.11) or stupid (Controv. 1.3.11, 1.4.12) or iriept (Con:trov. 1.4.7)." 9cic. De or. 1.13.55-58.
!Ocie. De or. 3.52.199. 4 ance with its very nature.11
Aqain from the De Oratore, co'lor is used with the idea of "tone":
"Est", inquit Catulus , 11 ut dicis; sed iste ipse Caelius neque distinxit historiam varie tate colorum neque verborum conlocatione et tractu orationis leni et aequabili perpolivit illud opus; sed ut homo neque doctus neque maxime aptus ad dicendum, sicut potuit, dolavit; vicit tamen, ut dicis, superiores. 11 12 In commenting on this section, Wilkins states that "the MSS. all give locarum [for colorum]. . • .Jacobs suggested colorum, which has been adopted by Kayser, Pid., Sorof, and some earlier editors. This is strongly supported by some parallel passages: cp.· Ad Her. 4.11.16 ••• and
Or. 19.65 {of the epideictic style) ••• Of course color is in these passages (as in 3.25.95; 52.199) used in its ordinary sense, though applied figuratively •.• it is perhaps more natural here that Caelius should be charged with a want of variety in style, rather than with defic- ient sententiousness, though Cicero in Hrut. 93.322 does complain of the lack of orators in his youth ••• Kiihner rejects the reading colorum on the ground that the style is not discussed until the following clause, but this begs the question. Wit.h the reading in the text we may translate: 'But even your friend Caelius himself did
llErnesti, p. 64.
12cic. De or. 1.13.54. 5 not set off history by any variety of colouring, nor did he give polish to that work of his by the arrangement of. his words and by the smooth and regular flow of his style.' nl3
Cicero wrote his rhetorical treatise, the Brutus de claris oratoribus, in 46 B.C. It is a prag- matic history of Roman oratory and extremely valuable because of the abundance of historical material it contains.14 Like the De Oratore, the Brutus is also a dialogue. The participants in this case are Titus Pomponius Atticus, Marcus Junius Brutus and Cicero. At one point the discussion turns to non-Roman orators.15 Brutus asks Cicero what the characteristics are which distinguish the so-called "foreign" orators from those of Rome. To this query Cicero replies that other orators have the very same characteristics as Roman orators ex- cept for the fact that their speech "non est • • •
13wilkins, p. 253, n. 2,· varietate colorum. 14Teuffel's History of Roman Literature, revised and enlarged by Ludwig Schwabe, translated by George C. W. Warr, Vol. I, (New York: Burt Franklin, 1967) I P• 298. lScic. Brut. 169-72 •
.. -;" ' .' ··.:-- ,.,, .:., " 6 urbanitate quadam quasi colorata".16 Ernesti, in dis- cussing color urbanitatis, states that Cicero calls it the "saporem quendam vernaculum: romischer National- Ton in Sprache und Ausdruck, woran ich gleich den ge bornen Romer erkenne. 11 17 · Color, theri, as defined by Cicero, was the figure of speech in its non-technical sense, and to Cice.ro him- self it was that special characteristic inherent in good oratory which distinguished the fine and polished speaker from the man of mediocre talents. According to Cicero, the power to persuade was the ultimate goal of the ora- tor: "His praise of Hortensius applies with more force to himself: 'no one could be more terse and pointed when he wished to raise a laugh; no one could better move the judges to anger.or tears; no one, in fact could
16rbid., 169. For a discussion of urbanitas, es pecially urb'ai1itatis color, see E. S. Ramage, "Urbanitas: Cicero and Quintilian, A Contrast in Attitudes", AJPh, 84 (1963), p. 399: "He (Cicero) could hardly be less exact than he is here with his guida.m and ·quasi. The verb co"loro strengthens this impression of uncertainty. But Brutus presses him for a definition of the term, and he can only come back with·the assertion that he does not really know what it is. It is just a certain urbanity, (tantum esse quendam scio)". 17Ernesti, p. 64. He also cites Quint. 6.3.107 for a definition of urbanitas: "urbanitas ••• ut non tam sit in singulis dictis quam in toto colore dicendi." For coio·rari in the sense of 11 complexion 11 see Cic. De Or. 2.60 on which Otto Jahn and Wilhelm Kroll, ·(Brutus, Zurich/Berlin: Weidmannsche, 1964, p. 177) in their notes and commentary state: ·11 colora·ri wird besonders von denen gesagt, welche in der Sonne leben und dadurch eine kraftige Hautfarbe bekommen. 11 7 better achieve the supreme aim of the orator--to convince. 111 18 In the early years of the Augustan Age Dionysius of Halicarnassus lived in Rome and wrote a treatise on literary composition and theory, ne· Comp·os'iti·o·ne Verhorum, and also three letters devoted to literary criticism. One of the letters is of particular importance in this present paper. It is addressed to one Ammaeus in answer to a request from him for a fuller explanation of the views which Dionysius had expressed on the rhetorical style of the historian, Thucydides.19 Dionysius held the opinion that Thucydides could be completely comprehended by very few people because of the obscurity in his writings, which Dionysius traces to a desire for brevity on the part of Thucydides.20 "This desire is part of the struggle of genius to express it self forcibly in the imperfect medium of language. 11 21
18c.A.H., vol. IX, p. 758, translating Cic. Brut. 93.32;
190 .H. Ad Amm. II. 2. The· Three Literary Letters, ed. and trans. by W.-Rhys RobertS, (Cambridge, Mass.: Univer sity Press, 1901). On Ammaeus, see PW. vol. R 1. Band I,2: 1842, 20-25: "Freund des Dionysios von Halikarnassos, welcher an ihn verschiedene rhetorische Schriften (Trep~TWV a-,1Yta.<'uJv f"t"JT Dionysius continues his description of the style of Thucy- ,, a.ides by pointing out the four a/y~v~, and the 'tjJc.Jp-a.,r~ of the style of Thucydides. Dionysius uses if t.J f'-Ct,. lcU or ·co·lores, in the non-technical sense, and defines them as "solidity, pungency, condensation, austerity,. grav- ity, terrible vehemence, and above all his power of stir ring the emotions. 1122 The following sentence from Thucy dides contains many of the "colours" of style which, accordi~g to Roberts, Dionysius sees in Thucydides, such as "pregnant brevity, a r~9ged austerity of movement (not for Thucydides the smooth. glide of Isocrates, with no vowel meeting vowel), gravity, vehemence, and the power of stirri~g the emotions. 11 23 Turning to the De Compositione Verborum, Dionysius . ., uses ~CUftQd"lV again in the non-technical sense·, to mean the "ornaments of speech". Here Dionysius is stressing \ I 11 11 11 11 the necessi't y f or Tco mpGTT 0'-' .-- I SUitability Or fitneSS , (11appropriateness11, Roberts) to which, he states, all 220.H. Ad Amm.II. 2. (Roberts). 23Roberts, Greek Rhetoric, p. 82. 24Thuc. Hist. 1.23.2. 9 -;yoJp.cira.. must be associated. 25 Dionysi us uses iftJf-a...TQ./ in one other section of the De Com:positione· Verborum, again in the non-technical, descriptive manner of 'complexion" or "character of style", (Roberts translates "complexion"). In this section Diony- sius is commenting on the necessity of a facility for proper composition, both in prose and in poetry. He adds that if words are unchanged, but the arrangement of those words is altered, the complete piece loses the "entire 11 effectiveness of the lines , including the JfU.~jL~ra.;. 26 25n.H. Comp. 20 (Roberts, p. 198, 13-16). See the discussion oj Xf.Z5p-a.. in Roberts, D.H. Comp., pp. 333-34, glossary, ~~wµa:., where Roberts corrunents: 11 '/t.jJWµa.O'lV should be retained (in place of Usener's ~,P~f-':~~<-V ) in the sense of 'or~aments'; the orname~ts in question bein~. ~AOS fZu7e. ves , pueµ..'os J..~ c..wpaJtk.OS, p.-E.ra.pc;.>.·'t? f'-t"J'o.J.o €:-Tr1~. . . Compare ~oo de De__:nosth. ,c. 22 KOC'h<-°uv~os o...rrc;.v '1llt , tJ>UJµ..a.rLro vrDS T'f'} rrparoUOY/ vrroK/)L In the early years of the empire many writers severely critized the decline of true rhetoric,27 the practice of declamation and the ostentatious style of oratory now gaining. great popularity. Marcus Fabius Quintilianus, a professional rhet- orician recognized these criticisms and acknowledged the correctness of them,28 but still expressed optimism for the state of oratory, maintaining, nevertheless, a firm opinion of the major role which proper rhetorical train- ing should play. His Institu:tio Oratoria, published in 95 A.D., is both a teaching manual and a technical hand book. It deals with education in the flelds of grammar and rhetoric, ideas and thoughts concerning the art of oratory, basic distinctions and definitions, and the var ious parts of the oratio.29 It is in Quintilian that definitions and examples of color, both as a technical and as a non-technical term are to be found. Quintilian's use of color as a non-technical term will be examined first. His technical colores will be discussed in the second part of Chapter I. In Book 8, Quintilian uses ·color in the non- technical sense of "tone"; he states that: 27sen. E!P.· 114; Pers. Sat. 3.44-7; Petron.· 'Sat. 1-2; Tac.· Di.al. 28-31, 35. 28Quint. Inst. 2.10.1-12. 29A. D. Leeman,· or·ationis Ratio, (Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 1963), p. 298. . 11 hie ornatus (repetam enim) virilis et fortis et sanctus sit nee effeminatam levitatem et fuco ementitum colorem amet: sanguine et viribus niteat.30 In Book 10, Quintilian uses color again in the non-technical sense to mean "appropriate tone". Sed dum adsequimur illam firrnam, ut dixi, facili tatem, optimis adsuescendum e~t et multa magis quam multorum lectione formanda mens et ducendus color. 31 In 10.1.116, color is again used as the non-technical term, also with the meaning "appropriateness". In this section Quintilian is discussing the merits and abilities of Cassius Severus who had been banished by Augustus be- cause of his scurrilous lampoons and had died in 34 A.D. Multa, si cum iudicio legatur, dabit imitatione digna Cassius Severus, qui si ceteris virtutibus colorem et gravitatem orationis adiecisset, pon endus inter praecipuos foret.32 In reference to this particular usage, Peterson states that here the term has a more general sense, with Quintilian merely charging Cassius with a lack of proper "tone", and that in this sense color does not take the connotation of "gloss" or "varnish" which it receives in its technical 30Quint~ Inst. 8.3.6. . 31Quint. Inst. _10.1.59. See W. Peterson, ed., Quintilianus, Mar'C'ti"S""Fabius, Institutionis Oratoriae, Liber X, (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1903), commentary, p. 37: "color here is the 'appropriate tone' which will vary with the subject or the occasion: cp. Cic. Or. 42. ~educata huius (Isocratis) nutrimentis eloquentia-ipsa se postea colorat' ("gathers strength and color"): de Or. 2.60." 32Quint. Inst. 10.1.116 • • 12 usage.33 In his commentary to Book 12 of the Tnstitutio or·atoria, R. G. Austin states that, "there is a different and non-technical serise of color, i.e., the ·•tone' of a speech, the 'cast' of its style. 11 34 To illustrate this non-technical use of color he cites Quintilian 10.1.59, as well as 12.9.17: " ••• sed ipsa [tota actio] coloris inaequalitate detegitur" and 12.10.71: "non unus color prooemii, narrationis ••• servabitur." Still another variation on the basic meaning of color as "tone" or "twist of style" is found in 10.6.5, where Quintilian uses the phrase, extemporalis color. Peterson ex~lains this usage as "a sudden inspiration, or 'happy thought' with the notion of suddenness being ·contained in offulserit. Color must carry the idea here of something that 'sets off' the subject, --an unpremedi- tated turn of expression, embodying a thought which sudden- ly flashes on the speaker's mind. Others take it as the abstract for 'id quad habet colorem extemporalem' (dictorum extempore): a thought or expression which suddenly occurs, and which has on it the mark of improvisation. 11 35 33peterson, commentary p. 76. See also Cic.· De Or. 3.96 34R. G. Austin, ed. , 'Qu·inti'lianus ,· Ma·rcus· Fabi·us, Institutionis Orat6riae,'. Liber XII, (Oxford:. The Clarendon PreSSj 1965), p. 67. 35Peterson, p. 114, n. 5. As an antithesis to 10.6.5., see 10.7.7: " ••• ut scriptorum colorem etiam quae subito effusa sint reddant", which is to say that continuous practice is necessary "so that even our improvisations may reproduce the tone of our writing~" (Trans. by H. E. Butler, LCL). 13 "Aristotle in the Rhetoric felt that all the vir- tues of style ·could be included under clearness or under appropriateness (3.12). But most of his followers made four virtues of style: correctness, clearness, embellish ment, and appropriatenes·s. n 36 It is in the categories of embellishment and appropriateness that ·c·olor as a non-technical term may be established. ·11 Flor-es ,· co'lores, lumina in rhetorical contexts are synonyms of ·exor·natio. The flowers, colors, and lights are the embellishments which distinguish the art prose of the orator or man of letters from the plain prose of everyday life. 11 37 In Book 3 of the De Oratore, Cicero has Crassus 36Donald Lemen Clark, Rhetoric in Greco-Roman Education, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1957), pp. 83-4, and also n. 11, where he cites Cic. De Or. 1.114; Quint. 8. Proem. 31, and 8.1.1. 37c1ark, p. 89. See also Wilkins, pp. 61-4, where he discusses the fourth book of Ad Herennium which is devoted to style (elocutio). It is here-""that the requisites for an orator's language are given--Wilkins lists them as I.· Ele- . ·g·antia; II •. Compositio; III.· Dignitas wh,tch resides. in{a) · ve·rborum ·exornatio, (b) sententiarum exornatio. Wilkins states, "The term exornatio as used here--it has a different sense in Cic~ Part. Orat. 3.10, where it is used of the demonstrati vum-- genus--corresponds- to the Greek 6""X'lf.-a,,f"\ gener- ally translated by the Latin rhetorician~ figura, [but see p. 3'1 infra, for Volkmann' s discussion of O'l!:fj'µ.a.] though Cicero also uses in this sense forma '(Brut. 17.69} and ·1umen ·corat. 25.83) • 11 On pp. 62-4 Wilkins lists the figures by whichVerborum exornatio and s·ententiarum exornationes are effected. See also ad Her. 4.13~18: ·Dignitas est quae-reddit ornatum varietate distin guens. Haec in verborum et in senteritiarum exor- . nationes dividitur. Verborum exornatio est q~ae ipsius sermonis insignita continetur perpolitione. Sententiarum exornatio est quae non in verbis, sed in ipsis rebus quandam habet dignitatem. (Cf. Ad Her. 4.11.16, quoted p. 3, supra.) •· 14 state that it is not enough for an orator to use correct grammar or simply be intelligible to his listeners: nemo enim umquam est oratorem quod Latine loqueretur, admiratus; si est aliter, inrident, neque eum oratorem tantummodo, sed hominem non putant; nemo extulit verbis, qui ita dixisset ut, qui adessent, intelligerent quid diceret, sed contempsit eum, qui minus id facere potuisset.38 Here Crassus bursts forth with an explicit definition of the qualities of a good orator: In quo igitur heroines exhorrescunt? Quern stupefacti dicentem intuentur? In quo exclamant? Quern deum, ut ita dicam, inter homines putant? Qui distin.cte, qui expli cate, qui abundanter, qui inluminate et rebus et verbis dicunt et in ipsa oratione quasi quendam numerum versumque conficiunt, id est, quod dico, ornate.39 In this speech of Crassus in which he has explained the need for embellishment of oratory, Cicero has illustrated that veiy virtue. In his commentary to this section, Wilkins states that "ornate dicere includes the clear- ness, artistic development of the theme, copiousness, brilliant thoughts ana phrases40 and a rhyth~ical periodic style: 'id est (qui dicunt), quod dico ornate' is the full construction."41 In order to embellish or "color" this speech 38cic. De or. 3.14.52. 39 Ibid. I 53. 40see De or. 3.52.201. 4lwilkins, p. 436, n. 12, ornate dicere • • 15 Cicero has employed many figures: a series of rhetori cal questions, alliteration and anaphora with the repetit- ion of in· quo • • • ·_-quern • • • ·_·in· ·quo .• • ~quern;' qui • ·q·ui • • ·• ·q·ui . • • ·.-q·ui • • .- ·et • • ·.-et • • .- ·et • • • quasi guendam • • .- ·quod. There is a striking example of asyndeton in ·qui ·distin·cte ,· ·qui· ·exp·li'cate ,· qui· ·abun danter, qui inluminate, broken abruptly by the use of three conj unctions, et rebus et verbis • • .- et • • • Quintilian expresses the same idea in section 3 of Book 8 ·(de· ·ornatu) , where he states that more is needed to turn a speaker into an orator than an ability to speak emendate quidem ac lucide. However, cultu atque ornatu, the orator presents himself for the approval of the people as well as the learned. Quintilian then cites as an example the case presented by Cicero in de- fense of Cornelius. Quintilian says: an in causa Gaii Cicero Corneli consecutus esset docendo iudicem tantum et utiliter dernum ac Latine perspicueque dicendo, ut populus Romanus admirationem suam non adcla matione tantum sed etiam plausu confitere tur? Sublimitas profecto et magnificentia et nitor et auctoritas expressit illum fragorem. 42 Thus to Quintilian Cicero's ·orn·atus, or as we are equating it for the purpose of this paper, his· ·col'or in the non-technical sense of embellishment consisted in this case of sublimitas ·et magnificentia et niter ·et 42Quint •· Tnst. 8. 3. 3. 16 · ·auctoritas. In further discussing orna:tus and how it should be tised, Quintilian stre~ses the need for appropriate words: Ut autem in oratione nitida notabile humilius verbum et velut macula, ita a sermone tenui sublime nitidumque discordat fitque corruptum, quia in plano tumet. quaedam non iam ratione quam sensu iudicantur ••• 43 Here Quintilian quotes Virgil (Aen. 8.641}: 11 Stabant et caesa iungebant foedera porca. 11 Quintilian states that Virgil invented the word porca as a feminine noun derived from the expected word porcus, 11 ut illud fecit elegans fictio nominis, quod si fuisset 'porco'.vile erat."44 In Book 4, the author of Ad Herennium gives an example of oratio gravis which, he states, will contain the embellishments of style, the ornatissima verba •• • exornationes sententiarum aut verborum~ in short, non-technical colores. Nam quis est vestrum, iudices, qui satis idoneam possit in eum poenam excogitare qui prodere hos tibus patriam cogitarit? Quod maleficium cum hoc scelere conparari, quod huic maleficio dig num suppliciumpotest inveniri? In iis qui vio lassent ingenuum, matremfamilias constuprassent, vulnerassent aliquem aut postremo necassent, maxima s·upplicia maiores consumpserunt; huic tru culentissimo ac nefario facinori singularem poenam non reliquerunt. Atque in aliis maleficiis ad 43Quint. Inst. 8.3.18-19. 44rhid. , 19. 17 singulos aut ad paucos ex alieno peccato iniuria pervenit; huius sceleris qui sunt adfines uno consilio universis civibus atrocissimas calamitates machinantur. O feros animos: O crudeles cogitat iones: O derelictos homines ab humanitate:· Quid agere ausi sunt aut cogitare possunt? Quo pacto hostes, revulsis maiorum sepulcris, diiectis moeriibus, ovantes inruerent in civitatem; quo modo deum templis spoliatis, _optimatibus truci datis, aliis abreptis in servitutem, matribus familias et ingenuis sub hostilem libidinem sub iectis, urbs acerbissimo concidat incendio con flagrata; qui se non putant id quod volverint ad exitum perduxisse nisi sanctissimae patriae miser andum scelerati viderint cinerem. Nequeo verbis consequi, iudices, indignitatem rei; sed negleg entius id fero, quia vos mei non egetis. Vester enim vos animus amantissimus rei publicae facile edocet ut eum qui fortunas omnium voluerit prodere praecipitem proturbetis ex ea civitate, quam iste hostium s~urcissimorum dominatu nefario voluerit obruere.4 In discussing this passage, Caplan states that "the example is of an amplificatio criminis, belonging to the Conclusion of a speech. For an analysis of this passage, see Jules Marouzeau, Rev. de Philol. 45 (1921). 155-6, and Traite de stylistique appliqu~ au Latin, Paris, 1935, p. 181: The diction is grandiloquent, but not artificial as in the passage below illustrating the swollen style [4.10.15]. Note the elegant and learned abstract in -tus (dominatu) for -tio, the archaic genitive deum, the far-fetched hostilem libidinem (adjective serving for. genitive of noun), the artificial disjunctions (e.g.,· ·idon·eam. poenam), the periods, the tripartite interjections, the chiasmus ~r.i·. violassent ·ingenuum,· m:atre:m:fam:iti·as ·co·nstu- prassent, the play on words · (homi·n·ern: hllinanitate, 45Ad Her. 4.8.12. 18 · :e)tcogitare· c·ogitari t) , the accumulation of epithets and of superla ti ves, the contrasts as in· ·uno c·ons·il"io, universis civibus, the variety in the echoes ·(quo· pacto, ·quo· tn:o·do) , the periphrasis in· hu:ius· s·celeris· ·qui ·su·nt adfin·es, the expressive verb.s · (excogita:re ,; ·con·stupr·c:ssent, rnachinantur, conflagrata ,· trucida:tis) , and the· poetic words (e.g., moenibus). Figures of speech are Paro- nornasia • • . in· excogitare • · ·cogitari t, !so colon • ·c·o·n·pa:rari ,_· quod. huic ._·, ·itiveniri,. ~postrophe • . • _in· O feros an·irnos . . . hurnanitate, Reasoning by Question and Answer in . Quid agere, etc., and Surrender ••• in the last two . sentences of the passage."46 46Harry ca"plan I trans.· Ad c .· Her·enniurn: Libri• ·rv De Ratione Dicendi, Loeb Classical Library, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1954), pp. 256-57,· n.b. 19 Technical Color The most important source of information concern- i~g the ·status of rhetoric during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius is the work of Annaeus Seneca (Rhetor) , fathei of the philosopher. It is entitled Oratorum · ·et ·Rhetorum: Sententiae· Divi·siones Colores. Seneca wrote this book in his old age at the request of his sons.47 Altho~gh it was probably written toward the end of the reign of Tiberius, the subject matter deals primarily with the problems of declamation during the reign of Augustus when Seneca was a young man.48 The· declamation·es of Seneca's time had evolved into a somewhat different type of rhetorical exercise than had been practiced in Cicero's day. For Cicero, they had been practice exercises for entertainment or consolation, but at· all times they were private affairs only_ given before a small group of close friends. 49 Cicero had used the terms· ·declam:are ,· declamatio ... 4 ?Ludwig. Bieler,· Hi.story of_Rom:an Lite"rature, condensed and adapted by John Wilson, (New York: Macmillan, St. Martin's Press, 1966), p. 116. · 48Leeman, p. 224. 49Bonnei, p. 31: See also n. 2, where he cites Cic. · Phil. 2 .17. 4 2: "vini exhalandi, non ingenii acuendi causas declamas. Cf. ·[Phil.] 5. 7 .19. 11 20 and controversiae, but only in a very general sense. The Controversiae as known in Seneca's time were only beginning in Cicero's day.SO H. Bournecque gives the: date 10 A.O. as the probable introduction of "public" declamation where anyone was allowed admission.51 The transition from declamations of Cicero's day to those of the early part of the first century A.O. was gradual, beginning first in the rhetorical schools. Later declamations were delivered before pupils and an invited audience. They became in Seneca's time and even more in Quintilian's age, a very special form of public speaking. The rhetor remained a teacher but became himself the model for his pupils. The declamationes which Seneca Rhetor uses fall into this transitional period, and it is also this trans- itional period in which color as a rhetorical figure receives its own transition in meaning and usage. Bonner states that prior to the time of Seneca, the term SOcharles Sears Baldwin, Ancient Rhetoric and Poetic, (Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1959), p:-87, n. 30, where he cites Cic. Brut. 310, "Commentabar de clamitans--sic enim nunc loquuntur". Baldwin continues, "On this point Seneca has no doubt:--'Declamabat autem Cicero non quales nunc controversias dicimus, ne tales quidem quales ante Ciceronem dicebantur, quas thesis vocabant. Hoc enim genus maxime, quo nos exercemur, 1 adeo novuum est, ut nomen quoque eius novum sit • Seneca Controv. 1 praef. 12." . 51H. Bournec~ue, Les declamationes et les de clamateurs d'apres Senegue le Pere, {Lille,-r9Q2f, Vol. II, n. 239, cited by Bonner, p. 40, n. 1. 21 ·color was applied only in a general, non-technical way to mean "cast", .or "tone" of style.52 In this sense its meaning equalled the Greek v;;Dp.a..i as we have dis cussed previously with citations from Dionysius of Halicarnassus.53 However, in the· Controversiae of Seneca,· ·color takes· on an additional and different mean- ing, and begins to be used in a technical sense to mean, 11 11 11 as Bonner defines the term, twist of argument , "plea , or 11 excuse 11 .54 It is also defined, in this technical sense, by J. E. B. Mayor, as a term which "denotes the varnish,_ gloss or colour by which the accused endeavors to palliate, the accuser to a~gravate, the allowed facts 52Bonner, p. 55: for examples of this usage n.3 refers to Cic. D~ Or. 3.25.96; 52.199, "(Both qualified with ·quasi and/or Sfliidam); Brut. 44.162; 46.171; so likewise 'colorare ,· De Orat. 2 .14. 60; Orat. 13. 42; Brut. 46.170. 11 ------See also. Seneca Contr. 10. Pr. 5 , where it bears the non-technical meaning 11 cast" of style: In this sec tion Seneca is discussing the orator and historian, T. Labienus, "who was regarded by his contemporaries as a great and vigorous speaker, but as a thoroughly unsympath etic man. In his style he held a traditional place be tween old and new according to Seneca Rhetor." (Leeman, p. 222): "Color orationis antiquae, vigor novae, cultus inter nostrum ac prius saeclum medius, ut illum posset utraque pars sibi vindicare." (Sen.· Contr. 10. Pr. 5.) 53see ·pp. 7-9 ,· supra. 54Bonner, p. ·ss, where he adds, "it is very inter esting to note, in view of the legal associations of the co·ntrovers·i·ae, that tD.e ·term 'color insan·iae' survives in the· Digest [5.25] meaning a 'plea of insanity', in connect ion with the quere-ia· inofficiosi· testantenti. 11 ·- 22 of the case.·11 55 Richard Volkmann comments on· ·color or Xf6Jfl-lU!'"\ and its use in rhetoric. He defines it as a many-sided word which ·often denotes only what is represented by the terms "farbe 11 or "colori t". However, _he continues, it then developed the meaning of "the excuse or basic defense with which ·the ·accused justifies his action and attempts to_ give it a_ good interpretation; but the oppo site interpretation is the basis or proof on which the prosecutor is supported and can justify in_ general his procedure against his opponent. The expression· color has this meaning in Seneca. 11 56 . Colores became important as a courtroom figure meaning "arguments often pithily expressed which threw a different light on the actions of the defendant or the accuseci. 11 57 It had always been the special province 55John E. B. Mayor, ed., Juvenal,· Thirteen -Sati·res, Vol. I, . (London: Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 1901), commentary, p. 308. 56Richard Volkmann,· Die· ·Rhetorik der Griechen und · Romer ·in· System:ati·s·cher UherSTCh t, (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1963);p~ 113, n. 1. For a further discussion of t(.u~fMJ~ compared to of the ·pleader to try to make the worst situation seem a little better·, .or vice-versa, .but a new subtlety crept into the· ·co"lores used by the declaimers of the early empire. There was a slight shift of argument, .an added insinuation, as Bonner states, _upon which the very clever · ·cc>l·o·r·es depended for effect.58 Declamation became very popular under Augustus, and as the range of practice cases was narrow, the same facts were rehearsed over and over again. Therefore, it was up to the pupil to be clever and inventive and to come up with a new color, i.e., some new and brilliant line of defense which had not been thought of by a pre- decessor. Leeman.says that the older rhetorical exer- cises comparable to Seneca's Controversiae had as their subject matter cases of some degree of probability, usu ally derived from actual law suits, or invented, but using as evidence situations that might have happened in Rome at a contemporary period; however, by the time of Seneca, the subjects had become fanciful, even to the ·point of using laws which were non-existant.59 Seneca divides the· decla:matio into three parts, sententiae,· divisiones, and colores. Baldwin, comment- i~g on this three_;fold division, states that it is with 58Bonner, p. 56. 59Leeman, p. 232. 24 · ·co·loYes that "Seneca exhibits the im~ginative develop ment. Meaning. generally the tone I .or cast--in a la!'ge sense, the· style,· colores means specifically in Seneca's collection (1) des·criptive amplifications, and (2) dram- atic characterization. Even the descriptions were more than concrete realization of the factsi they were im~gi native elaborations. 11 60 It is in illustration of this statement that he cites from Sen~ca Contr. 1.6.12, where Haterius is a!'guing on the side of the father in the case of the pirate chief's daughter.61 Baldwin further states that the 'colores as dramatic characterizations were even "more boldly and ingeniously imaginative".62 Since the entire case was fictitious, complete license for fiction was permitted. "At least the · 'de"c::lam:atio must so enter into the motives, and especially the emotions, of the parties as to make them: dramatis p·ets·o·n·ae; at the most he might go so far as to supply his imaginary dialogues with a plot ••• 'Asinius Pollio used to say that the color was to be exhibited 60Baldwin, p. 98. 6lsen. Contr. 1.6.12: "Q. Haterius a parte patris pulcherrimam imaginem movit: coepit enim subito quo solebat cursu orationis describere, quasi exaudiret aliquem tumultum vastari omnia ac rapi, conburi incendiis villas, fugas agrestium; et cum omnia implesset terrore adiecit: ·quid exhorruisti adulescens? socer tuus venit." 62Baldwin; p. 99 •. 25 . in the statement of facts, and carried out in the a:r::-guments. ' nE According to Baldwin, by this time· ·colo·res were the answer to assured success because of the amount of im~gination required for the interpretation of the ·colores, and it was this imagination which became the measure of skill. 11 Through col.ores what had once been useful as a school exercise was artificially extended, and forensic was turned into a form of occasional oratory. 11 64 Mayor, explaining color, cites an example of the use of· ·c·olores ,· Contr. 8. 25, which has. the follow- ing theme: Flaminius proconsul inter cenarn a meretrice rogatus, quae aiebat se numquam vidisse hominem decollari, unum ex darnnatis occidit. Accusatur maiestatis.65 Mayor corrunents, "on this it was observed, 'quaedam con- troversiae sunt, in quibus factum defendi non potest, excusari potest: ex quibus est et haec'. In mitigation it was urged, 'quarn multa populus Romanus in suis impera toribus tulerit: in Gurgite luxuriam, in Manlio impotent iam, etc ••.• abiciunt quod darnnatus perierit meretrici: postulant, praetorem perire darnnato ••• ebrium fuisse, 63rbid., citing Sen.· Contr. 4.3.3: Baldwin com ments in n:--49, "Doubtless Quintilian had such perversion of ·n·arratio in mind when he wrote: I [The' narratio] should be neither dry and starved ••• nor again winding and seductive with far-fetched descriptions, into which many are led by imitation of the license of poetry.' 2.4.3. 11 64Baldwin, p. 100. 6 5 Seri.· Cont r • 8 • 2 5 • 26 nescisse ~uid fecerit • non putavit ad rem pertinere, ubi aut quando periret, qui perire deberet?' . In ~c;gra- vation of the crime the following colores amo~gst others, were used, .'percussurus lictor ad praetorem respexi t, praetor ad meretricerri ••• lictori, quia bene percuss erat propinatum est.' 1166 The· 'colores then, employed on the side of the praetor were those of recalling how much the people must endure on the part of their leaders (8.25.19); that he was drunk and did not know what he was doing (8.25.20); and after all, if the prisoner had to die anyway, what difference did it make where, or in what way he died (8.25.20)? The color presented on the other side, against the accused, was that of showing a callous, hardened nature which would make a toast to a man's beating be- cause he had been beaten well (8.25.22-23). 66Mayor, p. 30 8, n.1s-.s;co1·or, where Mayor further states: "The proper place for the coTor is in the pro batio, _amo!1g _the' _argumenta •. Asin. Poll. in Sen. exc. Contr •. 5.3.5., p. 382. It was distinct from: defen·sio Sen.· Contr. 21.17, p. 225. 'a parte patris magis de fensione- -opus. esse dicebat Latro quam co lore'·.. Speci mens of c·o-i-ores where the case seems desperate,· Contr. 33.15 seq. where one is accused of mutilating foundlings and sending them out to beg: 'men will be less forward to expose their infants' ; . 'he was compassionate, he wished to save them, he was forced to sacrifice a part· of their body to save the life of the rest', etc. · Contr. 7.18 'my secretary, writing from dictation, happened to omit a non.' · . Junius Otho published four books of ·c·oi-otes, Sen.· Contr. 3.11, p. 82, exc.· Contr. 2.1.7., p. 350, 'quos belle Gallio noster Antiphontis libros vocat: tantum in illis somniorum est. 111 ,_ 27 Seneca's first Controversia, based on the law, · ·1ihe'rT ·p·arentes al ant aut vinciantur, provides us with several more examples of the 'technical use of colores. Seneca sets forth 'the following theme: Duo fratres inter se dis~idebant; alteri filius erat. ·Patruus in egestatem incidi t; pat re vetante adulescens eum alit; ob hoc abdicatus tacuit. Adoptatus a patruo est. Patruus accepta hereditate locuples factus est. Egere coepit pater; vetante patruo alit illum. · .Abdicatur. 67 ' In this case it became the task of the rhetorician to attack, and likewise to defend the decision of the uncle. We shall deal with the· colores presented for this par- ticular case. The examples of the technical use of·. color. which Seneca presents in this first Controvers·ia are written as though they were being spoken by three of the outstand- ing declaimers of the day: M. Porcius Latro, who was Seneca's personal friend and compatriot and his favorite; Aurelius Fuscus, the ·Greek; and C. Albucius Silus. None of these ·meri was effective in real law suits, but all three were held in high es.teem by Seneca for their declamatory abilities. Latro colorem simplicem pro adulescente: habere non quo excuset sed quo glorietur. Non potui, inquit, sustinere illud· durem spectaculum. Offerisam mihi putas tantum excidisse? Mens excidit, non animus mihi constitit, non in ministerium sustinendi corporis suffecerunt 67sen. · ·c on· ·t r. 1 • 1 •. 28 pedes, oculi subita caligine obtorpuerunt: alioqui ego, si tune meae mentis fuissem, expectassem dum rogarer? Fuscus illum colorem introduxit, quo frequenter uti solebat, religionis: movit, inquit, me natura, movit pietas, movit humanorum casuum tam manifesto approbata exemplo varietas. Stare ante oculos Fortuna vide batur et dicere talia: hi sunt qui suos non alunt. Albucius hoc colore: accessit, inquit, ad me pater, nee summissis verbis locutus est; non rogavit, set, quomodo agendum est cum filio, alere me jussit; recitavit legem, quam ego semper scriptam etiam patruo putavi. Et deinde dixit: praestiti non quantum patri praestare debui, set quantum vetanti subripere potui.68 Latro, then was employing the color, on behalf of the boy, that he was not in full possession of his senses; Fuscus, the color of religious feeling; Albuscius used the color of the boy having been ordered to so act by his father, and having assumed that the law which applied to a father also applied to an uncle. Seneca continues with more colores presented by two other declaimers, Rubellius Blandus from Tibur, who was the first ·eques to teach rhetoric, and.Marullus, of whom little is known except that he was a rhetorician during this period. Blandus, speaking for the boy, states that he only did what he was in the habit of doing. 68sen. Contr. 1.1.16-17. See A. D. Leeman, p. 232, where he defines color in this· aspect as "an element of induction; it is the 'colouring' of the case or a person's conduct with the help of clever insinuation, etc." See also Leeman, pp. 227-29, passim, for a discussion of the qualities and characteristics of Latro, Fuscus and Albucius. 29 -Marullus, Seneca says, had need of a new color and he developed_ the ingenious idea of having the boy feel pity for a man, but not recognize ·to whom he was_ giving aid: Blandus colore diverso: venit subito deformis squalore, lacrimis. O graves, _Fortuna, vices tuas! . Ille dives modo· superbus rogavit alimenta, rogavit filiurn suum, rogavit abdicaturn suum. Interrogas quarn diu rogaverit? Ne di istud ne fas patiantur ut diu rogavit; diutius tamen quam tu. Quaeritis quid fecerim? Quod sole barn • • . Marullus nova colore egit: cecidit in pedes meos senex squalidus barba capillo- que •· Novit, inquam, nescio quo iste miseri cordiam mearn. Adlevavi, cum ignorarem quis esset: vultis repellam, quod pater est?69 The ·most difficult aspect of this particular case would be to present a: ·col·or on behalf of the uncle's decision to disown . the ·boy. The c·o·lor proposed by Latro in this instance must be an intense, unreasoning hatred. · 'Colo·rem es altera parte quae durior est Latro aiebat hunc sequendum, ut gravissimarum in iuriarurn inexorabilia et ardentia induceremus odia. Thyesteo more aiebat patrem non irasci tanturn debere, sed furere. Ipse (in} decla matione usus est surrunis clamoribus illo versu tragico: 11 Cur fugit fratrem? Seit ipse. 11 70 c. Sallustius Crispus, in his treatise,· De Coniuratione Catilinae, devotes Chapters 51 and 52 to the speech for and the speech against the proposed death penalty for the conspirators. Both Caesar's speech {51} and Cato's speech (5.2) illustrate the technical use of 69sen. 'Contr. 1.1.17,19. 70rbid. t 21. 30 · ·c·o·1·o·r·es, altho~gh, in all probability Sallust, _like Cicero,71 was usi!lg a figure of speech which had not yet been labeled with its technical name, or defined as the ·technical form of the figure,· ·color. Caes·ar attacks the penalty of death which has beeri proposed for the ·consp~rators. He b~gins his argu ment by statin~ the nece~sity for the removal of all emotions which may stand in the way of making rational decisions. Caesar uses the· 'color of the desirability of maintaining a good name rather than simply giving verit to a des.ire for revenge. 72 Furthermore, he "colors" his opinion w~th a complex dilemma, which ends in two alternative~. The first is to find a punishment com- mensurate with the ·crime, and if that is possible, a departure from precederit may be considered. If however, the magnitude of the crime goes beyond imagination, the punishment should be limited to those penalties already prescribed by law.73 Caesar is obliged to destroy one of these alternatives, leaving only the inference he wishes to implant in his listeners' minds. This Caesar 7lsee ·PP· 1-7,· ·supra. · · 72sa11.· cat. 51.7. 7·3rbid., 51.8. "nam si digna poena pro factis eorum reperitur, novom consilium adproba; sin magnitude sceleris onu1ium ingeriia exuperat, his utendum censeo, quae le~ibus conparata sunt". Cf. 51.18. 31 accomplishes by suggesting that any search for a worthy punishment~ fail because the imagination.cannot_ grasp the ·depth of the crime. 74 Therefore, _the senate must abide by established law. Caes·ar employs his next c·olor by making reference to that memory which will linger for a long time, i.e., the ·recollection of a particularly harsh punishment, lo!lg after the ·crime has been fo:rgotten. This surely is not the desired end to be sought by the Fathers of the Senate.75 His major argument comes in sections 20-27 in an argument neatly woven with a discussion of the penalty itself. He starts with the· color that death is not always a punishment, but many times may prove to be a relief from mortal ills.76 He builds up his case with the ques- tion why it was not recommended that the conspirators be scourged. True, scourging of Roman citizens was ~gainst the law, but, he goes on, there is also a law which for- bids the imposition of the death penalty on a Roman citi- 741bid., l.15F "equidem ego sic existumo, patres conscripti, omnis cruciatus minores quam facinora illorum esse." 1.17,· "quid enim in talis homines crudele fieri potest?" 1.20, "de poena possum equidem dicere, id quod res habet, in luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumnarum re quiem, non cruciatum esse;" 1.23, "quid autem acerbum aut nimis_ grave est in homines tanti facinoris convictos?" .... 751bid. 51.15. 76Ihid. 51. 20. 32 zen. Is scou~ging worse than death? Yet such a crime as treason surely demands the_ greatest penalty. However, if scourging is less severe than death, how can the pro secutors be so inconsiterit that they respect the law in re~ard to a lesser point, yet disregard it in a_ greater instance, i.e., in advocating death.77 It is here that Caesar returns to his earlier example of c·o'lor, that of memory and time which will together preserve the fate of the ·conspirators even if their crimes are forgotten.78 Another example of the use of ·c·olor is found in the ·concern expressed by Caesar for the actions of the Senate servi~g as a precedent for later cases, and his concern is further expressed over the possibility of such precedent falling into the hands of less compe tent and honorable meri who might use such authority ~gainst those undeserving of such severity.79 Caesar here cites the examples of the Thirty Tyrants in Athens and the civil strife under Sulla.80 He ends his argu ment with a recommendation that the goods of the con- spirators be confiscated, that they be exiled and impris oned, and that their case never be allowed to come be- 7.7.Ibid., 51.21-23. Caesar is, of course, impress ing the Senate with the impossibility of findi~g a suitable punishment. . . .. 7·81bid. I. 51. 25 • ...... 7·91·~·I "'d .51. 26-27. BO·rbid., 51.28-34. 33 fore the seriate ~gain.81 Thus, he has returned to his original dilemma, having des.troyed the alternative which he chose to destroy, _but which, unfortunately for Caesar's case was the ·more popular, .. and carried the day • . . After C~es·ar 's plea ~gainst the proposed death perialty, _Cato is called upon to express his opinions which, he ·at once states, are ·very different from those of Caesar. Cato immediately erriploys a technical· col'or, u~ging the ~ede~sity for predaution as opposed to the desire for punishrrient. His ·color comes in the form of a warning to the Beriators. They should try to prevent what might happen in the future rather than attempt to correct what has already occurred.82 Color in the technical sense is found ~gain in Cato's appeal to every person, not only those who are urged on by their desire to save the state, but even to those with the desire to save their own personal pro-:- perty.83 Cato's next col'or attempts to refute the previous speedh ·giveri by Caesar.84 Caesar had recommended that the conspirators be imprisoned in free towns, not in 8l·1bid. I 51.43. 82rhid., 52.2-4. ~.3Ibid., 52.5. 84-rbid., 52.13-19. 34 Rome.: Are there evil men only in Rome, .Cato inquires, and not in the ·rest of Italy? Boldness is strongest where resistance is weakest, and the Senate should be careful of _displaying any weakness before enemies of the state.85 In sections 25-34 Cato employs a technical· color in a brilliant reverse by a series of rhetorical ques- tions and bitter sarcasm. He defends the enemies of the· State on the grounds that they were motivated by ambitious youthfulness, at the same time pointing out the absurdity of such a defense. Indeed, the patient . and long-suffering nature of the Senate will certainly suffer long if those conspirators are allowed freedom to provoke war! Yet do the Senators still hesitate in deciding what punishment to inflict? Here again, is the skillful use of the reverse technical color of damn- ing while defending. The past lives of the conspir ators surely will be such as to palliate their crime~ Lentulus should be spared because ~f his rank, or if he ever spared anyone or anything; perhaps Cethegus should be spared because this is not the second time he has made war on his country; Gabinius, Statilius and Cae_. parius would never have done such a thing had they re spect~d anything!86 85~.,· 52.15. 86~., 52.25-34. 35 Cato closes with his reconunendation that even tho~gh the conspirators were apprehended before the actual commission of the crime, the senate, knowi!lg the plans and interitions of the conspirators, should demand punish ment as though the criminals had been caught in the very act. The punishmerit should not be choice of exile, but . .. · lriore· tnaiorum. 87 The decree of the senate was passed according to Cato's ~econunendation. In Book 3 of the Tnstitu:tio· Oratoria, Quintilian uses the term ·color in the technical sense of "propriety", as a particular aspect of the more comprehensive defini- tion of "interpretation". Interim si quis bono inhonesta suadebit, meminerit non suadere tamquam inhonesta, ut .quidam declamatores Sextum Pompeium ad pir- aticam propter hoc ipsum, quod turpis et crudelis sit, impellunt, sed dandus illis deformibus color idque etiam apud malos; neque enim quisquam est tam malus, ut videri velit.88 Here, then, is the application of a special interpretation . . -to be put on a set of facts by means of which the act will attain a degree ·of "propriety", or "respectability" which it would otherwise not have, "since", as Quintilian says, "no man is so bad that he desires to seem that way."89 ... ~7Ihid., 52.36 • ... 88Quint.· ~· 3.8.44. 89Ihid. 36 To furthei illustrate his point, Quintilian quote~ Sallust ·(Cat. 20), .making Catiline speak as a person who has beeri driven to crime by indignation rather than by wickedness.90 Also L. Varius Rufus is quoted by Quintilian in the only surviving fragment of his tragedy of Thyestes, making Atreus say: 11 Iam fero infandissima,/ Iam facere c~gor. 11 91 In the next paragraph Quintilian continues with a discription of what ·color might have been urged on Cicero to peisuade him to so conduct himself that he might save his own life, and further, with what argument Caesar might have been persuaded to accept the rule of Rome. Quanta magis eis, quibus cura famae fuit, conservandus est his velut arnbitus. Quare et, cum Ciceroni dabimus consilium, ut Antonium roget, vel etiam ut Philippicas ita vitam pollicente eo, exurat, non cupidatatem lucis adlegabimus (haec enim si valet in anirno eius, tacentibus quoque nobis valet}, sed ut rei publicae servet hortabimur. Hae illi opus est occasione, ne eum talium precurn pudeat. Et C. Caesari suadentes regnum adfirrnabimus, stare iam rem publicam nisi uno regente non posse. Nam qui de re nefaria deliberat, id solum quaerit, quo rnodo quarn minimum peccare videatur.9"2 90~., 3.8.45. 91-rbid. 9-2~., 3.8.47. 37 . In this context,: ·color has developed a meani!lg a~gmented with the idea of the conscious and planned interpretation which a man desires· to be ·applied to his acts in the future. In 3.6.92, Quintilian is discussi!lg what position should be adopted to meet the many defenses which might be ·thrown up against a single accusation. He compares the correct position or attitude with the correct co·lor, as being that which the speaker can maintain and which will allow him to apply the maximum power in his speaki!lg· In his commentary on this section, _Joachim Adamietz de- fine~ ~6lor in this situation as "the aspect that is . given to the presentation of the facts, then the form of argument, the ·contrived justification."93 In Book 4 there is a discussion of the two classes into which false statements in court may be placed. One is the statement which depends on some form of external support; the other depends on the inherent talent or abil- ity of the speaker: Sunt quaedam et falsae expositiones, quarum in foro duplex genus est: alterum quod in strumentis adiuvatur, ••• alterum, quod est ttiendum dicentis ingenio. Id interim ad solam verecundiam pertinet, unde etiam mihi videtur.dici color, interim ad quaes- . tionem.. . 94 . ., .. 93Joachim Adamietz I ed.,· ou·i·nti"li"ah·us· "Ihstituti"onis or·ator·iae · Liber' 'III, (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 1966}, comment- --~-----=-'ary, p. 151. ~- 94Quint.· -rn·st. 4.2.88. 38 Ernes'ti, in a discussion of technical usage of · ·color states; "moreover, when it is thought both useful and almost necessary, because of shame either to conceal base 'deeds by speaking with a certain veil of fictitious oratory, or to invent some plan for defending and ex cusing the deed and. a pretense mitigating the blame, each kind of fictior/ and defense is called ~~.J:~~ by Latin Rhetors, indeed'~; suitable to the Greek way of speaking, who called the same) th~·ng Y-f(;;)La.,, _'_'. 95 Then he continues by citi?g Quintili~n 4.2.88, as the classic place to find the former kind of ·c·olor", i.e., that of fiction to conceal base ·deeds. 9 6 Quintilian adds that whichever class is employed, certain points must be made; i.e., care must be taken to insure that the fiction remains within the realm of possibility, that it is consistent as to dates, people, and places, and that it presents a character and a situ ation which are beJ:ievable, for, he adds, 11 somniorum et superstitionum colores ipsa iam fallacitate auctori tatem perdiderunt 11 .97 95Ernesti, p. 65. 96Ibid. Mayor, in his conunentary to Juvenal, p. 308, states: __ ·11 CoTOrare then will mean to 'gloss over, to give a false coloring to'. ·A technical expression in the schools. 11 Mayor quotes Quint. 4.2.88. 97Quint.· Tnst. 4.2.94. !-1ayor, p. 308, _translates 11 · c·oio·r·es in this passage as "pleas, excuses. With thi~ same J.dea I .Quint• 6 • 5 • 5 • inaintainS that j Udgmen~· ShOUld deCJ.de On the use of· ·c·oio·res and the manner of speaki?g. See also Quint. 7.1.40, "scilicet quornodo sententias, verba, figuras, colores: ingenio, cura, exercitatione." 39 Richard Volkmann states that by the time of Quintilian )f'Dµa..had become ·synonomous with d't¥Q..J and was found to be used most frequently in cases· in volving accuser and accused, with 'the connotation of ·' appropriate usage o~ prudent speech. He defines (jJ:.~}'A' in this context as the· device by which the speaker forces ? . the hearer to infer'.~hat is meant.98 In Quint. 9 .1.13, d'V.fl,µa.., is defined as that "quod sit a simplici atque in promptu posito dicendi modo poetice vel oratorie ·mutatum". But Quintilian states that Zoilus has limited the term further by restricting it to cases "quo aliud simulatu; dici quam dicitur" (9.1.14). At 9.2.65 Quintilian further defines the figure, which he says is highly fashionable in current practice and is not to be equated with the f~gure of irony; rather it is that in quo per quandam suspicionem quod non dici mus accipi volumus, non utique contrarium, ut int\p.wve-[OJ, sed aliud latens et audi tori quasi inveniendum. This use of (f""V~tL or ~s Volkmann puts it, its synonym ~/'~J.A-0..i is very slightly distinguishable from the tech- nical use of color. By the use of <1")'.-np-~" the speaker leaves much unsaid and proposes that the audience fill in.the blanks, so to speak, by inferring their own mean- 98volkmann, p. 113, n. 1, where he cites Quint. 9.2.65 which has a cross-reference to 9.1.14. 40 i~g from what the· speaker has only implied. · Color, .on :;'~·:..;, .,, the other hand, .is the directly spoken argument which itself places the "c6loring 11 on the actions of the accused. As an example of what he defines as "subtle· co·lor", Volkmann citi.ng ;Tac:· Ann. 1. 9 I states~ "basically the author is not' speak.ing too well of the Emperor Augustus, but he does not say. this directly. Thus he "[Tacitus] '\; explains then', th'at ·at the funeral of the Emperor they had spoken many thi!lgs. about him. A great many people admired the trivial:occurrences of his life. Discriminating people indulge,d in various' commendations and attacks on hfs life: 'at~apud prudentes vita eiu~ varie extollebatur J .•; arguebaturve?' The\attacks are suitably numerous and unfortunately for the greatest part, not unfounded." ·\;. . This ·subtlety; or use of colo·res, by Tacitus removes his objectivity as a<.·reporter of history then, as far as Volkmann is concerned: 11 Und so bleibt an ihm, trotzdem der Auter sich.den Schein ganz unparteiischer Berichter stattu~g giebt, im Grunde nicht ein.gutes Haar. 11 99 In the twelfth book of the· Tnstitutio· Oratoria, Quintilian returns to the. general topics discussed pre viously in Book 3, especially the. general background of the orator which ·should include philosophy as well as 1 ega 1 k now· 1 e.a ge, ..and to this he ·adds comments on the theory of the. ·three styles and on the differences between ...... 99volkmann, p. 114. 41 Latin and Greek. I n 12 • 1 • 33 , Quintilian uses· color in its technical sense. cur tu de coloribus et difficilium causarum defensione, nonnihil etiam de confessione l?cutu~ e~, nisi aliquando vis ac facultas d1cend1 expugnat ipsam veritatem?lOO Commenting on this passage Austin says that this use of· ·c·o'lor is . a '.,'.technical term for the special •colour• put on· a case by the orator's treatment of the facts; no English equivalent is satisfactory".101 In 12. 8. 6, Quintilian again makes use of' c·oTor as a technical term. This section deals with the necessity for, ;and the proper method pf, prior study on a case. Quintilian condemns the attorney who hands his case over to another man for him to learn the facts and then convey them back to the attorney. Such an advocate, Quintilian says, does not have the advant~ge of the thorough· study which any case requires. Quin- ,:,<~:,1 tilian points out the specific dangers which are likely to arise from relyi~g on the written work of another man. Many men are guilty of doing just this--i.e.·, rely ing on the case written either by the client himself or by an· advocatus, the legal advisor who was incapable lOOQuint. ~· 12.1.33. 101Austin, p. 67. See also Quint.Ins~. 12.8.6; 3.8.44; 4.2.88 •. Charles Henderson,.-Jr_._,· A Le~J.· .of pleadi~g a 9ase himself .102 (The or~ginal meaning of the word advocatus further illustrates their lack of proper ability, i.e., merely one who was called to help.) Such ·advisors as the advocati were da!lgerous and often did much harm because they were not content with merely putting forth ·the facts, but added embellishments on their own. Nunc consilium et colores adiiciunt et aliquo peiora viris, quae plerique cum acceperunt mutare nefas habent et velut themata in scho lis posita custodiunt.103 Decimus Junius Juvenalisfurnishes final examples of the ·use of" ·colo·res. His sixth satire deals with a series of brilliant descriptions of various women, all extremely derogatory of their character. In lines 268- 85, he deals specifically with the wife who, if caught in the act of adultery, will call on Quintilian for one of his· ·c·o·lores, here used as the technical term employed by the advocate to palliate the act of the accused: 11 11 102see Austin, p. 119, n. 5, · advocato·rum ; also p. 59, n. 13, 11 ·aavoc-atus 11 • For a further discuss ion see J. D. Denniston, ed.,· M.· Tu:l'li Ciceronis ,· in M. Antoni um Orationes Philippicae_ Prima_ et Secunda-, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1926), p. 82, n. 16, ·11·advoc ·atis11; see also Chap. II, p. 54,· ·i·n·fra. 103Quint. Tn·st. 12.8.6. 43 "Die, .die aliquem sodes hie, Quintiliane, .colorerri. 11 10 4 Satire ·7 deals with problems facing the students ·and teachers of arts and letters. The teachers of rhetoric are forced to listen to their aspiring students render practice cases, which degenerate into repetitious exercises, "warmed-over cabbage" for their master unless some del~ght- ful new color can be put on the case: Declamare doces: o ferrea pectora Vetti, cum perimit saevos classis numerosa tyrannos. Nam quaecumq~e sedens modo legerat, haec eadem stans perferet atque eadem cantabit versibus isdemi occidit miseros crambe repetita magistros. Quis color et quod sit causae genus atque ubi summa quaes'tio, quae veniant diversae forte sagittae, nosse volunt omnes, mercedem solvere nemo.105 In Chapters II and III of this thesis we shall deal with the first and second Philippics of Cicero, and the· ·Pan·egyricus to the Emperor Trajan by Pliny the Younger, with examples· of· colores from each work, studied for their specific use in relation to their times. 104Juv. Sat. 6.280. Ludwig Friedlaender, ed., (Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 1962), p. 317, comments on colorem. Friedlaender states that here it is the "tech nical expression for the interpretation in which the act of the accused appears in the· most favorable possible light." J. o. Duff, ed., n.· ·Junii. Juvenalis ,· Satu:rae· XIV, (Cambridge; University Press,-1955), p. 235, n. 280,· ·col'orem, trans-· lates as "line of defense". He further comments, 11 co'lor, (!f>ti_µ~) is a term of the rhetorical schools, constantly used by Seneca and Quintilian: it is the favourable light in which a speaker endeavors to place an action which he is defending: cf. Quint. iv.2.100, "ne illud quidem ignorare oportet, quaedam esse quae colorem non recipiant sed tan turn defendenda sint"i Ovid Trist. 1.9.63,"ergo ut defendi nullo mea: posse colore,/ sic excusari crimina posse puto;" the passages quoted show that col'or is not a mere synonym of excusatio, the latter being used where the former was impossible. 11 lOSJuv. ·sat. 7.150-57. 44 CHAPTER II COL-ORES IN CICERO'S. PHILIPPICS I AND II The First Philippic For some time prior to, _but especially after the ·rdes of March, 44 B.C., Cicero had been longing to make a return trip to Athens where he had studied as a young man.I Gradually, it was becoming more and more apparent that Caesar's assassins were not going to make the moves necessary to gain the position of leadership and to reestablish the constitutional_ government.2 With dismay and discouragement Cicero watched Antonius build his power structure with the aid of Caesar's legacy and Antonius' skillful manipulation of the Senate. On June 2, Cicero was appointed legatus by Dolabella who had been made consul suffectus by Caesar. 3 This appoint- ment provided Cicero with the ·opportunity to take his desired trip to Greece, since, as legate, .he was en- titled to travel thro~gh any province without the nee- lcic.· Ad Att. 14.8.4; Denniston,· Tntrod., p. xiv. 2Ronald Syme,· The Roman: Revolution, . (Oxford: Univ- ersity Press, 1939), p:-139. · · _ 3rn 44 B.C., Antonius held th~ consulship with Caesar although Caesar had promised that office to Dola bella. On January 1, Caesar, as a compromise, made · Dolabella· co·n·s·u1· suffectus when Caesar had to be absent from Rome. 45 - _essity or obl~gation of duties to perform.4 Cicero's reluctance to leave stemmed from his concern whether people would think he was departing at a time of danger to the state.5 But one potential threat of civil war seemed to have been removed when word came that Sex. Pompeius had come to terms with the_ government in Spain and had laid down his arms.6 At this point, feeling that nothing was being accomplished toward settlement of matters, and seeing the Caesarian faction under the leadership of Antonius gaining control, Cicero decided to bide his time until the newly appointed consuls for the next year, AulU$ Hirtius and Caius Pansa, took office on January 1, 43 B.C. They were Caesarian supporters, but good men in Cicero's opinion and certainly not supporters of Antonius.7 On July 17, Cicero set out from Pompeii for Athens.8 On August 1, he arrived in Syracuse where he stayed for one day, departing on August 2. He was driven by a storm 11 4oenniston, pp. 73-4, n. 6,"ius legationis liberum • 5cic.· M Att. 14.13.4; 14.5.2; 14.7.2; 15.25; 16.7. 6oenniston,· Tntrod., p. xv. See also Syme,· Rom. ·Rev., p. 139. ?Denniston, p. 71, n. 6, 11 Consules designati". See also Cic.· Phil. 1.15.37. Bcic. Ad Att. 16.3.6. 46 . from Sicily to Leucopetra.9 Leaving there on the 6th he ·was ca~ght in another storm which drove him back ~gain to Leucopetra.10 It was he.re on August 7 that couriers bro~ght him news of Rome. Antonius had called for a full meeting of the Senate for August 1. Brutus and Cassius were reques.ting relief from the commission they had been_ given to oversee the corn distributions in Asia and Sicily, a commission which virtually amounted to nothing more ·than their banishment,. given by the Senate under the, persuasion of Antonius.11 There was also word that people in Rome had beeri inquiring concerning the absence of Cicero.12 With hopes somewhat raised due to the news that Antonius would resign his provinces in Gaul and return the authority to the Senate,13 Cicero turned around and started back to Rome. At Velia, on August 17, he met Brutus who was leaving Rome, and Cicero's hopes were shattered by Brutus' news. The Senate meeting of August 1 had been unsuccessful. L. Piso had spoken out aginst Antonius but there had been none to support him. Apparently, too, Cicero's reputation had 9cic ... Phil. 1.3.7: See Denniston, p. 75, n.7, "cum autem me"-.-- lOoenniston, Introd., p. xv. ,. . .. 11-rbid.; See also p. 76, n. 8, 11 nec ita multo post". 12oenniston, p. 75, n. 7, "cum autem me". 13oenniston,· Tntrod., p. xv. 47 suffered.14 On August 31, Cicero arrived in Rome. A senate meeting had been called for the next day, .September 1, at the Temple of Concord, but Cicero sent a mess~ge to Antonius stating that because of fatigue from his trip he would be unable to attend. The main order of business scheduled for that day was to discuss a proposal for setting aside a special day of thanksgiving in honor of Caesar. Cicero could not support such a proposal, yet was afraid to publically oppose iti but he knew he could not sit in silerice, so that his only choice was to absent himself from the Senate on that day.15 Antonius, surrounded by his soldiers, was furious, and delivered an abusive attack on Cicero, condemning him for his absence. The next day, September 2, Cicero replied to Antonius' speech of the preceeding day, although Antonius himself was absent from the senate on September 2. Cicero's speecn, the First Philippic, 'was a moderate speech merely chastizing Antonius for his personal abuse of Cicero, and discussing some of Antonius' actions.16 Antonius spent the next few days at Tibur at the villa of Q. Metellus Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, 1·4rbid., pp. xv-xvi. l.Srhid. , p. xiv. 16nenniston, p. 94, n. 6,· 9u·erela, states: "The whole tone to the First Philippic is one of remonstrance." 48 composing his speech to give on September 19, when: once ~gain in the Temple of Concord he was surrounded by his armed soldiers.17 Antonius' speech was a violent out burst of animosity ~gainst Cicero, who, however, .~gain was not present to hear it. Cicero had been challenged by Antonius to be pres·en:.t but he says that his friends would not permit him to risk his life.18 It was these speeches and situ ations which produced the final break between: Antonius and Cicero, although Ronald Syme states that "Cicero as yet had not committed himself to any irreparable feud with Antonius or to any definite line. of action. 11 19 Syme continues, "Between Antonius and Cicero there lay no ancient. grudge, no deep-seated cause of an inevitable clash. 11 20 However, accordi~g to Plutarch (Ant. 2) the initial cause of Antonius' hostility toward Cicero was the fact that Cicero had had P. Lentulus, one of those involved in the Catilinarian conspiracy, put to death. Lentulus was Antonius 1 step-father, being his mother's, Julia's, second husband, and it was in the home of Lentulus that Antonius had been reared from early child- hood. 21 l 7c·1c. · Ph.'l- 1 • 5.7.18. 18cic. Ph~l. 5.7.20: See also Syme, Rom.· Rev., p.140. · ·R · 19 5 yme, ~· ·Rev·__ ., p. 140 •· 20rbid.: See also Denniston, p. 78, n. 11,· ·amicus. 2lcic.· ·~. 2. 6. 49 In October 44, _Cicero began the Second Philippic which ·is marked by two divisions; the first is a defense of his own career, _(cc. 2-17), and the second is a scath ing attack on Antonius' life, both public and private. The' "Se·cond Philippic is supposed to be a speech_ given before the Senate, September 19, but in truth, it was never delivered.22 Cicero took_ great pains to compose it. He probably finished it about October 25 and at once sent a copy of it to Atticus,~3 "giving him a free hand as regards its publication, which he does not him self think will take place ·very soon. n24 Nothing more is heard about the publication of the.speech, but it was probably December of that year, after Antonius had left for his campaign against Decimus Brutus, when the · -se·c·ond Phi·1·ip·p·ic was published. 25 So much for a brief resume of the events im- mediately -leading up to and including the delivery and .22nenniston, Introd., p. xvii. See also Syme, Rom. Rev., p. 146: · 11 The Second Philippic, tho~gh tech_. nically perfect, is not a political oration, for it was never delivered; it is an exercise in petty rancour and impudent defamation. like the invectives against Piso • • • oratory can be a menace to posterity as well as to it author or its audience. There was another side--not Antonius only, but the neutrals •••The survival of the Philippics imperils historical ju~gment and wrecks his torical perspective. 11 23cic.· Ad ·Att. lS.13.1. 24Hartvig Frisch,· Cicer·o·• s·. Fight· for· the· Re'pubTic, The· Historical Backgrourid··_of Cicero's PhiIIP'pICS, (Copen hagen: Gyld~ndalske Boghandel, 1946), p. 143. 25nenniStOn/ ·rntrod. I P• XVii. 50 Publication of the·· ··p;r·st,,_ and· s e·con d· P h 1l1pp1·cs· · · respectively. As examples of oratorical or rhetorical style, they are unsurpassed r~gardless of their historical accuracy, or lack thereof. It ·remains for the purpose of this thesis to examine in this chapter the First and Sec·ond Phil'ip·p'ics in the light of their surrounding times and of the emot ions of their author for clear-cut examples of technical and non-techriical ~610r as defined and illustrated in Chapter I of this thesis. In the· First Phi'lipp'ic, Cicero himself, in a parerithes'is, acknowledges· as a frequent occurrence in human conversation what is presented, after Cicero's time, as a definition.. of· color in the technical sense • As a technical term it is a figure which "denotes the varnish, gloss or colour by which the accused endeavors to palliate, the accuser to aggravate, the allowed facts of the case", or A\lstin's special "colour" which, he states, is "put on a case by the orator's treatmerit of ' the facts. 1126 Cicero is speaking of the couriers from the town of Rhegium who came to meet him while he was · in ·Leucopetra and to bring him news of Rome. After they told him about the speech of Antonius and the edict of Brutus and Cassius~ they added news of a possible forth- 26Mayor, p. 308; Austin, p. 67. 51 comi!lg ~greement between Antonius and the Senate which thei kriew would b~ pleasi!lg news to Cicero: "fit enim plerumque, ut ei, qui boni quid volunt adferre adfingant aliquid quo faciant id quod nuntiant laetius."27 Cicero's choice ·of the ·word adfingant conveys the idea of a delib- erate "coloring" of the facts. The ·common definition of· ·a.dfihgere ·is "to make" or "to invent", as "to make up, .frame, inverit, to add falsly without_ grounds. 11 28 Its use by othe·r authors substantiates this meaning. 29 Cicero recognized that adornments or embellish ments, appropriately and moderately used, are necessary in all manner and types of speaking, in order for one's words to be pleasing and acceptable to one's listeners.30 These embellishments were what Cicero called quidam: color, inherent in good oratory.31 Cicero used the word color and provided definitions for it. His definitions ex plained the figure with a non-technical meaning.32 At '27cic.· Phil. 1.3.8. 28L & S, p. 67. · TLL, Vol. I: Fasc: VI, 1216 (57): :falsa fingendo addere". 29Tac •· ·Ann. 14. 62: "ergo confessionerri alicuius quaeri placuit,<3lli rerum quoque novarum crimen affingere tur." Quint. 8.3.70: "consequemur auterri ut manifesta sint, si fuerint veri similia, et licebit etiam false adfingere quidquid fieri solet". Caesar B.G. 7.1: "Addunt ipsi et adfi~gunt rumoribus Galli quod res poscere videbatur". 30cic.· D~ or. 3.99-100. 3lcic.· De or. 3.96, quoted on p. l,· ·su.p·ra. 32see pp. 1-7 ,· ·sup·ra. 52 ·the same.time Cicero made skillful use of a rhetorical device which he never defined as a color, but which de- vice ·soon developed and expanded into color in its full- blown technical sense ·as later used by Sen~?a Rhetor in the' 'Controversiae, 33 and by Quintilian. 34 Cicero never mentions the· fi"gure which he uses to such. good advantage,· in combination with the' te·rm,· ·coTor. Volk mann states. that the basic ideas of c·oior had been es- tablished long before Cicero's time, al though Cicero did not know· ·co·lor as a technical term. 35 rn· Phil. 1. 3. 8, quoted above, Cicero is explaining a· ·color in its later developed and defined form, and how men use it success- fully to accomplish their purposes. In this case the messengers' desire was to present news which would make their listener happy. Cicero next makes use of the figure,· co"lor, in Phil. 1. 4. 9, as a lawyer might in defending a client charged with a crime. Cicero speaks of his meeting with Brutus at Velia on August 17, at which time Cicero was headed back to Rome,· and Brutus was on his way from Rome. Cicero refers to the assassination of Caesar as "maximum ( .r- 33see pp. 19..:.29,· ·supra. 34see pp. 35-42 ;" ·supra. 35volkmann, p. 114. 53 ac pulcherrimum factum11 .36 To Cicero the mitigation and palliation of the act, if needed, lay in the necess- • ity for the deea.37 Therefore, in his eyes the fact that a murder was corrunitted could and should be denied. In fact, Cicero feels shame on his part to be returning to a city where such ·a fine and outstanding man as Brutus was not welcomed.38 Bonner's definition of ·colores,39 fits this usage by Cicero, for he describes Brutus' state of mind as calm, and Brutus as less disturbed than he himself was. The reason for this, Cicero declares, was the knowledge Brutus had that what he had done was right and noble: Neque vero illum similiter atque ipse eram commotum esse vidi. Erectus enim maximi ac pulcherrimi facti sui conscientia nihil de ·suo casu, multa de vestro querebatur.40 Here,· too, Cicero is using what Baldwin calls "dramatic characterization", which is so effective.41 This is another example of what Austin calls "the special colour put on a case by the orator's treatment of the facts."42 36cic. Phil. 1. 4. 9. 37cic. ·phfl. 1.2.4. See also Ad Att. 14.14.2-3. 38c· . J.C • -Phil. 1.4.9. 21 . ~9see P· , supra. 40 cic.· Phil. 1.4.9. 41see· P· 24 ,· ·su·pra. 42see P· 41 ,· s·uE·ra. 54 This was Cicero's own treatment of facts which were con- sidered in a different l~ght by many people. In· Phil. 1. 7 .16, Cicero expresses his wish that 11 Antonius were present, ••• modo sine advocatis--sed, ut opinor, licet ei minus valere, quod mihi heri per illum non licuit . . . 114 3 In this short passage Cicero skillf_ully presents two separate examples of· c·oTor, both illustrating Mayor's definition of color, "the varnish • • • by which the accuser [endeavors] to '.3-ggravate the allowed facts of the case. 11 44 These, too, are Bonner's t\subtle ·insinuations,II 4 5 Leeman's "elements of induction 11 ,46 and Quintilian's "special interpretation" in reverse,47 i.e., instead of the "interpretation" adding respect ability to the facts, in this case it is deliberately aimed at stripping away all pretense of respectability. Cicero's statements here appear upon delivery as master- ful understatements of stinging sarcasm directed at Anton .i us. With his use of advoca:tis, Cicero calls to mind those men who under usual circumstances accompanied someone to court to help render advice on l~gal rnatters.48 43c·ic. . 'Phil. 1.7.16. 44 see P• 21 ,· ·s·upra. 45see P· 23 I su:12ra. 46see P· 28 ,· su12ra. See n. 68. 47see P· 35 ,· ·su12ra. 48see ·p. 42 ,· ·su:12·ra. See also Denniston, p. 82, n • 16 , · ·advoc·ati s • 55 In this case, however, _Cicero's point is clear--Antonius had bee·n: accompanied not by friends or advisors, but by his armed soldiers, _and this had occurred not only on September 1, but on other occasions as well. The words 11 sed, ut opinor, licet ei minus valere, quod mihi heri per illum non licuit",49 not only condemn the ab- sence of Antonius and Antonius' attack on Cicero's absence from the Senate the day before, but also manage to excuse Cicero's absence with a plea of illness, _al though Cicero's illness was as spurious as he implied was that of Antonius. In Phil. 1.11.27, Cicero renews personal references to Antonius and Dolabella, appealing to them on behalf of the welfare of the State. He begs that they not be- come angry with him because of his concern over the State and the fact that he expresses this concern publicly. It is in tnis section that Cicero employes the figure I'\ which Volkmann has labeled '7"t'f1jAQ.J, or as he states, its synonym,tf'W~ .so The slight difference in mean- ing between the figure cTKnpa.," (l'.)'l Ego, si quid.in vitam ei~s aut.i~ ~07e~ ~um. contumelia dixero, quo minus m1h1 1n1mic1ss1- mus sit non recusaboi sin consuetudinem meam .. quam in. re .. publica semper habui tenuero, id ...... 49cic.· Phil. 1. 7.16. SOsee pp. 39-40,· s·upra. 56 e~t si libere quae sen~iam de ~e publica dix ero, primurn deprecor ne irascatur; deinde, si hoc non impetro, peto ut sic irascatur ut civi.51 Here Cicero states· that if he should say anything insulti~g ~gainst Antonius personally, _he would. grant Antonius evei:y r~ght to become his most bitter ~rieniy. However 1 he' continues, he begs Antonius' . indulgence that he might speak freely in his customary manner on affairs of the State. It is here that the use of what he wishes the Senate to infer1 that he does not customarily speak out against people except in the interests of the State. Denniston comments that "the implication, that Cicero normally avoided personalities in his politi cal spee.ches, comes oddly from the author of the· In · 'Pis·on·em, the ne· Provin·ciis· Consu:la:r·ihus, and the· In // Vatinium.52 Cicero·' s peroratio to the· First Philippic presents a modified version of the co·1or discussed and defined in Quintilian 3.8.47.53 This particular Cdlor is that of a special and deliberately designated inter pretation which a person desires to.give ·to his acts at some future time. In this case Cicero is most eager .. 5lcic.· ~· 1.11.27. 11 52nenniston, p. 88, n. 27, "sin consuetudinem • 53see p. 36 ,· supra. 57 for the Senators to remember him as steadfast and loyal, and ever-present in time of need, regardless of whatever might occur: "ut quicumque casus consecutus esset, ex staret· constantiae meae testimonium • • • 11 54 Cicero offers as proof of his constancy and unswerving devotion to the State the fact that, ."ea dixi et sum a vobis beri~gne ac diligeriter auditus 11 .55 This is what Cicero claims is the "fructum ••• reveisionis meae 11 .56 This closi~g reminder to the Senate knits together with his opening remarks that he had not departed or, indeed, turned his attention from matters concerni~g the state . since ·the convening of the Senate in the Temple of Tellus on March 17, two days after the assassi·nation.57 The two statements, opening and closing the speech, and taken t~gether, form the classic example of a technical ·col·or, with which the -speaker tries to make his acts appear in as favorable ·a light as possible. In truth, Cicero was absent from Rome from about April 7 to August 31, and as Denniston writes, "took no part whatever in public affairs: nor did he attend the important meetings of the senate in the first week of June. 11 58 54c· · Ph···1 J.C • - J. • 1.15.39. 5.5.Ibid. 56Ibid • .. 57cic. ·phi!. 1.1.1. 58oenniston, p. 65, n. 1, "manendum ••• senatoria". 58 The Second Philippic After Cicero delivered the First Philippic on September 2, Antonius, enr~ged sent word demanding that Cicero be present in the senate on September 19.59 Then Antonius retired to Scipio's villa to compose his reply to Cicero, which he delivered on the 19th.60 It was a searing attack upon Cicero, who, in spite of Antonius' demands, had again declined to appear. Cicero stated that his friends would not allow him to place himself in danger of his life.61 After this,· Cicero departed for the country where he laboriously composed the famous Second Ph'i"lippic, which was published but never deliverea.62 Cicero writes that Antonius, in his speech on September 19, had stated that Cicero owed him his life since Antonius had spared Cicero at Brundisium.63 To this Cicero replies: "malui me tibi debere confiteri quam cuiquam minus prudenti non satis. gratus videri. n64 59cic.· Phil. 5. 7.19. 60Ibid. 6lcic.· ~· 5.7.20. 62syme,· ·Rom.~., p. 140. See also Cic.· Ad Att. 16 .11.1. 63c·l.C. . Ph.'l. 1 • 2.3.5. 64Ibid. 59 From these words it seems that Cicero is acknowle~ging a debt 1 _and on the ·face ·of the matter applying· coTor with ·subtle sarcasm. However, _upon a deeper study of the ·actual facts and happenings of that period, the· ·coTor becomes even more ·intense and pertinent than on first examination. By March,· 49 B.C., Cicero had decided to join the ·army of Pompeius,65 but with his customary inclinat . ion for procrastination, and tormented with doubts, 66he wavered and vacillated until it was June 7 before he finally sailed for Pompey's camp in Epirus.67 Thro~gh the rest of the year 49 to January, 48 B.C., there are no letters of Cicero's extant.68 In January and March, 48, there are two letters to Atticus from Epirus,69 then a letter from Pompey's camp at Dyrrachium in June, 48.70 He continues to write thro~gh July, 48, and then again in November, 48 from Brundisium, where he had arrived in October, two months after the battle of Pharsalus and Pompei us' defeat. The letter to Atticus, _dated Decem- 65cic. Ad Att. 7.18.2; 7.26.3; 8.2.4; 9.7. 66see ---Ad Att. 9.7.3; 9.10.2; 9.10.4-6. 67cicero' s Letters· to Atticus, ed. by D. R. Shacklet"on Baily, Vol. 4, p-.-469. See also Cic.· Ad Fam. 14.7.3. 11 68nenniston, p. 121, n. 37, "castra • tempus • 69cic.· ---Ad Att. 11.l; 11.2. ?Ocie.· Ad Att. 11. 3. 60 ber 17, _48, from Brundisium contains the facts surrounding Antonius' -"favor" to Cicero.71 Cicero writes that Antonius had sent him a copy of a letter he had received from Caes·ar stati~g that all those people who had been anti Caesarian duri~g the Civil War were to be barred from Italy unless Caesar himself had reviewed their case. Antonius at this time was Caesar's· magister· e·quitum, and explained to Cicero that he had no choice but to obey the orders of Caesar. Cicero sent L. Lamia to Anton- ius to explain that he had returned to Italy at the request of Caesar himself through a message sent to Cicero from Caes·ar through Dolabella. It was then that Antonius . published an edict, exempti~g Cicero by name, an act which, Cicero states, he would have preferred that Antonius had not done. 72 There is no mention in this letter,73 nor in any other of any threat to Cicero's life. Denniston states, "it is· quite inconceivable that Aritony, or any responsible person, would have ventured to execute in cold blood so valuable a waverer, who had taken so modest a part in the war. The real 'favor' that Antony conferred was to treat Cicero with marked courtesy and accept his 7lcic.· ·Ad~. 11. 7.2. 72Ihid. 73cic.· Ad Att. 11. 7. 61 statement without question. 11 74 Up to this point Cicero had found it to his ad- vant~ge for people to believe his life had been in da~ger, even that Antonius had saved it.75 His statement, theri, that he had preferred to admit a debt to Antonius than to seeni u~grateful, is, in fact, an extremely well-applied · ·coTor, excusing or palliating his vascillation and incon stancy during the war. Denniston states, nin the Second Philippic, on the ·other hand, blackening Antony is the ·paramount consideration. So he [Cicero] throws off the mask,· and repres·ents the matter in its true light. 11 76 Cicero asks Antonius: Quern ipse victor [Caesar] qui tibi, ut tute ·gloriari solebas, detulerat ex latronibus suis'principaturn, sa1vurn esse voluisset, in Italiarn ire iussisset, eurn [me] tu occideres:77 With this question Cicero declares that Antonius would not kill a man whom Caesar himself had ordered be kept safe; that Cicero had never really been in any danger • . _- ._ .. _.._ .. _·· .. ··.· _I_n>_Phi_l_~ . .2.· 6 .13, Cicero employs another ·color 11 11 ~4oenniston, p. 79, n. 11, non nullo eius officio • 75cic.· ·Phil. 1.4.11. 11 11 76oenniston, p. 79, n. 11, non nullo eius officio • See also p. 135, n. 59, "Ibi me non· occidistill, where Denniston, referring to sections 59-60 of Phil. 2, states, "with characteristic inconsistency Cicero reverts to the admission he made ·in 1.11, but retracted in 2. 5. 11 77cic.· ·pnil. 2.3.5. 62 in the technical sense of Bonner's. "twist of a:rgument 11 ,78 and Quintilian's ~gloss" or "varnish" as translated by Peterson.79 Cicero had been speaki!lg of some of the State's most outstanding men, many of whom by this time were dead. Turning then to contemporaries, he mentions L. Aurelius Cotta, who had been: consul in 65, and in 57 had been instrumental in_ gaining Cicero's recall from banishment.BO He probably worked for Cicero's. return with the consul for that year, Lentulus Spinther, 81 and with Gnaeus Pompeius.82 On December 3, 63, .the Senate with the evidence ·presented by and on the instigation of Cicero, authorized the arrest of the Catilinarian conspirators.B3 On the same ·day, Cicero says in Phil. 2.6.13, the Senate upon the motion of the same Lucius Cotta decreed a ::;upplicatio in Cicero's. honor. According to Denniston, Cicero accuses Antonius of censuring the arrest of the Catilinarian conspirators in Antonius' speech ·of September 19: "rebus eis gestis, 78see p. 21,· ·sup·ra. 79see p. 11,· ·su·p·ra. 80o.c.n., p. 238. See also Denniston, p. 99, n. 13, "L. Cotta". 8loio. Cass. 39.6.2; Cic.· Post Rea.· ad Quir. 5.11. 82c.A.H., Vol. :tx, p. 528. 83~. I PP• 5QQ-5Ql. 63 quas tu reprehendis. 11 84 However, _Denniston continues, this is ·not true: what Antoni us censured was the· exe·cuti"on of _the conspirators which had taken place on December s. 85 The conspirators were Roman citizens and "the legal ity of the ~erialty has been hotly contestea. 11 86 Cicero a:r:-gued.:(cat~ 1.28) .th.at their failure to l_ay down their arms and to end their revolt negated their citizenship after the passage of the· senatus· ·consu:ltum u:ltimum. However, since ·a consul could be empowered by .. the Senate to inflict the ·death penalty, _this placed the responsibil- ity for the ~xeciution on the consul, Cicero himself, and relieved the Senate of said responsibility in every respect except that of moral support.87 In this case even the moral support was divided. Denniston states that Cicero uinteritionally confuses the chronol~gy here,· in order to give the ·impression that the whole Senate 84cic.· Phil. 2.6.13. 85oenniston, p. 99, n. 13, "rebus ••• reprehendis". 86rbid., p. 103, n. 18: "animadversio senatus fuit": Denniston states, "Mommsen once styled the execut ion a 'brutal judicial murder', but later modified his view. On the one hand a Lex Porcia of 197 confirmed the right of appeal against the death sentence, and a Lex Sempronia of 123. forbade a magistrate to put a citizen to death without the command of the people. On the other hand it might be maintained that men who, after the passi!1g of the ·se"i1atus consu:ltunt U:ltim.um, continued in rebellion, ipso facto ceased to be citizens." 87oenniston, p. 103, n. 18. :, 64 was in favor of the death perialty."88 With this delib- erate "coloring" of a set of facts, Cicero has attempted to present a situation in which he was directly involved in a l~ght more ·favorable to himself than that in which it appeared to others. In· ·Phil. 2. 7 .18, Cicero reminds Antonius of his own admission of being reared and tutored by his step father, P. Lentulus Sura, one of the Catilinarian conspir~ ators who had been expelled fro~ the senate by the censors in 70 B.C. for inunoral conduct.89 Qui autem tibi venit in meritem redigere in memoriam nostram te domi P. Lentuli esse educatum? An verebare ne non putaremus natura te potuisse tam improbum evadere, nisi acce~sisset etiam disciplina?90 In this statement Cicero, by skillful insinuation and rhetorical question, condemns the character of Antonius, and yet on the surface offers an_ excuse or mitigating plea which Antonius might present in his own behalf. He said that Antonius would never have been the abominable character that he has shown himself to be had he not had .training in--that direction. This offers Antonius 88oenniston, p. 99, n. 13, "rebus ••• reprehendis". See also Phil. 2.8.18; "Ita, quod proprie meum est laudasti; quod totu.m.-e'St senatus reprehendisti. Nam comprehensio sontium mea, animadversio senatus fuit. Homo .. disertus non intellegit eum quem contra dicit laudari a se; eos apud quos dicit vituperari. 11 89oenniston, p. 102, n. 18, "domi P. Lentuli". 90cic.· ·Phil. 2.7.18. 65 a means of applyi!lg in his own defense what is later defined as a technical color. Of course,· Cicero is not deferidi~g Antonius,· .a fact that adds all the more color to his words. This is a slight variation of the same type ·of color. ~mp.loyed by Sallust in Cato's. speech in condemning the conspirators, Leritulus, Cethegus, Gabinius, Statilius, and Ca~~arius.91 In Phil. 2. 23. 56, Cicero bri!lgs up the fact that Antonius had restored exiles, a deed which in itself Cicero proclaimed to be a: ·s·ce'lus. The particular case which Cicero elaborates is that of Licinius Lenticula, a man who had been convicted of gambling. 92 What is pertinent' here is to show the excuse Cicero sarcastically presents as an example of what Antonius might have said in justifying the recall of this man convicted of gambling. Cicero says that Antonius would no doubt give as his reason that it was illegal to. gamble with a convict: 119 3 II . . . quasi vero ludere cum condemnato non liceret • This, Cicero claims, is not in fact the reason for his recall. It is more to the point that Antonius used a 9lsee· p. 34, supra. 92oenniston,· p. 131-32, n. 56, states: "laws against gambling were passed at an early period." He also states that the.re is nothing more known of Lenticula or of the case in point, nor what actual reasons Antonius . gave for the reinstatement. · 93cic.· Ph~l. 2.23.56. See also Denniston, p. 132, n. 56, "quasi vero ... non liceret". 66 law, Cicero· says, to discha;r-ge his own debts, .implyi!lg that in return for recall Lenticula absolved Antonius of personal ga.mbli!lg obligations: 11 sed ut quod in alea perdiderat berieficio legis dissolveret. 11 94 Then in order to "color 11 the true ·reason for the recall Cicero asks Antonius what reasons he. gave to the Roman people for the ·reinstatement of Lenticula; then Cicero proceeds to answer his own rh~torical question by posing several reasons that Antonius might have. given: Quam attulisti rationem populo Romano cur eum restitui oporteret? Absentem, credo, in reos relatum; rem indicta causa iudicatarn; nullurn fuisse ·de alea lege iudiciurn;. vi oppressurn et armis; postremo, quod de patruo tuo dicebatur, pecunia iudicium esse corruptum? Nihil horum. At vir bonus et re publica d~gnus.95 These ·demonstrate the ·figure which became technical co·lor during and after the time of Seneca Rhetor. Another example of the reverse technical· color of damning while defending which Sallust employs so well in Cato's speech, is found in Phil. 2.32.81, where Cicero feigns an excuse or defense of Antonius' ignorance and inexperience on the grounds that Antonius is never sober. It is concise and succinct, but most effective, as Cicero says of Antonius: 11 Esto: hoc imperite; nee enim est ab homine numquam sobrio postulanda prudentia 1196 94c·ic. · ·ph".l1 • 2.23.56. 9.S.Ihid. 96cic.· ~- 2.32.81. 67 Ih Ph~l. 2.42.108, Cicero provides an excellent example of a non-technical color, _using what he ·himself would considei one ~f the e~seritial parts of_ good ora tory, .i.e., the use of embellishnients or decorations in a speech ~rovided they are not used in too many places. Somefime late in March ·or early in April, 44, consular provinces were designated, perhaps according to what Caes·ar had desired. 97 Syme says that Dolabella received Syria and Antonius received Macedonia, along with six Roman legions which had been Caesar's Balkan army. 9 8 Latei Antonius decided to exchange provinces and take Gallia Cisalpina and Gallia Comata which he intended to garrison with the .Macedonian forces.99 Around the 21st of April Antonius left Rome for Campania in order to see to the demands of the veterans of Caesar's legions, and to found new military colonies.100 He returned be tweeri the 18th and 21st of May. It is Antonius' return 97oenniston in his Appendix I, p. 173, note on the provinces states: "Some historians consider that Mace donia and Syria were assigned to Antony and Dolabella by Caesar·I but Sternkopf .·(Hermes, xlvii (1912), 321-401) gives strong reasons for believing that Caesar had made ·no provincl.al arrangements.for 43, a:r;d ~hat Antony and Dolabella obtained Macedonia and Syria in the normal constitutional way, viz. by drawing lots for the consular provinces after these had been nominated by the senate. 11 9 8 Syme , ' Rom.· R~~. , p. 10 7 • . ··~·--· - d . .991b·' _2:_· I P· 110 • 100~., p. 111. 68 to Rome ·and his ·arrival in the Senate accompanied by his armed. guards that arouses Cicero to the very he~·ght of oratorical embellishment. Cicero calls to mind first the power of Cinna, .then the domination of Sulla, .and then the ·11 reign 11 of Caesar. Cicero states that these meri undoubtedly kept armed bodyguards, .but that their swords were kept hidden and could not compare in number with this army of Antonius'. Cicero builds his excite- merit to a peak: Erant fortasse gladii, sed absconditi nee ita multi. Ista vero quae et quanta barbaria est! Agmine ·quadrato cum. gladiis sequuntur; ~cutor um lecticas portari videmus.~01 . To this Cicero then adds another example of non-technical coTor with a pretended shr~g-of-the-shoulder attitude, that such action of Antonius' has become so habitual that the Senate has almost become hardened to such terror: 11 Atque his quidem iam inveteratis, patres conscripti, consuetudine obduruimus. 11 102 Cicero ends the· Second Philipp·ic with a striking comparison between Caesar and Antonius. He questions the fact that Antonius seems to fear no one. He fears neither law-courts nor hones·t citizens .103. Is it, Cicero asks, because of his· innocence,· or because Antonius is lOlc l.C· • · ·ph···1l. •. 2.42.108. 102 rbid. 103cic.· ·Phil. 2. 45 .115-16. 69 protected by armed. guards? If it is for the latter reason, has Antonius not considered what life is like,· _fearing those closest to him? Or are his armed_ guards bound to Antonius as Caesar had bound his followers to himself? Cicero says ·that Caesar bound his friends to him )?y p'raerriiis, and his erieiriies by' specie· cle:rn:enti·ae. 10 4 As far as Cicero is concerned, however, Antonius is comparable to Caesar only in his desire for domination. But now the people of Rome have learned what men they can trust. Here Cicero puts into full practice what he would consider · ·c·olor in its non-technical sense, i.e., that special characteristi~, inherent in_ good oratory which provides the orator with the power to persuade,105 a power of vital importance to a man like Cicero: Haeci non cogitas, neque intellegis satis esse viris fortibus didicisse quarn sit re pulchrum, beneficio gratum, fama gloriosum tyrannum oc cidere? An, cum illum homines non tulerint, te feierit? Certatim posthac, mihi crede, ad hoc opus curretur neque occasionis tarditas exspectabitur.106 In this passage, consisti~g of a series of rhetorical questions, Cicero again allows himself the limited free dom of embellishment (quam sit ••• occidere?}. By his use of· curretur which generally has the meaning of 104cic.· ~· 2. 45 .116. 105see pp. 6-7 ,· ·s·upra. 106cic.· Phil. 2.46.117-18. 70 moving swiftly, especially by foot,107 Cicero could be painting a picture of vengeance personified, while exspectabitur conveys the idea of expecting or awaiting with longing.108 Cicero states that Antonius will wait in vain for tarditas occasionis, a postponement of his own death at the hands of other men who will wish to rid the state of another tyrant. Here, then, is an example of embellishment or decoration of oratory, where Cicero has chosen his words carefully to make a given statement, and the very words which he has selected have their own special "color" or interpretation by which the intended meaning of the passage is made even stronger. 107Lewis and Short, p. 503, where an example is given: Cic. Off.3:°10.42, "qui stadium currit", ("who runs ·a race"). TLL: Vol. IV: Fasc: VII, 1508 (30): "celeriter moveri: A. de hominibus: 1. pedibus ire (fesinanter, pro- pere, cf. Sen. [de Constantia Sapientis] dial. 2.7.5: . possum pedes movere, ut non curram: currere non possum, ut pedes non moveam. Gellius 16.8.14: aut curris aut ambulas aut stas." It is often used with personifications, as (1509:29) Lucan 2.100: quanto ••• gradu mors saeva cucurrit.'' 108Lewis and Short, p. 703: "wait for, long for, look forward to either with hope or fear". Caesar B.G. 7.85: "Romani, si rem obtinuerint, finem laborum omnium exspectant." TLL: Vol. II: Fasc: XII, 1895(25) exspecto: " ••• aut spe (cupiditate) vel timore suspensum esse agitarique aut cogitatione tantum ad aliquid futurum paratum esse ••• " a. Cic. ·Phil. 8.3.10: scelerumenimpromisso et eis qui exspectant perniciosa est et eis qui promittunt~ b. Sen. ~· 25.3: expecto cum magno fenore vitia reditura, quae nunc scio cessare, non deesse. c. Cic. Ad Att. 11 .• 18.2: nihil omnino iam exspecto nisi miserum, sed hoc perditus in quo nunc sum fieri nihil potest. 71 CHAP'I'ER III . COL.ORES IN PLINY 1 S PANEGYRICUS In the early part of September, .100 A.D., Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus stood before the Senate and delivered his. ·gratia.rurn: actio, his speech of thanks to tl).e Emperor Trajan for his appointment of Pliny as con·s·u1 · ·s·uffectus for September and October of that year. The act of publicly conveying thanks for a political appointment or election was a custom which had started almost a century before. During the reign of Augustus, a Senatus Consultum ·- had been passed which made it obligatory for newly elected consuls to publicly render thanks to the gods and to the emperor.I The name, Panegyricus, was not its designation lsee the cautious discussion of Marce.l Durry, ed., ·p1fne Le Jeune, Panegyrique' . ~ d TraJ. ' an, (P arJ..s:. S ocJ..ete. ' ' 11 11 d'?idition Les Belles Lettres , 1938), pp. 3-5. He quotes OVid !£.· ~Ponto 4.4.35-42: "curia te excipiet, patresque e more vocati/ intendent aures ad tua verba suas./ hos ubi facundo tua vox hilarave.ri t ore,/ utque so let, tulerit pros pera verba dies,/ egeris et meritas superis cum Caesare grates/ (qui causam, facias cur ita saepe, dabit),/ inde domum repetes toto comitante senatu,/ officium populi vix capiente domo." See also O.C.D., p. 641. See also Betty 11 Radice, "Pliny and the· Pane·gyricus , Gree·ce· ·a·na Rome, XV, no. 2 (Oct. 1968), p. 166, where she cites Ovid~· 4.4.35, and states that "this practice "[·gratiarum ·a·ctio] went back to the days of Augustus according to Ovid, though nothing is known of the senatorial decree which made it obligatory." See also Plinius Caecilius Secundus, L·ette·rs· ·a·nd the Pane- . ·gyr:icus, translated by Betty R~dice ~ Loeb Classical Library, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), pp. 32 8-29 / n. 1. 72 by the author's choice. Pliny continued to refer to his speech as his·. ·grati·arum: actio. The _name,· Pane·gyri·c·us, was first used by Sidoni us Apollinaris. 2 Pliny's-. Pan·egy·ri·cus became the model for later panegyrics addressed to emperors or their representatives on many different occasions. Sometime after he had delivered his speech, Pliny sent a copy of the written text as he had expanded it, to Voconius Romanus for his criticisms and opinions.3 He also wrot~ to Vibius Severus relating his pleasure at the warm reception of the Panegyricus when it.had been read to a gathering of· some friends .. 4 · In the same letter he explained his purpose for enlarging his original speech. He hoped not merely to bestow praise and adulation on a. genuinely_ good ruler, but to provide a model for later emperors, and to produce 11 a sort of manifesto of the Senate's ideal of a constitutional ruler, one chosen to rule because he is qualified to do so, with emphasis on his obseguium to the_ people's will and his sense of service to his country. ,;5 Indeed, Betty Radice states6 that Pliny's advice to Trajan is far more outspoken and direct and much less subtle than anything in Dia Chrysostom's. Discourse· ·on· Ki·ngship 2Radice ,· Gree·ce· and Rome, XV, 2, p. 166. 3p1iny· ~· 3 .13. · ·4rhid. 18. SRadice,·"Gree·ce··and~, XV, 2, p. 168. 6rbid., p. 171. 73 which he delivered before Trajan. 7 The opening lines of section 4 of the· Pane·gyricus are recognized by historians as Pliny's firmly stated purpose for his written spe~ch, that "boni principes quae facerent recognoscerent, mali quae facere deberent. 11 8 It is unknown whether Trajan ever read the· Pane·gyricu_s in its revised form. The Panegyricus is the only example of Latin eloquence which has survived from the century and a half following the death of Cicero.9 Its flattery seems excessive to modern readers who sometimes fail to consider the customs and the appropriate etiquette which was called for in that day and time. The Panegyricus has been bombarded with criticism, not only because of its extremely adulatory style, but also because of its cumbersome length and its repetitive and wearisome use of figures. Syme describes it as a "strange and blended product, heavily loaded with political ornaments. Though often felicitous, .and some times forceful, the thi~g soon palls, .through tireless pursuit of the eternal antithesis, ~hrough repetitive fervour and exuberant redundance. 11 10 Syme further claims 7oio Chrys •· Or. 1. Bp1iny ·pan. 4.1. 9Ronald Syme ,· Tacitus, (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1958), p. 114. l·Orbid. 74 that the· -Pan·e·gyr'icus benefi tted neither the reputation of its author nor th~ tastes of its age.11 Yet, .acknow le~gi!lg the faults of the· Pan·e·gyricus, one must not be blinded to its virtues which remain in abundance and must be examined. Although, according to Betty Radice, Cicero was not Pliny's moa(:;1 of style,12 it was Cicero's Pro· Marcello which was the prototype for Pliny's Panegyricus as well. as for all of the gratiarum actiones of the fourth century.13 Eduard Norden states that 11 it is difficult to establish a concept of ••• [Pliny's] stylistic tendencies in detail, for he expresses himself contradictorily, a typical example of :the insecure groping of that time for that which is ::. correct. 11 14 Quintilian had been Pliny's teacher so it is likely that Pliny's diction and forms of expression might show some influence of Quintilian. Norden states ll1bid. 12Radice, Greece and Rome, XV, 2, p. 170: 11 The main points [Pliny1 s] are not withheld until the climax of the paragraph, and so the style is quite different from that of Cicero." 13The Pro Marcello, delivered by Cicero in 46 B.C. in the Senate, expressed gratitude to the triumphant Caesar for recalling Marcellus from exile. In contrast to the · Pa·n·e·gyr·icus·, Cicero was merely ~latte7ing Caesar in order to get him to do some of the things Cicero wanted done. Pliny, in his letter to Vibius Severus, acknowledges that he had modeled his speech on what he saw had previously given pleasure. But, he adds, he changed the style in order to better show his sincerity (3.18.10). ~ 14Eduard Norden,· Die· Antike· ·Kunts·pyo·sa· Vom: VI.. Jahr hundert v.· Chr.· bis-··in ·die· ·zeit der Renaissance-,-(Stuttgart: B. G. TeUbner, 19"5lr}-,-p:---31-8-.- -- 75 that .in· EJ2.. 1. 5 .12, .Pliny states explicitly that Cicero was his "ideal 11 whom he emulated: est mihi cum Cicerone aemulatio, nee sum con tentus eloquentia saeculi nostri. nam stul tissimum credo ad imitandum non optima quae que proponere. Norden adds that in this_ particular passage one hears the student of Quintilian.15 In two long letters (1.20 and 9.26), Pliny discusses and compares the Attic and Asian styles of oratory. In §E_. 1.20 to Tacitus, Pliny writes that "to him, [Pliny], brevitas is not agreeable and if he must make a mistake he would prefer that one declaim ·irnmodice et redundanter rather than ieiune et infirme. 11 16 In the same way, Norden continues, Pliny intro- duces a sentence in Ep. 9.26.4, which, ."according to his [Pliny's] tastes is elevated, but according to that of 15rbid., p. 319. 16Ibid., where Norden quotes Pliny ~.1.20.19: "non enim amputata oratio et abscisa sed lata et magni fica et excelsa tonat fulgurat, omnia denique perturbat ac miscet." This shows a direct contrast to the senti ments expressed by the younger Seneca who admired brevitas, but who, in opposition to Quint. (Inst. 8.3.82), criti cized the brevitas of Sallust (Seneca~· 114.17), be cause Sallust did not avoid the faults against which Quintilian warned, i.e., obscurity, and the appearance that a "longer form of expression has been cut down into a briefer one". (Walter c. Summers I ed. I Select Letters ··of· Seneca, (New York: ·Macmillan, St. Martin's Press, 1968), Introduction B, p. xci). 76 his friends was bombastic. 11 17 In Ep. 3 .18, _Pliny reports that he has held a reading of the· Pane·gyricus before a select_ group of his friends and the fact that the most austere passages · (severissi:ma quae·gue) were those which pleased his listeners most was particularly surprising to him because "with precisely this subject uninhibited diction would be more appropriate. 11 18 Pliny writes: Omnes enim, qui placendi causa scribunt, qualia placere viderint scribent. Ac mihi qui dem confido in hoc genere materiae laetioris stili constare rationem, cum ea potius quae pressius et adstrictius, quam illa quae hilar ius et quasi exsultantius scripsi, possint videri accersita et inducta. Non ideo tamen segnius precor, ut quandoque veniat dies (utinamque iam venerit!), quo austeris illis severisque dulcia haec blandaque vel iusta possessione decedant.19 ...... l 7Norden, p. 319 , where he quotes E£_. 9. 2 6. 4 : "ideo nequaquam par gubernatoris est virtus, cum placido et cum . turbato mari vehitur: tune admirante nullo inlaudatus in gloriosus subit portum. at cum strident funes, curvatur arbor, gubernacula gemunt, tune ille clarus et dis maris pro xi mus. '1 18Norden, p •. 320. See Radice, Greece and Rome, XV, 2 , p. 171. See also A. N. Sherwin-White, The Letters of Pliny: A Historical and Social Commentary, (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1966),--p:- 252, note to E£..· 3.18.8, comments: "Ordinarily Pliny champions the stilus laetior, which he realized suited his natural exuberance, Ep. 1.20.20-22; 2.5.5-6; 7.12; 9.26. nn. At most he gives a-half-hearted support, as in 1.2; 2.19.5-6, to the· plainer style, but is ready as here to compromise. In actual forensic speeches, as in the original Panegyric he_had perforce to make some use of plainness, but enriches his speeches for publication. He apparently approves the 'middle way' of Quintilian rather than the full 'Asian' extravaganceJ and dislikes the simplicity of the veteres, see 1.2.1-2.n. 11 19p1iny· ~· 3 .18. 10. 77 "In his earlier letter (3.13, .evidently written: before the reading), _he had drawn especial attention to the rhe'torical devices in the ·speech which were to compensate for the lack of novelty in~,~· ·gra.ti·arum: ·a·ctio. In· Ep. 3.18, .he admits that he wrote .the revised speech hilarius· et quasi ·exultanti·us- he was carried''away by it at the time, and still defends a more florid style ·c1aetior sti1us) as the right one, though now that the excitement of the reading is over he seems to be aware that something plainer suits him best, and ends the letter by hoping that one day audiences will expect no more than strict si~l1plici ty. u20 As Norden states, Pliny is self contradictory. 21 But from his self-contradictory judgments three points are clear as to his style~and preferences: first, "he loves abundance even to the point of excessive abundance. secondly,he loved elegant ornamental diction: in Isaeus he marvelled at verba quaesita et exculta (2.3.2) ••• thirdly, he has sharpened his enjoyment of a pointed sentence. 11 22 20Radice, Greece and Rome, XV, 2, p. 171. 21Norden, p. 319. 22Ibid., pp. 319-20, passim. Summers, Introd. A, pp. xv-xvi-;<:1efines the pointed style as that "kind of writing which, without sacrificing clearness or conciseness, regularly avoids in thought or phrase or both, all that is obvious, dir ect and natural, seeking to be i!lgenious rather than true, neat rather than beautiful,· exercising the wit but not rousing the emotions or appealing to the judgment of the reader ••• in Latin whilst its best representative is undoubtedly Seneca the I . • younge~, it is characteristic of the whole of that later period of literature which we call 'Silver' and the duration of which so nearly coincides with the first century of our era. 11 On p. xvii, Summers states that "the taste for Point seems to be characteristic of literature in decadence." 78 Norden states that Pliny's. practice corresponds to his theory, .the practice which we observe not only from some letters, but particularly the· Pan·egyri"cus . If Seneca _gives us in his books on rhetoric essentially the theory of new eloq&ence, Pliny in his oratory gives its practical application. 112 3 Betty Radice states, "the mixed style described by'Quintilian (Inst. Orat. 12.10) is the one which fits him [Pliny] best. 11 24 Marcel Durry writes, "dans ses lettres, Pline a defendu tour a tour les deux ecoles. Ici encore, il a voulu se maintenir dans l'eritre deux. n25 Pliny himself states that Tacitus was his model, and although he was younger than Tacitus by a few years, 23Norden, pp. 320-21. 24Radice, Greece ·and Rome, XV, 2, p. 172. Sherwin-White, pp. 88-9, states=- "The Panegyric itself, and fragments of Pliny Is oratorical style in . [~.] 8. 6. 4f; 14.17f, bear out what the Letters, especially 1.20 and 9.26, suggest, that for Pliny style was largely a question of phraseology, the choice of words; this was characteristic of the newer orators of the period (Marache, ch. v). In this he might make good his claim to be a Ciceronian of sorts. But his construction of sentences and para graphs, though marked by a fine sense of balance is seldom periodic. The characteristic seems to be that a strong, self-contained opening sentence affirms the theme, which is then elaborated in a series of following clauses, cunningly balanced by various rhetorical devices. The paragiaph explains itself as it goes along, and can be cut· short at any point without shattering the constructioni cf. for example,· ·Pan. · 91." 25nurry, p. 41. 79 Pliny r~garded Tacitus as a close friend.26 Pliny has employed many of the tricks and devices of rhetoric, .e .• g. , chiasmus (10. 3) , zeugma (14. 3) , anaphora {17.1) • 27 In the· Pan·egyricus, too, .Pliny has used ·color in both its technical and non-technical forms. This chap ter will be devoted to illustrating the uses of color found in this epideictic encomium from the Silver Age of Latin literature. In the proe·rn:ium of the· Panegyricus, Pliny speaks of Trajan as 11 munus deorum 11 .28 If anyone doubts whether leaders are made by chance, or by di vine will, .Pliny con- tinues, in Trajan's case there can be no doubt; "non enim occulta potestate f atorum, sed ab Iove ipso coram ac palam .:. repertus electus est. 11 29 In reality something more than 26Pliny ~· 7.20. For a further discussion of Pliny's and Tacitus' mutual influence see R. T. Bruere, "Tacitus and Pliny's Panegyricus", CPh, xlix (1954), pp. 161-79. Durry, pp. 60-66 also discusses the relation ship of Pliny and Tacitus and their influence upon each other. Bru~re, p. 177, n. 4, cites Durry, p. 63 and conunents, "The French scholar first appreciated the indebtedness of the· Annals to the· Panegyricus: 1 les plus precieuses similitudes sont pour nous celles qui nous montrent le· ·pane:gyri·q·ue devancant les Annales. 1 11 2 ?Radice,· Gr·e·e·ce· ·a·na ·Rome, XV, 2, p. 170. For a more complete discussion of Pliny's syntax and stylis tic techniques in the Pane·gyricus, see Durry, pp. 46-49. 28p1iny ·~· 1. 3. 29pan. 1. 3-5. 80 divine intervention was responsible for Trajan's accession to the throne. When Domitian was assassinated in 96. A.D., .Cocceius Nerva, .then sixty-six years old, .had already beeri designated by the assassins as successor to Domitian. He was popular with the Senate, but, as in the case of Galba, .he was resented by the army as a usurper. The soldiers had been admirers of the Flavians, and Domitian had been popular with the troops. The sixteen months of Nerva's. reign had been a continual period of popularity-seeking which never succeeded completely in winning over the army. Their discontent erupted in 97 when the Prefect of the Praetorians, Casperius Aelianus, demanded that the murderers of Domitian be arrested and executed. Nerva had no choice but to comply with their demands.30 It was this dissatis faction of the army and the mutiny of the praetorian guard31 which prompted Nerva to choose, to all appearances of his own accord, a man not only respected by the Senate, but also distinguished as a soldier and popular with the army. According to Syme, Nerva was undoubtedly influenced to some degree in his choice by two senior consulars, 30p1iny Pan. 6.2: 11 postremo coactus princeps quos nolebat occidere-:Ut daret principem quo cogi non posset." 3lp1iny even uses the mutiny of the. guard as a · ·c·olor to claim that such violence was needed "quia magna vi magnoque terrore modestia tua vincenda erat." (5.7.) 81 Julius Frontinus, _and Vestricius Spurinna. 32 At least the ·1ater honors bestowed on them by Trajan suggest.this.33 It is also likely that the military oligarchy with the help of others in the background were responsible for the division and distribution of imperial powers wrought by the adoption of Trajan, resulting in their virtual deposing of an emperor who had proved unsatisfactory to them. Thus, as Syme states, "would posterity ever believe that a general who commanded a large, powerful and devoted army was not made emperor by that army • • • ? 11 34 It is this question which Pliny has found necessary to answer in as favorable a light as possible. How, indeed, to convince all future readers, as well as his immediate listeners, that Trajan was not chosen by the army, and that his allegiance would be as much to the Senate and people a~ to the army? Pliny's opening chapter invokes a technical color from the days of Seneca and the · Co"ntrove·rsiae"; i.e., that what has happened has happened by divine influence and intervention.35 Then the question is asked by Pliny himself: ...... 32syme,·· Ta·citus, p. 35 33pliny -~. 61. 7. 34syme,· Tacitus, p. 13. 35cf. p. 2a,· ·supra., the ·c·o1·or of Fuscus. 82 Credentne posteii patricio et consulari et triumphali patre genitum, cum fortissimum amplissimum amantissimum sui exercitum r~geiet, imperatorem non ab exercitu factum?36 Pliny then proceeds to answer this question in se~eral places in;,the Panegy-ri'cus. In 5. 6, .he states that Trajan recognized the danger which the state was in and took up power ~o sav.e the empire from destruction. Igitur cogendus fuisti. Cogi porro non poteras nisi periculo patriae et nutatione rei publicae obstinatum enim tibi non suscipere imperium, nisi servandum fuisset. Again Pliny answers his own question with words designed to throw an extremely favorable light on the matter. For, he states, Trajan's obedience to his emperor and to all matters which required his attention was responsible for his access- ion: "Paruisti enim, Caesar, et ad principatum obsequio ' ' II 37 perven~sti • • • ~ommenting on this aspect of the court politics, and the subsequent adoption and propaganda, .syme states, "Trajan's allies had done their work well. Design collabor- ated with chance. In what measure who could tell there- after? Truth was inexpedient, and the necessary pretences could be safely left to the public pronouncements of reput able senators. 11 38 Syme. goes on to say that the willingness 36p1iny· ·~· 9. 2. J7pan. 9. 3. See also p. 72 ,· sup·ra, n. 5. See also· ·pan. 10:"3, "filii pietatem, filii obsequium". 38syme ,· Tacttus, p. 36. 83 of the people to believe in divine omens also helped to further the cause; Pliny himself was sh~ewd eriough to know the truth, a consciousness which makes his use of · ·c·o1·o·res all the more striking. 39 Pliny's statement ·(Pan. 9.3) conveys a double · ·c·o"lor by· his choice and use of the word ·ohsequ·ium. 40 Obedience in this sense is that which was expected from a subjugated people to their ruler.41 It denoted the loss of ·1ihertas, one of the most precious rights of the Roman people. Yet, here Pliny takes an unpopular word and by its application 11 colors 11 it with respectability, even honor, as being that quality which Trajan, the emperor himself, had always demonstrated to his emperor. Here, too, is an application of Volkmann's O--X.fjj-ltt,Where from the use of obsequium Pliny's implication is that Trajan 39rbid. 11 Whether Jupiter had guided Nerva in his decision, as was duly announced, or, as the populace be lieved, omens and portents advertised the decrees of fate, a Roman senator who regarded with equal contempt both official truth and the opinions of the mob, and, know- ing the 'res publica', knew how an emperor was made, would discern;the will and act of certain men. 11 40rbid., p. 58. Syme writes: 11 Pliny in the . · Pa·n·e·gyri·cus lays especial emphasis on Trajan's. career of service--and subordination. Trajan did nothing to make himself emperor: obedience brought him to the Principate ~ The word is obsequium. "· 41rbid., p. 227. Syme writes: "Senators could enjoy s·e·curr:t:is at last. They had longed for a good ruler, and now he was with them, unremovable. Their di·g·nitas was saved· and protected, at the cost of obed ience,· ·obsequium. 11 84 is not a god, but a human being,42 and, as he later states, not above the law, but subject to it.43 Throughout his speech, Pliny has used color over and over again as embellishment or decoration of oratory. In this sense the words are "dressed-up" in their finest ., array. This is Pliny's first love, or as Norden calls it, "das yo11e, j a bis zum Uberrnass Volle." 44 Probably ), '~ :·f.. ·no passage ''is a better illustration of this type of color than Pliny's description of Trajan, both of his virtues ·=~~.;; and of his' physical characteristics. It is what Syme calls " ••• the fruit of his [Pliny's] silent thoughts 11 ••• 45 ·,The last part of the description is particularly striking: Ut·nihil severitati eius hilaritate, nihil gravitati simplicitate, nihil maiestati humani tate detrahitur! Iam firmitas, iam proceritas corporis, iarn honor capitis et dignitas oris, ad hoc aetatis indeflexa maturitas, nee sine quodarn munere deum festinatis senectutis in signibus ad a:ugendarn maiestatem ornate caes aries, nonne longe lateque principem ostentant?46 42rn Pan. 2.5, Pliny writes: " ••• nee minus hominem se quam-hominibus praeesse meminit." 43pliny ~· 65.1. 44Norden, p. 319. 45syme, Tacitus, p. 37. 46Pliny Pan. 4.4-7. It is interesting to note in this passage from Pliny an example of his self-contradict ion as·Norden calls it (see Norden, p. 319): the use of asy~deton which produces brevitas, but also produces· point. See p. 75, supra. 85 Another example of oratorical embellishment is Pliny's remarks concerning the death of Nerva whom, Pliny says, "di ideo caelo vindicaverunt, ne quid post illud divinum et immortale factum mortale faceret. 11 47 On January 1, 89 A.D., while Domitian was still emperor, a revolt arose among the emperor's legions in Germany led by·; Antonius Saturninus, Governor of Upper Germany. Saturninus, prompted no doubt by an ambitious desire for imperial power, had seized the savings bank containing his legionaries' pay and by this means was able to blackmail the troops into supporting his cause. By this time not only was Upper Germany in revolt but Lower Germany and Britain, too. Trajan, who at this time was in command of the Spanish legion VII Gernina, was summoned to aid Domitian. Domitian himself hastened north on January 12 with some of the Praetorian Guard, but before he arrived, Saturninus had already been de feated and killed on January 25. Many of the facts con- cerning this event are either suppressed, diminished, or embellished beyond recognition by Pliny in his overwhelm- ing eagerness to glorify his new emperor. In section 14, Pliny begins an account of Trajan's career. However, when speaking of the one Spanish legion under Trajan's command in 89, Pliny uses the plural form, legiones.48 . 47 . 10 4 Pliny ~· • • 48rbid., 14.3. 86 Concerni~g this, _Syme writes, nthe facts have to be dis entangled from the luxuriant laudations and incomplete · avowals of the official orator. Pliny tells hciw Domitian summoned Trajan'' as his surest aid for the wars of Germany, how Trajan :'~ond~cted the legions with miraculous rapidity. I' There was ~hiy one legion in Spain, and the war was a ,{49 civil war. Here then, is an example of technical color, i.e. , "the special 'colour' put on a case by the orator's tr~atment of the facts",50 to insure as favorable an impressionas possible. The opposite type of technical ·co'lor, i. e ~, that of aggravating the facts to present as unfavorable an impression as possible, is found in the same section with Pliny's mention of Domitian's part in the uprising. While the facts are clear that Domitian did, indeed, leave Rome as quickly as possible for Germany, Pliny practically negates Domitian's role completely, and even goes so far as to attribute the vice of being ·invidus to· Domitian-: 49 Syme ,· Ta·c·itus, p. 32. Syme continues, "Whether Trajan in dutiful response to the Emperor's summons came as far as the Rhine (and went with him to the Danubian armies), or led the legion back to Spain when th~ ~ic tory was announced there is no means of telling. At this important juncture in his hero's. life, the pan~gyricist flags and fails--nothing but a vague reference to 'other ex~~ditions' .(14.5) after the march from Spain." 50see Austin's. definition, p. 41,· sut>'ra. 87 Nee dubito quin ille qui te inter ipsa Germaniae bella ab Hispania usque ut validissimum prae sidium exciverat, iners ipse. alienisque vir tutibus tune quo~ue invidus imperator cum ope earum indigeret. 1 In sedtion 15, by the use of one word, Pliny manages to be extremely subtle in conveying one or all of several possible insinuations.52 He speaks of Trajan's fame as posterity will know him. As Syme says, n later ages would tell of his glory and point out the traces of his passage."53 ]'{s sightseers or modern day tourists, men will mark each piece of ground on which Trajan has walked, _each tree or rock which has sheltered him; 54 also "quod denique tectum magnus hospes impleveris. 11 55 It is Pliny's use of the word hospes here which deserves close attention.56 He has skillfully "colored" his statement, which appears so simple on the surface, with implications of political and military significance. Hospes, in one of its basic meanings, is a stranger or 5lp1iny· ·Pan. 14.5. 52see p. 23,· su:pra, for Bonner's "added insinuat ions" of which the clever colores consisted. 53syme,· Tacitus, p. 5 7. 54p1iny ·pan. 15.4. 5.Srhid. 56 Syme ,· Ta·citus, p. 57, n. 4. 88 foreigner as opposed to one who is native-born.57 Trajan's family had come from Italica in the far part of Spain, making him only the second emperor (to Claudius")- who was . ,,1 not Itali"an-born. 58 Hosp 1 · th · .. es a so carries e meaning of one upon.whom soldiers are quartered.59 Here the military ; ,• reference: is plain in that Trajan was a recognized leader of the legions both through his military skill and his personal charm· and amiability. Thus to Trajan, the soldiers were friends and compatriots,.and he, in turn, was their comrade as.well as their emperor. In this phrase also, Pliny cou~d be .. using tectum to refer to the Senate, in which case a still greater subtlety arises if one sees in the phrase "tectum rnagnus hospes irnpleveris" a union in one man of the senatorial and military elements of the empire, a feat which Trajan had been wise enough to 57Lewis and Short, p. 866, "opp. to a native, a stranger, a forergrier. 11 See also~: Vol: VI, 3 Fasc: XVI, 3026(19}: hospes i.q. advena, peregrinus, viator: Cic. Brut. 46.172; "ut ego iam non mirer illud Theophrasto accidisse, quod dicitur, cum percontaretur ex anicula qua- dam quanti aliquid venderet et respondisset illa atque addidisset, 'hospes, non pote minoris', tulisse eum moleste se non effugere hospitis· speciem, cum aetatem ageret Athenis optimeque loqueretur omniurn." 58Dio Cass. 68.4.1. See Syme, Tacitus, p. 30. See also Suet. Claud. 2. 59Lewis and Short, p. 866, 11 one upon whom soldiers are quartered". See also~: Vol: V~, 3 Fasc: XVI, 3024(13}: Tac. Hist. 2.66.2: 11 nec diu in tantis armatorum odiis quies fuit:---A°ugustae Taurinorum, dum opificem quendam Batavus ut fraudatorem insectatur, legionarius ut hospitem tuetur, sui cuique comrnilitones adgregati a con viciis ad caedem transiere." 89 accomplish. 60 Ano th er ."t wist · o f argument_',' 61. or "coloring of the case with clever insinuations", 62 could be implied in the fact that hos:e·es generally refers to a host who receives a_ guest without pay I or to a_ guest who is received •; without having to pay.63 In this case, the implication is that Trajan has come, not to subject or subdue, but as a friend would come to visit in the house of a friend.64 A final example of color from the word hospes can be inter :p,reted in much the same light as the last preceeding inter- pretation, i.e., as a guest in the house of a friend, if one accepts Dio Cassius' statement, that Trajan "often ••• would enter the houses of citizens, sometimes even without a guard, and enjoy himself there. 11 65 In section 16, Pliny once again uses color in its technical sense; in this case to prevent any possible 60c.A.H., Vol. XI, p. 203. 6lsee P· 21, su;era. 62 see P· 2 3, su:2ra. 63Lewis and Short, p. 866, "one who entertains gratuitously, as a friend": "a sojourner, visitor, guest, · friend, ~ ivos ". See also TLL: Vol: VI, 3 Fas~:. XVI: "de iis, qui personas peregre adveniente tecto recipiunt, et de iis ipsis, qui excipiuntur": Hor. ~· 2.2.131-33: " ••• cetera qui vitae servaret munia recto more; bonus sane vicinus, amabilis hospes, comis in uxorem, posset qui ignoscere servis ••• " 64It could be convincingly argued that these implications mig~t alSO V~ry easily fit _volkmann IS. definition of tr"J!'rlf'-a. or )t'UJ,JAQ., (pp. 39-40, supra). 65oio Cass. 68. 7. 3. (Translation by Earnest Cary, LCL). 90 future condemnation which might arise over a past act of Trajan's. In the winter of 98-99, .Trajan had camped along the banks of the Danube, prior to coming to Rome in the spring. Thro~ghout the reign of Domitian there had been uprisings alo~g the German border which he had man~ged to keep down, and by so doing to enlarge the frontier boundaries of the empire. Trajan had fought many German campaigns in the early part of his career, but at this time he was reluctant to cross the river to e!lg~ge in a battle with an adversary66 who also showed reluctance to fight at that time. Therefore Trajan de- cided to do nothing, an attitude which, in view of the fact that Trajan was a strong military figure, could possibly be misinterpreted, and be detrimental to the prestige and reputation of the Roman empire. To avoid any chance of this, Pliny speaks in glowing terms of the nobility and magnificence of Trajan's restraint: Magnum est, imperator auguste, magnum ~st s~are in Danubii ripa, si transeas certum triumphi, nee decertare cupere cum recusantibus; quorum alterum fortitudine, alterum moderatione ef- ficitur. 67 · It is at this point that Pliny continues his praises of Trajan's. military prowess, .evidently in an addition to the· Panegyricus made later, probably during ...... 66oecebalus, king of the Dacians, (see Radice, ea.,· Pliny's· ~.,·p. 361, n. 4.) 67p1iny Pan. 16.2. 91 the Dacian war of 101. 68 He describes a future triumph of Trajan's as though foretelling such a marvelous event (sec. 17) . Syme believes that it would not have been: beyond Pliny's capabilities to have combined at the same time his defense of Trajan's stand on the Danube with "some intimation of battle and victory, with a genuine triumph at last. 11 69 If such is the case, this would be still another example of color, this time that of explaining a.n act in the past by the prediction of a favorable event in the future.70 So great is Pliny's desire to glorify Trajan, and at the same time, to villify Domitian, that the latter is not even given credit where some credit might be due - him. Employing the technical color of aggravating the facts of the case against one person while embellishing or "varnishing11 71 the deeds of another, Pliny discusses the banishment of the mimes.72 In the beginning of section 46 he uses the indefinite word, aliquis, when stating that the mimes had been banished, .refusing to acknowle~ge that it was Domitian who had brought this about. The 68Radice, ed.,· ·p1i·ny 1 s Pan., p. 360, n. 2. 69syme ,· Tacitus, p. 49. 70 see Quint.· -rn·st. 3. 8. 4 7. See also pp. 36-37, ·supra. 7lsee p. 21,· ·su:pra. 72Pliny Pan. 46. 92 twist his argument takes in this section is quite well done; altho~gh ·the mimes had been banished, it had been an arbitrary act on the part of the unpopular emperor. As a result the people were unwilling to accept such a rule and demanded the recall of the mimes when Nerva came to power. Now, under Trajan, the people have requested that the mimes be banished once again, the difference in situations being that, "restitui oportebat, quos ~ustulerat malus princeps, et tolli restitutos." The reason for this, Pliny continues, is that, "quae a malis bene fiunt, his tenendus est modus, ut appareat auctorem displicuisse non factum. 11 73 Bruere states that, "Pliny's reconciliation of the expulsion of pantomimists by Domitian with their re-expulsion by Trajan (in the meantime Nerva had allowed their return) recalls by its antithesis between measure and sponsor, Aeschines' anecdote (Tim. 180) of the old Spartan, who first pointed out, when a salutary measure was proposed to the Spartans by a man of bad reputation, the unseemliness of heeding the advice of a scoundrel, and then circumvented the difficulty by havi~g a respectable citizen advance the same proposal. n74 73p1iny ·Pan. 46.3. Bruere, p. 171, quotes Tac. ··Hist. 2.10.3, "nee poena criminis, sed ultor displicebat," asa comparison with Pan. 46.3, and comments, "Tacitus' similar contrast between penalty and punisher may have been suggested by Pliny's. distillation of the familiar anecdote. (Gell. 18. 3; Plut.· Mor. 801 C)." 74Bruere, p. 171. 93 The· pe·ro·ration of the· Pa·ne·gyricus is devoted to Pliny's enumeration of his own offices. He asserts that he ~as halted in his career by Domitian and also knew hard times of grief and fear: Vos modo favete huic proposito et credite, si cursu quodam provectus ab illo insidiosissimo principe, ante quam profiteretur odium bonorum, postquam professus est substiti.75 Here, perhaps, is Pliny's underlying excuse or apology, as it were, for the fact that he did not share the ill- fortunes suffered by so many of his political comrades in the later years of Domitian's rule; for, in truth, Pliny steadily advanced in his career. He held the praetorship in 93 under Domitian, and in 94 he was given a three-year appointment as curator aerarii militaris. 76 Domitian was assassinated in 96, and shortly afterward Pliny took it upon himself to vindicate the name of Helvidius Priscus, a Stoic who had been executed in 93, and to denounce Publicius Certus who had prosecuted Priscus. Through Pliny's efforts Certus did not receive the consulship which he had expected. Pliny himself received the appointment. It was a three-year term which he held with Cornutus Tertullus as colleague up until the day when he and Tertullus were made suffect consuls by Trajan in September, 100 A.D. Apparently, .it is the 75p1iny· ·pan. 95.3-4. 76Radice, ed.,· Pliny's ·Pan., Introd., p. xi. 94 three-year appointment as· ·cur·ator· ·a·erar'ii mil'ita'ris that he received from Domitian which Pliny prefers to. gloss over thinking it perhaps somewhat predjudicial ~gainst him. Syme states, "the chance survival of authentic evidence, disclosing the' ·p·r·a·e·f'e'cture of the' ·a·era'rium mil'itare, blows away the orator's assertion that he had called a halt in his career."77 Thus Pliny, who has used multitudinous· col'or·es throughout the· Pa·negyr'i·cus either on behalf of 'L'raj an, or ~gainst Domitian, ends his oration with an example of the use of technical color in his own behalf. 77 syrne ,· Ta·c·itus, p. 82 • 95 CONCLUSION From the definitions and examples of· ·co·lor found in both ancient and modern writers which have been dis- cussed in Chapter I of this thesis,· ·c·olor has been shown to be a figure of speech which embraces two separate and distinct functions; i.e., non-technical and technical. Duri~g the last years of the Republic, and the b~ginni~g years of the Augustan regime, color as a figure of speech was consciously used and defined as the simple, non-technical term denoting merely the embellishments added to oratory in moderate measure which made the dif- ference between mediocre speaking and truly fine oratory; and it was polished oratorical skill which paved the way to success for political aspirants. As the Republic declined, however, so declined . both the desire and the opportunity for true freedom of speech in the political arena, as a result of which men had to look elsewhere for opportunities to practice the art of speaking as well as for means of advancement in a desired career. Ronald Syme has stated this tragic loss quite well in· The· ·Roman· Revolution; 11 Freedom of speech was an .essential part of the Republican virtue of 'lihertas, to be regretted more than political freedom when both were 96 abolished. For the sake of peace and the common. good, all power had to pass to one man. That was not the worst feature of monarchy--it was the. growth of servility and adulation. 11 1 Nowhere is this "servility and adulation" clearer seen than in the rise of the" ·gr·ati'arum: ·a·cti·o·nes, coming to a climax in Pliny's· Panegyricus. It was under the emperors who were the enemies of the Senate that political oratory virtually died, and "from its ashes rose the· 'de·clamati·ones of Seneca's day, which. gave birth to ·co'l'or in its recognized technical sense, a means of palliating or mitigating the act of an accused. It was through the gradual evolution of the la~gu~ge, and the change of political fortunes, that · ·c·ol'or developed from a simple expression, defining only a vague aspect of speaking in general, to a specific figure of speech which was defined by rhetoricians, and .then pointedly employed as such in the declamationes and the orationes. As the declamationes became more and more popular, imaginations became more and more strained to produce a: ·color, original and more brilliant than preceeding· co·1or-es ... Eventually these· ·colores, too, suffered under the trials of over-use, and in many cases reached the point of lsyme,· Rom.· ~·, p. 152. 97 absurdity. During the first ceri-tury A.D., rhetoric began to take the place of philosophy in prestige. By the end of Trajan's reign the prevailing view was that the orator _-and not the philosopher represented the· vir sumrnus, and that the content of an oration did not matter as much as the speaker's skill in the art of rhetoric • . . To provide instructions in the art of speaking, "Quintilian wrote the· Tnstitu:tio Oratoria, in which he defined ·co"lor in both its technical and non-technical aspects, and informed the aspiring orator how color and all the other figures of speech should be used.2 Quintilian mourned the loss of an age of rhetoric in which the style was less flowery, an age when the man schooled in philosophy was the true orator, in short, the age of Cicero. Tacitus, a contemporary of Quintilian likewise recognized the gradual decadence settling upon the art of rhetoric; but, unlike Quintilian, he could not advocate a return to the days of the Republic in spite of the oppress ions of monarchy. In the oi·alogus of Tacitus, Syme writes that the poet. Curiatus Maternus states the dilemma which Tacitus himself fel~-~great oratory or_ good government-- "and the verdict accepts and defends the existing order." syme further states that this conclusion reveals not ...... 2see pp. 10-12, .15-16, 35-42, ·s·u:p·ra. LIBRARY UNIVERSl'l'Y OF RICHMOND VIRGINIA 98 enthusiasm but resignation, because, as the argumerit is preiented, ~here can no longer be ~ood orators because there is monarchy, .but monarchy must be accepted because it is better than the Republic and chaos.3 Thus the way was opened for the·. grati·a·rum ·a·ctiones, one of the few remaining opportunities under imperial rule for public speaking, although in many cases the opportunities were despised; and, in like manner, the · ··grati·arum ·a·cti·o·nes, by their very nature, afforded the greatest opportunities for the use of colores at their greatest point of development. 3syme ,· Tacitus, p. 220. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ANCIENT SOURCES Texts, Translations and Cormnentaries Auctor. 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Vol. I: Fasc. VI; Vol. II: Fasc. XII; Vol. IV: Fasc: VII; Vol. VI: 3 Fasc. XVI. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner,. 1904, 1909, 1940 • Volkmann, Richard. Die Rhetorik der Griechen ~ Romer · in SystematiSC!ler Ubersicht. Hildesheim: Georg Olrns, 1963. • vi ABBREVIATIONS USED IN FOOTNOTES Austin: Quintilianus, Marcus Fabius. Institutionis Oratoriae, Liber XII. Edited by R. G. Austin. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1965. Denniston: Ciceronis, M. Tulli. Iri M. Antonium Orationes Philippicae Prima-et Secunda. Edited by J. D. Denniston. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1926. Mayor: Juvenalis, D. Junius. Thirteen Satires. Vol. I. Edited by John E. B. Mayor. London: Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 1901. Peterson: Quintilianus, Marcus Fabius. Institutionis Oratoriae, Liber X. Edited by W. Peterson. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1903. VITA Marilyn Childers Smart, nee Jacke, was born in Montclair, New Jersey on May 24, 1936. She attended elementary school in Richmond, Virginia, and was graduated from J. M. Atherton High School in Louisville, Kentucky in June, 1954. She entered Vanderbilt University in September, 1954 and received the Bachelor of Arts degree, cum laude, in Latin in June, 1958. In September, 1958, she entered the T. c. Williams' School of Law of the University of Richmond which she attended for one year on a scholarship. She married John S. Smart, an attorney, in August, 1959, and has two daughters. She entered the University of Richmond Graduate School in September, 1968 and com pleted the requirements for the Master of Arts degree in Latin in May, 1970. During this time she worked on a service scholarship, was a member of Eta Sigma Phi and the Mediterranean Society, and taught a course in first year Latin.