Release Notes for the Manifesto Project Dataset / MARPOR Full Dataset: Updates (2011-2020B), Changes, Corrections, and Known Errors
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The Transformation of Italian Democracy
Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 1, 2009, 29-47 The Transformation of Italian Democracy Sergio Fabbrini University of Trento Abstract: The history of post-Second World War Italy may be divided into two distinct periods corresponding to two different modes of democratic functioning. During the period from 1948 to 1993 (commonly referred to as the First Republic), Italy was a consensual democracy; whereas the system (commonly referred to as the Second Republic) that emerged from the dramatic changes brought about by the end of the Cold War functions according to the logic of competitive democracy. The transformation of Italy’s political system has thus been significant. However, there remain important hurdles on the road to a coherent institutionalisation of the competitive model. The article reconstructs the transformation of Italian democracy, highlighting the socio-economic and institutional barriers that continue to obstruct a competitive outcome. Keywords: Italian politics, Models of democracy, Parliamentary government, Party system, Interest groups, Political change. Introduction As a result of the parliamentary elections of 13-14 April 2008, the Italian party system now ranks amongst the least fragmented in Europe. Only four party groups are represented in the Senate and five in the Chamber of Deputies. In comparison, in Spain there are nine party groups in the Congreso de los Diputados and six in the Senado; in France, four in the Assemblée Nationale an d six in the Sénat; and in Germany, six in the Bundestag. Admittedly, as is the case for the United Kingdom, rather fewer parties matter in those democracies in terms of the formation of governments: generally not more than two or three. -
Freedom in the World - Serbia (2010)
Page 1 of 5 Print Freedom in the World - Serbia (2010) Political Rights Score: 2 * Capital: Belgrade Civil Liberties Score: 2 * Status: Free Population: 7,322,000 Explanatory Note The ratings through 2002 are for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, of which Serbia was a part, and those from 2003 through 2005 are for the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. Kosovo is examined in a separate report. Ratings Change Serbia’s political rights rating improved from 3 to 2 due to the consolidation of a stable multiparty system after several rounds of elections in the post-Milosevic period. Overview The parliament in November approved a new statute regulating the autonomy of the northern province of Vojvodina, ending a long political debate over the issue and demonstrating the effectiveness of the Democratic Party–led government elected in 2008. The country also made progress in its relations with the European Union, securing visa-free travel rights and the implementation of a trade agreement in December. However, press freedom groups criticized a media law adopted in August, and tensions involving the ethnic Albanian population in the Presevo Valley remained a problem. Serbia was recognized as an independent state in 1878 after several centuries under Ottoman rule. It formed the core of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes proclaimed in 1918. After World War II, Serbia became a constituent republic of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, under the communist rule of Josip Broz Tito. Within the boundaries of the Serbian republic as drawn at that time were two autonomous provinces: the largely Albanian-populated Kosovo in the south, and Vojvodina, with a significant Hungarian minority, in the north. -
The Telegraph Names Georgia Top Travel Destination for UK Airlines
Issue no: 889 • OCTOBER 21 - 24, 2016 • PUBLISHED TWICE WEEKLY PRICE: GEL 2.50 In this week’s issue... Tbilisi Marathon to Take Place in City Center NEWS PAGE 2 Obama Calls Donald Trump’s Admiration of Putin ‘Unprecedented’ POLITICS PAGE 6 Separatist Commander, Alleged War Criminal Killed in Ukraine’s Donbass FOCUS POLITICS PAGE 7 ON EU RELATIONS & GEORGIAN VALUES Neuter and Spay Day with Ambassador Janos Herman discusses Mayhew International in Tbilisi EU-Georgia relations, values and bilateral cooperation PAGE 8 SOCIETY PAGE 10 Boris Akunin Meets Georgian The Telegraph Names Georgia Top Readers SOCIETY PAGE 10 Travel Destination for UK Airlines Tabliashvili’s Fairytale beyond he UK daily newspaper The Tel- Illusions egraph has named Georgia a top CULTURE PAGE 13 travel destination in an article titled: ‘17 amazing places UK air- lines should wake up and launch Product Tfl ights to.’ The article names 17 top destinations within Management 9,000 miles of London that need to be con- nected to Britain and can be reached from Workshop for Britain with just a single fl ight, and recommends British airline companies to launch direct fl ights Performing Arts there. The article recommends readers visit Geor- Professionals in gia “one of the oldest countries in the world,” and cites one of the tourists: Adjara "These days, its fi ne Art Nouveau buildings CULTURE PAGE 15 and pretty, traditional balconied houses are what some would call shabby chic. Yet new hotels and shopping malls are springing up and gentrifi cation is under way in its more historic districts. -
The Regional Elections of 2010: Much Ado About Nothing?
Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 2, No. 1, 2010, 137-45 The Regional Elections of 2010: Much Ado about Nothing? Antonio Floridia Electoral Observatory of the Region of Tuscany Abstract: This article, taking its point of departure from the research presented at the annual workshop of the Italian Society for Electoral Studies, analyses the principal outcomes of the elections held in 13 Italian regions on 27 and 28 March 2010. One of the most significant features of these elections is that they do not appear to have resulted in any major changes with respect to the electoral cycle initiated in Italy by the parliamentary elections of 2008. Featuring a very low level of turnout, typical of “second-order” elections and affecting all the parties, the only winners were the parties (the Northern League and Italy of Values) which managed to consolidate their support or limit their losses. The article then analyses in more detail the result obtained by the Democratic Party and dwells on the fact that the success of the centre right, despite winning four of the regions previously governed by the centre left, does not seem, however, to have reinforced the Berlusconi government due to the growing political significance of the League and the conflicts this produces. Ultimately, the regional elections have highlighted all of the dillemmas affecting Italian politics without resolving any of them. Keywords: Berlusconi, regional elections, Lega Nord, Democratic Party As it has become accustomed to doing in the wake of a round of elections, SISE, the Italian Society for Electoral Studies (Società Italiana di Studi Elettorali), decided this year too to organise a workshop – which took place in Milan on 10 May, a few weeks after the regional elections, at the headquarters, and with the support of the Milan provincial government. -
Quarterly Report on the Political Situation in Georgia and Related Foreign Malign Influence
REPORT QUARTERLY REPORT ON THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN GEORGIA AND RELATED FOREIGN MALIGN INFLUENCE 2021 EUROPEAN VALUES CENTER FOR SECURITY POLICY European Values Center for Security Policy is a non-governmental, non-partisan institute defending freedom and sovereignty. We protect liberal democracy, the rule of law, and the transatlantic alliance of the Czech Republic. We help defend Europe especially from the malign influences of Russia, China, and Islamic extremists. We envision a free, safe, and prosperous Czechia within a vibrant Central Europe that is an integral part of the transatlantic community and is based on a firm alliance with the USA. Authors: David Stulík - Head of Eastern European Program, European Values Center for Security Policy Miranda Betchvaia - Intern of Eastern European Program, European Values Center for Security Policy Notice: The following report (ISSUE 3) aims to provide a brief overview of the political crisis in Georgia and its development during the period of January-March 2021. The crisis has been evolving since the parliamentary elections held on 31 October 2020. The report briefly summarizes the background context, touches upon the current political deadlock, and includes the key developments since the previous quarterly report. Responses from the third sector and Georgia’s Western partners will also be discussed. Besides, the report considers anti-Western messages and disinformation, which have contributed to Georgia’s political crisis. This report has been produced under the two-years project implemented by the Prague-based European Values Center for Security Policy in Georgia. The project is supported by the Transition Promotion Program of The Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Emerging Donors Challenge Program of the USAID. -
Kumulativna Medčasovna Datoteka CEEB 1-8
Evrobarometer Srednje in Vzhodne Evrope 1990-1997: Kumulativna medčasovna datoteka CEEB 1-8 Reif, Karlheinz ADP - IDNo: CEEB1_8 Izdajatelj: Arhiv družboslovnih podatkov URL: https://www.adp.fdv.uni-lj.si/opisi/ceeb1_8 E-pošta za kontakt: [email protected] Opis raziskave Osnovne informacije o raziskavi ADP - IDNo: CEEB1_8 Glavni avtor(ji): Reif, Karlheinz, European Comission, Brussels Ostali (strokovni) sodelavci: Cunningham, George Kuzma, Malgorzata Hersom, Louis Vantomme, Jacques Izdelava: ZA - Zentralarchiv für Empirische Sozialforschung, ZEUS - Zentrum für Europäische Umfrageanalysen und Studien (Berlin, Nemčija, Köln, Nemčija, Mannheim, Nemčija; 2004) Datum izdelave: 2004 Kraj izdelave: Berlin, Nemčija, Köln, Nemčija, Mannheim, Nemčija Uporaba računalniškega programa za izdelavo podatkov: ni podatka Finančna podpora: CEC - Komisija evropskih skupnosti - Commission of European Communities, Brusel Številka projekta: ni podatka Izdajatelj: ADP - Arhiv družboslovnih podatkov - Univerza v Ljubljani Od: Izročil: ZA - Zentralarchiv für Empirische Sozialforschung Datum: 2005-09-14 Raziskava je del serije: CEEB - Evrobarometer srednje in vzhodne Evrope Raziskava Evrobarometer v srednji in vzhodni Evropi (CEEB) se je izvajala med letoma 1990 in 1997 pod okriljem Evropske komisije. Vodila sta jo Karlheinz Reif (do 1995) in George Cunningham. Izvedena je bila osemkrat v več kot 20 državah vzhodne Evrope (seznam sodelujočih po posameznih letih http://www.gesis.org/en/data_service/eurobarometer/ceeb/countries.htm). Vsako leto jeseni so ponovno spremljali odnos ljudi v posameznih državah do ekonomskih in demokratičnih reform v njihovih državah in zavest o dogajanju v Evropski uniji. Raziskava je sorodna standardnemu Evrobarometru, ki poteka v polletnih obdobjih v državah članicah Evropske unije in se prav tako osredotoča na javno podporo EU in drugih tem, ki so tičejo Evrope nasploh. -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Serbia Date of Election: May 6, 2012 (Parliamentary and first round presidential); May 20, 2012 - second round presidential Prepared by: Bojan Todosijević Date of Preparation: 05. 08. 2013. NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: ° The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. ° Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. ° Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] ° If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative [X] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ X] Upper House [ ] Lower House [ ] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Democratic Party (Demokratska stranka, DS) 2b. -
Ciupanel 2014-2016
CIUPANEL 2014-2016 Crisis and challenges in Spain: attitudes and political behaviour during the economic and the political representation crisis. Pre- and Post- General election dataset 2015-2016: CNEP variables Variable Information Document Version February, 5th, 2016 Mariano Torcal, Sergio Martini, Danilo Serani Crisis and challenge in Spain - Torcal, Martini, Serani Proyecto de investigación patrocinado por el: En colaboración con: Como citar los datos: Torcal, M., Martini, S., Serani, D. (2016). Crisis y reto en la ciudadanía en España: actitudes y comportamiento político de los españoles ante la crisis económica y de representación política (CIUPANEL). Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (CSO2013-47071-R, 2014-2016, PI: Mariano Torcal). How to quote this dataset: Torcal, M., Martini, S., Serani, D. (2016). Crisis and challenges in Spain: attitudes and political behaviour during the economic and the political representation crisis (CIUPANEL). Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (CSO2013-47071-R, 2014-2016, PI: Mariano Torcal). Crisis and challenge in Spain - Torcal, Martini, Serani Table of Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................... 1 A. Description of the sample and the data files ......................................................................................... 2 A1. Objective of the survey ....................................................................................................................... -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
Liberal Parties in Europe and Human Rights Emphasis
LIBERAL PARTIES IN EUROPE AND HUMAN RIGHTS EMPHASIS by ŞEYMA KOÇ Submitted to the Graduate School of Social Sciences in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Sabancı University August 2020 LIBERAL PARTIES IN EUROPE AND HUMAN RIGHTS EMPHASIS Approved by: Assoc. Prof Özge Kemahlıoğlu . (Thesis Supervisor) Prof. Ali Çarkoğlu . Asst. Prof. Mert Moral . Date of Approval: August 5, 2020 ŞEYMA KOÇ 2020 c All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT LIBERAL PARTIES IN EUROPE AND HUMAN RIGHTS EMPHASIS ŞEYMA KOÇ POLITICAL SCIENCE M.A. THESIS, AUGUST 2020 Thesis Supervisor: Assoc.Prof. Özge Kemahlıoğlu Keywords: Political Parties, Liberal Party Family, Human Rights Emphasis, Economic Conditions Liberal parties are mostly neglected by the literature on political parties despite their central role in establishing European liberal democracies. This thesis aims to contribute to the contemporary literature on liberal parties by examining 33 Eu- ropean democracies and covering a time period including observations of 75 years. The empirical analysis shows that liberal parties are distinguishable from the other party families on their emphasis on human rights and freedom. Then, this thesis investigates the impact of economic conditions on liberal parties’ relative emphasis on human rights and freedom. The findings illustrate that higher levels of unemploy- ment rate decrease liberal parties’ relative emphasis on human rights and freedom and increase their relative emphasis on economic issues. Its effect on the relative em- phasis on human rights and freedom issue and economic issues is substantive when the distributions of the dependent variables are considered. This finding may demon- strate the liberal parties’ responsiveness to changing needs of the electorate and a value change in politics too. -
List of Members
Subcommittee on Security and Defence Members Anna FOTYGA Chair European Conservatives and Reformists Group Poland Prawo i Sprawiedliwość Christian EHLER Vice-Chair Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Germany Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands Jaromír ŠTĚTINA Vice-Chair Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Czechia TOP 09 a Starostové Clare MOODY Vice-Chair Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament United Kingdom Labour Party Sabine LÖSING Vice-Chair Confederal Group of the European United Left - Nordic Green Left Germany DIE LINKE. Laima Liucija ANDRIKIENĖ Member Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Lithuania Tėvynės sąjunga-Lietuvos krikščionys demokratai Johannes Cornelis VAN BAALEN Member Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Netherlands Volkspartij voor Vrijheid en Democratie Brando BENIFEI Member Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament Italy Partito Democratico Klaus BUCHNER Member Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance Germany Ökologisch-Demokratische Partei Jerzy BUZEK Member Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Poland Platforma Obywatelska 30/09/2021 1 Aymeric CHAUPRADE Member Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy Group France Les Français Libres Javier COUSO PERMUY Member Confederal Group of the European United Left - Nordic Green Left Spain Independiente Arnaud DANJEAN Member Group of the European People's Party -
Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe
Program on Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #52, j\Tovember 1999 Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe Anna Grzymala-Busse· Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Harvard University Cambridge, lvlA 02138 Abstract The study examines the formation of coalitions in East Central Europe after the democratic transi tions of 1989. Existing explanations of coalition formations, which focus on either office-seeking and minimum wmning considerations, or on policy-seeking and spatial ideological convergence. However, they fail to account for the coalition patterns in the new democracies of East Central Europe. Instead, these parties' flrst goal is to develop clear and consistent reputations. To that end, they will form coalitions exclusively within the two camps of the regime divide: that is, amongst par ties stemming from the former communist parties, and those with roots in the former opposition to the communist regimes. The two corollaries are that defectors are punished at unusually high rates, and the communist party successors seek, rather than are sought for, coalitions. This model explains 85% of the coalitions that formed in the region after 1989. The study then examines the communist successor parties, and how their efforts illustrate these dynamics . • I would like to thank Grzegorz Ekiert, Gary King, Kenneth Shepsle, Michael Tomz, and the participants ofthe Faculty Workshop at Yale University for their helpful comments. 2 I. Introduction The patterns of coalition fonnation in East Central Europe are as diverse as they are puzzling. Since the ability to fonn stable governing coalitions is a basic precondition of effective democratic governance in multi-party parliamentary systems, several explanations have emerged of how political parties fonn such coalitions.