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Roczniki Hum$Nistyczne 7RZDU]\VWZR 1DXNRZH .DWROLFNLHJR 8QLZHUV\WHWX /XEHOVNLHJR 7RP;/,9]HV]\W 52&=1,., +80$1,67<&=1( 1(2),/2/2*,$ ALFONS PILORZ EVOLUTION SEMANTIQUE DES EMPRUNTS FRANÇAIS EN POLONAIS /8%/,1 TABLE DES MATIERES Avant-propos ................................. 7 Corpus ..................................... 29 Petitcorpus .................................. 67 Analyse ..................................... 77 Remarquesfinales .............................. 159 Bibliographie ................................. 161 AVANT-PROPOS Si les gens regardaient l’étymologie des mots, peut-être comprendraient-ils que la richesse du français vient du brassage des cultures. («Lire», no 204, p. 43, publicité des diction- naires LE ROBERT) Toute préocupation étymologique suppose une visée diachronique. L’étude de l’emprunt entretient des rapports intimes avec l’analyse étymologique. Cependant elle déborde le cadre strictement linguistique de celle-ci pour entrer de plain-pied dans le domaine de l’histoire des rapports culturels. L’emprunt linguistique est un phénomène panhumain, non moins généralisé que les échanges de biens matériels et de techniques. Depuis de très anciennes époques préhistoriques, les sociétés humaines échangent biens de consommation (sel, par exemple), matières premières (silex, ambre...), instruments (couteaux, grattoirs...). Depuis fort longtemps, il n’y a pratiquement plus de groupements humains autarciques. De même, il n’y a guère d’autarcie sur le plan lingui- stique. Les langues, véhicules de cultures, cultures en permanent brassage (évi- demment, l’intensité et la rapidité de ces processus de brassage pouvant pré- senter des variations infinies), subissent, elles aussi, des influences d’autres langues, rejettent, par la force des choses, toute velléité d’autarcie. Les contacts entre les langues sont le plus souvent des échanges: on prend et on donne (mais la symétrie totale est rarement atteinte: ordinairement, on observe la prépondérance de l’une des langues impliquées dans le processus d’échange, tout comme dans le mouvement des idées, des institutions, des marchandises, qui est, lui aussi, un processus d’habitude seulement en partie réciproque, au moins pour ce qui est d’une période historique donnée). Il est cependant des cas où les influences linguistiques et − parallèlement − cultu- relles sont un mouvement à sens unique, ou presque; évoquons à titre d’exem- ple les trois milliers d’unités lexicales d’origine française en polonais et la dizaine de mots d’origine polonaise en français! 8 EVOLUTION SEMANTIQUE DES EMPRUNTS FRANÇAIS EN POLONAIS − L’emprunt peut affecter tous les plans de la structure d’une langue. Autrement dit, tout peut s’emprunter, mais les inventaires fermés d’une langue sont, naturellement, beaucoup moins perméables aux influences venues de l’extérieur que les inventaires ouverts. Ainsi, au niveau de la deuxième articulation du langage (terminologie d’André Martinet), au niveau phono- logique notamment, l’emprunt passe difficilement. Dans le polonais du moyen âge finissant, on peut signaler les formes han´ba, własny, wesele dues à l’in- fluence tchèque, qui sont alors venues remplacer gan´ba, włos´ny, wiesieli (telle est encore aujourd’hui la forme de ces mots dans le patois silésien de la région de Cieszyn). En ce qui concerne le français moderne, on peut relever l’in- troduction récente du phonème [η], de provenance anglaise (camping, lifting, living). Au niveau de la première articulation du langage, le système morpho- logique est extrêmement réticent à l’égard de tout intrus. Le système syn- taxique, lui, est déjà beaucoup plus ouvert: on peut noter là par exemple la construction accusativus cum infinitivo massivement représentée dans les patois silésiens du fait de l’influence allemande: jo go widzioł jechac´na gruba (région de Katowice), widziołech go jechac´do hawiyrni (région de Cieszyn). Le sys- tème par excellence ouvert, c’est évidemment le système lexical. Ceci n’a rien d’étonnant si l’on considère que c’est au moyen de son système lexical qu’une langue entre en contact avec la réalité extra-linguistique. C’est essentiellement − mais non pas exclusivement − le système lexical d’une langue qui est le facteur constitutif de ce réseau spécifique, différant d’une langue à l’autre, à travers lequel un idiome «regarde» la réalité en la structurant à sa façon. Ainsi par exemple le français n’a pas d’équivalent du pol. kilkanas´cie (‘de onze à dix-neuf’); la même constatation vaut pour le pol. rodzen´stwo (le terme fratrie ‘ensemble des frères et des sœurs’, apparu vers 1970, est hautement technique, démographique notamment, et est ignoré par l’immense majorité des native speakers francophones). En ce qui concerne encore le vocabulaire de la parenté, on peut signaler l’absence en français de l’opposition polonaise wuj/stryj, ‘le frère de la mère’ vs ‘le frère du père’; même chose pour ce qui est de l’allemand Onkel et Oheim ou Ohm, aujourd’hui synonymes, Vatersbru- der restant en dehors de l’usage standard: comment s’imaginer une lettre com- mençant par Lieber Vatersbruder? Pareillement, le français ne tient guère compte de la différence touchant la position verticale ou horizontale de objets (objets, donc non-animés): en pol. stoi/lez˙y, en all. steht/liegt, en fr. il y a ou se trouve, en it. c’è, ci sono, etc. − à l’inverse, le polonais n’est point à même de fournir une réplique des oppositions françaises cheveu/poil (‘włos’, en parlant des humains), fleuve/rivière (‘rzeka’), pointu/tranchant (‘ostry’), orage/tempête (‘burza’), combat/lutte (‘walka’); de même, on a en principe un seul équivalent polonais des couples allemands que voici: können/dürfen AVANT-PROPOS 9 (‘móc’), reden/sprechen (‘mówic´’), Ohr/Henkel (‘ucho’), Paar/Dampf (‘para’), Frau/Weib (‘kobieta’). Dans le domaine du lexique, l’emprunt concerne avant tout des mots, mais il peut aussi toucher des locutions. Ceux qui ont encore lu à l’école Kolokacja de Józef Korzeniowski, se souviennent du fameux komilfo (comme il faut) de madame Płachcina. Emil Steiner1, dans son 38e chapitre (Scherzhaftes), évoque le dialectal Geläretli ‘Taschenuhr’, de quelle heure est-il? Le syntagme cher ami est à l’origine du mot russe šeramišnik, ‘bettelnder fr. Soldat beim Rück- zug Napoleons’, déniché par Josef Matl de Graz2. Le chercheur finlandais Emil Öhmann3 trouve, dans le rhénan, masör, de ma sœur, ‘die älteste Schwester’ (à côté de matante ‘Tante, Grosstante’, mononk ‘Oheim’ et monfrär ‘der älteste Bruder [des geistl. Standes]’). A la locution s’assimilent, en quelque sorte, certains noms composés. Ainsi p.ex. table d’hôte a donné en polonais tabldot (vieilli aujourd’hui), décliné, donc parfaitement intégré dans le système de la langue emprunteuse: «Ostrygi, wino, kiełbasa włoska przy tabldocie» (Stefan Z˙ eromski)4. Le grand Kristoffer Nyrop relève dans Linguistique et histoire des mœurs5, p. 60, un composé suédois tautologique Här-Munser, où le composé français monsieur est précédé de son équivalent germanique. Il est d’ailleurs tout à fait naturel que les langues emprunteuses traitent les mots composés étrangers comme des unités sémantiques simples, le propre du mot composé étant justement d’être composé sur le plan formel et simple sur le plan du signifié (la traduction le montre assez; cf. les équivalents du fr. jeune fille: dziewczyna, dievocˇka, Mädchen, girl, ragazza, muchacha). 1 Die französischen Lehnwörter in den alemannischen Mundarten der Schweiz. Kulturhistorisch-linguistische Untersuchung mit etymologischem Wörterbuch, Wien−Basel, Holzhausen-Wepf, Schwabe & Co, 1921, p. 82. 2 Einige Bemerkungen zur semasiologischen Pejoration und Melioration in den slavischen Sprachen, in: Gedenkschrift für Wilhelm Brandenstein, hrsg. von Manfred Mayrhofer, Innsbruck, AMOE, 1968 («Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft», Bd 14), p. 100. − Matl est aussi auteur de l’étude Zur Bezeichnung und Wertung fremder Völker bei den Slaven, in: Festschrift für Max Vasmer (Bd 9 der «Veröffentlichungen der Abteilung für slavische Sprachen und Literaturen des Osteuropa-Instituts an der Freien Universität Berlin»), Berlin, 1956. 3 Zur Kenntnis der französischen Bestandteile in den rheinischen Mundarten, Helsinki, Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1965 («Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae», Series B, 141, 1), p. 18. 4 Wspomnienia, in: Pisma, t. 26, Warszawa, Czytelnik, 1951, p. 130 (cité d’après Słownik Je˛zyka Polskiego sous la dir. de Witold Doroszewski). 5 Mélanges posthumes, trad. par E. Philipot, Paris, Droz, 1934. Une partie des études contenues dans le volume ont fait partie de Ordenes Liv (La Vie des Mots). 10 EVOLUTION SEMANTIQUE DES EMPRUNTS FRANÇAIS EN POLONAIS − Avant de délimiter le champ de nos observations, il est indispensable de se rendre compte du poids du phénomène EMPRUNT dans les langues et dans les recherches linguistiques. Dans les langues. Il est notoire que la première langue mondiale, l’anglais, est une langue «à moitié romane»; les guillemets doivent attirer l’attention sur le fait qu’une telle affirmation n’est juste qu’au plan de la langue, au plan du système lexical de celle-ci; au plan du discours, il en est autrement: les mots les plus fréquents (pour une large part, ce sont des unités lexicales constituant des inventaires fermés: déterminants, pronoms, prépo- sitions, conjonctions) sont d’origine germanique et ce sont eux qui décident du caractère non-roman de l’anglais6. L’albanais (shqipe) «z punktu widzenia je˛zykoznawczego [...] waz˙ny jest ze wzgle˛du na wybitnie mieszany charakter słownictwa alban´skiego, składaj ˛acego sie˛w przytłaczaj ˛acej wie˛kszos´ci z zapo- z˙yczen´ roman´skich (łacin´skich i włoskich), słowian´skich, nowogreckich i tu- reckich»7. Ana Goldis¸-Poalelungi8 invoque p. 186 Dimitrie Macrea9, selon 6 Cf. p.ex. la magistrale monographie de Fraser M a c k e n z i e: Les relations de l’Angleterre et de la France d’après le vocabulaire, t. II: Les infiltrations de la langue et de l’esprit français en Angleterre. Gallicismes anglais, Paris, Droz, 1939. Une bibliographie de 32 pages se trouve dans le t. I: Anglicismes français, pp. 11-42. − L’avant-propos à ce volume-là apporte d’utiles prises de position terminologiques, restées cependant peu courantes; p.
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