DOCSLIB.ORG

Addenda Et Corrigenda

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Christian Settipani CONTINUITE GENTILICE ET CONTINUITE FAMILIALE DANS LES FAMILLES SENATORIALES ROMAINES A L’EPOQUE IMPERIALE MYTHE ET REALITE Addenda I - III (juillet 2000- octobre 2002) P & G Prosopographica et Genealogica 2002 ADDENDA I (juillet 2000 - août 2001) Introduction Un an après la publication de mon livre, il apparaît opportun de donner un premier état des compléments et des corrections que l’on peut y apporter1. Je ne dirais qu’un mot des erreurs de forme, bien trop nombreuses hélas, mais qu’il reste toujours possible d’éliminer. J’ai répertorié ici celles que j’ai relevées au hasard des lectures. En revanche, les corrections de fond s’avèrent un mal rédhibitoire. La mise à jour de nouveaux documents (et on verra que plusieurs inscriptions importantes doivent être ajoutées au dossier), la prise en compte de publications qui m’avaient échappées ou simplement une réflexion différente rendront toujours l’œuvre mouvante et inachevée. Il m’a semblé que pour garder au livre son caractère d’actualité il fallait impérativement tenir à jour des addenda. Une publication traditionnelle aurait pour conséquence que ces addenda seraient eux-mêmes rapidement rendus insuffisants voire obsolètes dans un temps très court, à peine publiés sans doute2. La meilleure solution s’impose donc naturellement : une publication en ligne avec une remise à niveau régulière que l’on trouvera, pour l’instant, sur : http://www.linacre.ox.ac.uk/research/prosop/addrome.doc Il est bien entendu que cet état reste provisoire et ne s’assimile pas encore à une publication formelle et que je reste à l’écoute des suggestions, critiques ou corrections que l’on voudra bien me faire, et que j’essaierai d’en tenir compte du mieux possible3. 1 Je n’évoquerai qu’à peine ici, parce que le mépriser davantage semblerait lui donner raison, le bruit diffamatoire répandu sous le manteau par une poignée de personnes persuadées, à partir d’une liste d’idées et de références communes, que j’aurai pillé la thèse et une communication inédite d’un autre chercheur. Il est évident pourtant qu’il ne suffit pas de brandir une telle liste pour prouver quelque chose. En revanche, il serait judicieux de s’inquiéter du volumineux dossier de publications, commentaires, et autre échange de lettres que j’ai accumulé ou diffusé depuis plus de vingt ans sur ces questions. L’impression qu’ont ces personnes de l’antériorité de certaines idées s’en trouverait singulièrement modifiée. Et ce ne sont pas des publications ou des communications récentes qui y changeront quelque chose. Disons simplement ici que je défie quiconque de mettre en évidence le moindre rapprochement probant entre mon livre et la thèse de ce chercheur ou de trouver la moindre trace de substance originale empruntée à cette communication (présentée 15 jours avant la mise en vente de mon livre). Ce que je peux prouver par contre, c’est que je n’ai pu feuilleter cette thèse que durant une demi-heure au plus le 7 sept. 1999, et à ce jour (juin 2001), elle est toujours inconnue à Doc-Thèse, à l’Atelier National de Reproduction des Thèses, aux presses du Septentrion, etc. Quant à la communication, dont le texte a été publié depuis, il suffira de comparer avec ce que j’ai écrit pour juger. Je fais de la généalogie par pur plaisir, et je suis, moi, connu pour cela depuis longtemps. Je n’ai aucun intérêt à piller qui que ce soit. En l’espèce, je cite très souvent ce chercheur, auquel je me suis présenté à deux reprises pour lui faire part de mes travaux, et je mentionne dûment mon rapide contact avec sa thèse (sa communication, qui n’a pu être citée dans le livre, est référencée dans ces addenda depuis août 2000 ainsi que dans un article remis en septembre 2000). Il serait vraiment dommage de poursuivre dans la confrontation. Aussi, je veux encore croire qu’il ne s’agit là que d’une maladresse d’un jeune auteur mal conseillé et que cette campagne sans fondement s’arrêtera sans qu’il soit besoin d’une réaction plus marquée. 2 Et cela est d’autant plus vrai que je suis en train de reprendre quelques questions que j’estime aujourd’hui n’avoir pas traitées au mieux. 3 Pour lors (juillet 2001), deux comptes-rendus m’ont été accessibles : M. BIERBRIER, 2001 et N. L. TAYLOR, 2001, tous deux globalement positifs. Le premier soulève quelques difficultés sur des points que j’ai de toute évidence abordés de façon trop elliptique sans donner au lecteur toutes les indications nécessaires à la bonne compréhension de mes hypothèses. Celles-ci n’en demeurent pas moins des hypothèses et peuvent évidemment © Christian SETTIPANI : 31 août 2001 2 ADDENDA I (juillet 2000 - août 2001) Corrections : p. 26 ; 134, n. 8 ; 385, n.1 ; 585 : Tritturius lire Triturrius p. 44 : s. v. Domitianus : SHA,, lire SHA, p. 55, n. 1, 2 l. av. la fin : discernées la plupart du temps discernées lire discernées la plupart du temps p. 84 : il manque la pagination p. 86 : Cosconia Gallita : lire Cosconia Gallitta p. 96, n. 6 : 1994, p. 43 lire 1994, p. 43, p. 100, s. v. M. Gavius Cornelius Cethegus, cos. 170 : Caethego lire Cethego p. 107, stemma : ORFIUS lire ORFITUS p. 113, n. 5 : Id., FOS : lire Ead., FOS p. 119, n.6, avant-dernière ligne : p. 593° lire p. 593) p. 132, §2, l. 2 : à épousé lire a épousé p. 139, l. 6 : après sa mère lire après sa mère, p. 139, l. 9 : survécut lire survécu p. 155, n. 2 : sans donner de raison, mais elle lire sans donner de raison. Elle p. 168, n. 3 : Id., ibid. : lire Ead., ibid. p. 168, n. 3 : Id., 1994 et 1995 lire Ead., 1994 et 1995 p. 173, stemma, in fine : C. 300 lire c. 300 p. 188, n. 4 : Id., ibid. lire Ead., ibid. p. 210, s. v. D. Val. Catullus, fr. arv. p. 105 : pueri patrimi lire pueri patrimi et p. 217, n. 3 : ILS, 7384 lire ILS, 7383 p. 217, n. 3 : Antonius Fulvius lire Antoninus Fulvus p. 218, n. 8 : E. Birley lire A. R. Birley p. 228, n. 4 : n’ont pas rapport lire n’ont pas de rapport p. 247, s. v. L. Volusius Saturninus, cos. 3, Tac. Ann., XIII, 30 : très lire tres p. 273, n. 3 : exilée à Pontia : lire exilée à Pontia, p. 285, n. 2 : Par ailleurs, l’origine africaine ... lire En outre, l’origine africaine p. 286, 5 l. av. la fin : ,. lire . p. 291, n. 1 : éditon lire édition p. 324, l. 14 & 15 : Correlia Hispulla lire Corellia Hispulla p. 324, l. 17 : et qu’au moment lire et au moment p. 326, n. 3 : doit être rapproché : lire doit être rapprochée p. 329, n. 11 : M. TORELLI, 1969, p. 303. lire M. TORELLI, 1969, p. 303). p. 344, stemma : pour (MARULLINA lire MARULLINA) être contestées comme telles. Le second souligne quelques défaillances évidentes : texte trop petit, explications trop lapidaires, plan complexe, lacunes dans la bibliographie. Je ne puis malheureusement qu’acquiescer. © Christian SETTIPANI : 31 août 2001 3 ADDENDA I (juillet 2000 - août 2001) p. 355, stemma : père de Volusien lire père de Trébonien Galle p. 360, n. 2 : Pour sa carrière, voir maintenant Pour l’historien ... lire Pour la carrière de l’historien ... p. 367, l. 10 : pueri et matrimi lire pueri patrimi et matrimi p. 368, n. 3 : stemma, p. 18 lire stemma, p. 43 p. 370, n. 3 : peut aussi imputé lire peut aussi être imputé p. 372, n. 3 : ... L’Empire ... p. 386, n. 8, l. 2 : leur père serait soit lire leur père serait, soit p. 386, n. 8, l. 3 : avance lire avancé p. 387, n., l. 2 (cf. la page d’addenda) : rattaché lire rattacher p. 398, l. 2 : ayant disparue lire ayant disparu p. 385, n. 9, l. 9 : pour qui, la mère lire qui considère que la mère p. 414, n. 11 : Flavii Appiones lire Flavii Apiones p. 422, l. 16 : ayant disparue lire ayant disparu p. 426 : Mathalasuentha lire Mathasuentha p. 429, l. 7 : qui écrit lire écrirait p. 433, n. 3 : K. STROBEL lire K. STROBEL, 1989 p. 433, n. 10 : P. GAWLIKOWSKI lire M. GAWLIKOWSKI p. 438, n. 2 : S. POTTER lire D. S. POTTER p. 438, n. 3 : J. SHAMP lire J. SCHAMP p. 439, n. : en été issue lire en était issue p. 439, n. 5 : Mais sources ... lire Mais les sources ... p. 439, n. 5 : d’entre elle lire d’entre elles p. 439, n. 5 : leur a été donnée lire leur a été donné p. 440, n. 8, dern. l. : Lucius Septimia lire Lucia Septimia p. 442, n. 2 : BOWERSOCK, 1969 lire BOWERSOCK, 1969b p. 448, stemma : deJudée lire de Judée p. 457, §2, l. 5 : supprimer la phrase entre crochet : 132/3[. Aussi le fait ... Berenicianus], ce qui permet p. 463, l. 7 : du patronyme lire le patronyme p. 484, n. : Aelia Herennia d’Athènes,, p. 500 : ‘cadres dirigents’ : lire ‘cadres dirigeants’ p. 501, n. 5 : p. 764.. lire p. 764. p. 504, n.2 : Vith century lire VIth century p. 505 : ont pu être consulter lire ont pu être consultés p. 505 : CIL = Corpus Inscriptionum Romanorum lire CIL = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum p. 518 : s. v. Cantineau, pour Bél lire Bel © Christian SETTIPANI : 31 août 2001 4 ADDENDA I (juillet 2000 - août 2001) p. 538, s. v. KAJAVA, M. 1988a : 23 (1988) lire 22 (1988) p. 558, s. v. SOLIN, H. 1995 : p. 203 lire p. 210 © Christian SETTIPANI : 31 août 2001 5 ADDENDA I (juillet 2000 - août 2001) Additions : p.
Recommended publications
  • Hadrian and the Greek East

    Hadrian and the Greek East

    HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way.
  • ROMAN EMPERORS in POPULAR JARGON: SEARCHING for CONTEMPORARY NICKNAMES (1)1 by CHRISTER BRUUN

    ROMAN EMPERORS in POPULAR JARGON: SEARCHING for CONTEMPORARY NICKNAMES (1)1 by CHRISTER BRUUN

    ROMAN EMPERORS IN POPULAR JARGON: SEARCHING FOR CONTEMPORARY NICKNAMES (1)1 By CHRISTER BRUUN Popular culture and opposite views of the emperor How was the reigning Emperor regarded by his subjects, above all by the common people? As is well known, genuine popular sentiments and feelings in antiquity are not easy to uncover. This is why I shall start with a quote from a recent work by Tessa Watt on English 16th-century 'popular culture': "There are undoubtedly certain sources which can bring us closer to ordinary people as cultural 'creators' rather than as creative 'consumers'. Historians are paying increasing attention to records of slanderous rhymes, skimmingtons and other ritualized protests of festivities which show people using established symbols in a resourceful way.,,2 The ancient historian cannot use the same kind of sources, for instance large numbers of cheap prints, as the early modern historian can. 3 But we should try to identify related forms of 'popular culture'. The question of the Roman Emperor's popularity might appear to be a moot one in some people's view. Someone could argue that in a highly 1 TIlls study contains a reworking of only part of my presentation at the workshop in Rome. For reasons of space, only Part (I) of the material can be presented and discussed here, while Part (IT) (' Imperial Nicknames in the Histaria Augusta') and Part (III) (,Late-antique Imperial Nicknames') will be published separately. These two chapters contain issues different from those discussed here, which makes it feasible to create the di vision. The nicknames in the Histaria Augusta are largely literary inventions (but that work does contain fragments from Marius Maximus' imperial biographies, see now AR.
  • 6255 Kelly and Van Waarden Part 1.Indd

    6255 Kelly and Van Waarden Part 1.Indd

    See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/344523990 “Sidonius’ People" Chapter · October 2020 CITATIONS READS 0 58 1 author: Ralph Mathisen University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign 77 PUBLICATIONS 382 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Romans, Barbarians, and the End of the Western Roman Empire: Emperors, Tyrants, Generals, Potentates, and Kings View project All content following this page was uploaded by Ralph Mathisen on 07 October 2020. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. 2 SIDONIUS’ P EOPLE Ralph Mathisen 1 Introduction N THE LATE fi fth century, in his ‘Sermon on the saintly martyr Vincent’, bishop Faustus of IRiez (c. 460-90 CE) gave his opinion on the value of being named in a saint’s life: ‘What present-day realm, what transmarine province, however far the Roman Empire or the Christian religion extends, does not rejoice to celebrate the birth of Vincentius? Who today, however, has ever heard even the name of [the praeses] Datianus, unless he has read the passion of Vincent?’1 As far as Faustus was concerned, Datianus’ appearance in a saint’s life would be his only chance for remembrance.2 The same can be said for nearly all of the people who appear in the works of Sidonius Apollinaris. Late antique Gaul was a busy place.3 A lot was happening: the rise of the Christian church as the most signifi cant social and cultural institution; the creation of barbarian kingdoms cou- pled with the fi nal precipitous decline and end of Roman authority; and a social world that was very much in fl ux, as previously unprivileged social groups gained greater opportunities and means of self-expression.4 The 24 poems, and in particular the 147 letters, of Sidonius offer an unparalleled window on the world of late antique Gaul, and provide readers with a wealth of material about the people who populated it.5 Sidonius was well positioned to gather this kind of information.
  • 6 X 10.Long New.P65

    6 X 10.Long New.P65

    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-82720-1 - Philostratus Edited by Ewen Bowie and Jas Elsner Index More information Index Note:c.8 = chapter 8; cc. 1, 2 = chapters 1, 2. Abaris 172 agonothesia 122 ab epistulis graecis 29, 100 Agrippa, M. Vipsanius 118 Abradatas 312 Ajax (son of Telamon) 231,(Locrian)242, 244, Abraham 37, 208 313 Abydos (Memnoneion) 138 Alberti, de pictura 347 Academy 112, 113, 120, 121, 128 Alceidus 71 accuracy 17, 101, 104, 116, 120, 271 Alciatus 349 Achaea, legate of 23 Alcinous 184, 190, 191, 194, 200 Achilles 12, 30, 38, 39, 141, 155, 172, 180, 181, 183, Alciphron 9, 287, 290, 295, 297 184, 192, 193, 197, 210, 222, 224, 227, 228, aleipt¯es (leiptv, see-also ‘trainer’) 262, 264 230–47, 278, 295, 298, 309, 311, 317, 320, Alexander of Macedon 162, 191, 193, 227, 231, 328–30, 332 233, 236, 238, 245 Achilles Tatius 28, 135, 212, 224, 225, Alexander-histories 155 245 Alexander of Hypata 112 Acontius and Cydippe 302 Alexander Polyhistor 162 Acragas 172 Alexander (‘Clay-Plato’) of Seleucia 50, 62, 76, acrobatics 260 77, 80, 88, 98 acropolis, Athenian 21 Alexandria 71, 108, 120, 121, 141, 154, 161, 215, 217 Actaeon 135 Alexis 159, 160 actor 78, 302 allegory 235 adoxography 255 Amazons 35, 215, 235 Aeacidae 236, 245–7 Amenhotep III 136 Aegaleus, Mount 108 Ammianus Marcellinus 167 Aegeae 25 Ammon 239 Aegina 233, 239 Amoebus 71 Aelian 9, 26 Letters 26, 290, 296 varia historia Amphiaraus 312, 313 170, 173 Amphicles 22, 67 Aelianus, Casperius 180, 181 Amphion 43, 241, 315, 317, 329, 333 Aenianes 241, 245 Amymone 316, 328 Aeolus 181, 182, 184, 194, 196, 197 Anaxagoras 169 aerarium militare 34 Andocides 92 Aeschines 30, 67, 88, 92, 304 Andrians 310, 344 Aezani 121 Androclus 118 Africa 29, 198 Andromeda 135, 311 Africanus, Sex.
  • Julius Caesar to Caligula)

    Julius Caesar to Caligula)

    Notable instances of intellectual repression in Rome (Julius Caesar to Caligula) NB: Legal bases: • Twelve Tables (450 BC) (TT 8.1, cited by Cicero in Rep. 4.12, p. 79 in your text, who wholeheartedly agrees with the law) prohibited defamatory writings: ‘If any person had sung or composed against another person a song (=poem) such as was causing slander or insult to another…’ Penalty (in 450 BC, evidently) was to be clubbed to death. • maiestas (treason): first introduced 103 BC, underwent a variety of changes, though the important one was the law passed by Julius Caesar (lex Iulia maiestatis, ca. 45 BC) which made banishment the chief penalty. This was the law invoked frequently in the first century of the Principate (notably by Tiberius, but by almost all of his successors as well). Julius Caesar ca. 45 BC: expert on oracles exiled by Julius Caesar Augustus 31 BC(?): Octavian (=Augustus) burns all documents relevant to triumviral period 28 BC: philosopher (Anaxilaos), expert in magic, banished ca. 27 BC: Augustus curtails publication of the acta senatus (‘senatorial record’) ca. 18 BC(?): Augustus forbids publication of anonymous attacks 12 BC: Augustus, now pontifex maximus, burns all oracular books and writings. First known instance of ‘book burning’ (usually done under charge of maiestas) AD 6 (?): Corvus, professor of rhetoric, charged with ‘harming the state’ for discussing birth control and celibacy in his classroom. Outcome of trial unknown. ca. AD 6-8: Titus Labienus, Augustan orator and an historian, has his writings confiscated and burned by senatorial decree (on grounds that his writings were treasonous).

  • Latin Criticism of the Early Empire Pp

    Cambridge Histories Online http://universitypublishingonline.org/cambridge/histories/ The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism Edited by George Alexander Kennedy Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063 Online ISBN: 9781139055338 Hardback ISBN: 9780521300063 Paperback ISBN: 9780521317177 Chapter 9 - Latin Criticism of the Early Empire pp. 274-296 Chapter DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063.010 Cambridge University Press LATIN CRITICISM OF THE EARLY EMPIRE The name 'Silver Latin' is often given to the literature of the first century of the Christian era and is generally understood to imply its inferiority to the Golden Age of the late Republic and Augustan era. Analogy with the five Hesiodic ages, in which the silver age was both later and less worthy than the golden, suggests the cliche of decline. To what extent did the Romans of the early imperial period feel that they and their contemporaries were a falling away from the previous generation? We will see that the change in form of government, by denying opportunities for significant political speech, trivialised the art of oratory. But was there any such external constraint on poetry? Modern critics have reproached Silver Latin epic and tragedy with being 'rhetorical'. Certainly it is clear from Tacitus' Dialogus that men thwarted from political expression transferred to the safer vehicle of historical or mythical poetry both the techniques and ideals of public oratory. But just as no one suggests that Juvenal's satires were poorer compositions because of his apparent rhetorical skill, so rhetorical colouring in the higher poetic genres of tragedy and epic is not necessarily a fault.
  • Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation

    Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation

    Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths.
  • THE REACH of the ROMAN EMPIRE in ROUGH CILICIA by HUGHW.ELTON

    THE REACH of the ROMAN EMPIRE in ROUGH CILICIA by HUGHW.ELTON

    THE ECONOMIC FRINGE: THE REACH OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN ROUGH CILICIA By HUGHW.ELTON Many discussions of the Roman economy are rather vague about what they mean by 'Roman'. Phrases such as 'Roman Europe' or 'the Roman Empire' often blur two different concepts, that of the cultures of Iron Age Europe and the political institution of the Roman Empire. Cultures in Iron Age Europe varied widely. The Welsh uplands or the Atlas mountains, for example, had an aceramic culture with few public buildings, though were mIed directly by Rome for several centuries. Other regions, not under Roman control, like the regions across the middle Danube, showed higher concentrations of Mediterranean consumer goods and coins than some of these aceramic areas. 1 In Mesopotamia, many societies were urban and literate, not differing in this respect from those in Italy or Greece. Thus, determining what was imperial Roman territory by archaeological criteria alone is very difficult? But these archaeological criteria are important for two reasons. First, they allow us to analyse the cultural and economic changes that occurred in Iron Age Europe between 100 B.C. and A.D. 250. Second, they allow for the possibility of change within Europe that was not caused by the Roman state? Unlike cultures within Iron Age Europe, the Roman Empire was a political structure, imposed by force and dedicated to extracting benefits for the mling elite of the city of Rome.4 As the empire developed and matured, its form changed, but it was never about the mIed, only the rulers. If we accept that the Empire was a political, not an archaeological, structure, it follows that an examination of 'Impact of Empire: Transformation of Economic Life', has to mean an examination of the impact of the Roman imperial state.
  • Collector's Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage

    Collector's Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage

    Liberty Coin Service Collector’s Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage (49 BC - AD 518) The Twelve Caesars - The Julio-Claudians and the Flavians (49 BC - AD 96) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Julius Caesar (49-44 BC) Augustus (31 BC-AD 14) Tiberius (AD 14 - AD 37) Caligula (AD 37 - AD 41) Claudius (AD 41 - AD 54) Tiberius Nero (AD 54 - AD 68) Galba (AD 68 - AD 69) Otho (AD 69) Nero Vitellius (AD 69) Vespasian (AD 69 - AD 79) Otho Titus (AD 79 - AD 81) Domitian (AD 81 - AD 96) The Nerva-Antonine Dynasty (AD 96 - AD 192) Nerva (AD 96-AD 98) Trajan (AD 98-AD 117) Hadrian (AD 117 - AD 138) Antoninus Pius (AD 138 - AD 161) Marcus Aurelius (AD 161 - AD 180) Hadrian Lucius Verus (AD 161 - AD 169) Commodus (AD 177 - AD 192) Marcus Aurelius Years of Transition (AD 193 - AD 195) Pertinax (AD 193) Didius Julianus (AD 193) Pescennius Niger (AD 193) Clodius Albinus (AD 193- AD 195) The Severans (AD 193 - AD 235) Clodius Albinus Septimus Severus (AD 193 - AD 211) Caracalla (AD 198 - AD 217) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Geta (AD 209 - AD 212) Macrinus (AD 217 - AD 218) Diadumedian as Caesar (AD 217 - AD 218) Elagabalus (AD 218 - AD 222) Severus Alexander (AD 222 - AD 235) Severus The Military Emperors (AD 235 - AD 284) Alexander Maximinus (AD 235 - AD 238) Maximus Caesar (AD 235 - AD 238) Balbinus (AD 238) Maximinus Pupienus (AD 238) Gordian I (AD 238) Gordian II (AD 238) Gordian III (AD 238 - AD 244) Philip I (AD 244 - AD 249) Philip II (AD 247 - AD 249) Gordian III Trajan Decius (AD 249 - AD 251) Herennius Etruscus
  • Calendar of Roman Events

    Calendar of Roman Events

    Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th.
  • Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus' Annals

    Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus' Annals

    DECUS POSTERITAS REPENDIT: Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus’ Annals By © 2017 Michael Tae Woo B.A., University of California, Davis, 2015 Submitted to the graduate degree program in Classics and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Chair: Dr. Anthony Corbeill Dr. Emma Scioli Dr. Craig Jendza Date Submitted: 10 May 2017 ii The thesis committee for Michael Tae Woo certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: DECUS POSTERITAS REPENDIT: Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus’ Annals Chair: Dr. Anthony Corbeill Date Approved: 10 May 2017 iii Abstract In one of the best known passages in the Annals, Tacitus gives an account of the trial and death of Aulus Cremutius Cordus (A. 4.34-35), a Roman historian documenting the transitional period from the Roman Republic to the Empire. In this account Cordus is given a speech with which he defends a historian’s right to praise the enemies of the emperor. The majority of modern scholars have interpreted Tacitus’ account as unqualified praise for Cordus, and many have suggested that readers are to understand Cordus as a surrogate for Tacitus’ own views on the rights and duties of historians. In this project I attempt to challenge that consensus. I argue that Cordus and Tacitus disagree in their historiographical, political, and even moral principles, and that Tacitus’ account of Cordus’ trial and death contains criticism of the historian, even while acknowledging his courage. This reading complicates Tacitus’ relationship to Cordus and to several other characters in the Annals who, though they die deaths of great renown, effect little change.
  • Public and Private

    Public and Private

    POLIS. Revista de ideas y formas políticas de la Antigüedad Clásica 12,1999, pp. 181-228 PUBLIC AND PRÍVATE Konstantinos Mantas Athens A. ABSTRACT In this article we will try to give an answer to the question of changes in the visibility of women in the public sphere. The fact that élite women played a more energetic role in public life firom the late Hellenistic epoch on has been established by our research on the available sources (mostly epigraphical) in some regions of the Greco-Roman East, in particular W. Asia Minor (lonia and Caria) and in Aegean islands such as Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Teños, Syros and Paros. Nevertheless, the inscriptions, being brief summaries of the decrees which were put in the archives, fail to comment on the issue of the honorand's actual fiílfilment of the office, though sometimes they give indirect information on the lady's presence, eg in the stadium. But even if the female raagistrates were visible, did that have any effect on other women? Did the free, or at least the citizen women in the cities of the Román East enjoy more freedom in their raovement outside the oikos? Could women move freely in the agora, the theatre or any other public place? And if they did so, what about their mingling with men and regulations about their clothes and personal behaviour? Literature is important on that subject because it provides indirect information on all the aspects of the problem, but the archaising style and subject matter of many 181 Public and Prívate literary works, the hallmark of the Second Sophistic, throws doubt on their relevance to the era in which our research is located.