Equality, Freedom, and Democracy OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, Spi OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, Spi

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Equality, Freedom, and Democracy OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, Spi OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, Spi OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi Equality, Freedom, and Democracy OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi Equality, Freedom, and Democracy Europe After the Great Recession By LEONARDO MORLINO with DANIELA PIANA MARIO QUARANTA FRANCESCO RANIOLO CECILIA EMMA SOTTILOTTA CLAUDIUS WAGEMANN 1 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi 1 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Leonardo Morlino 2020. Some rights reserved. © Chapter 2 © Leonardo Morlino, Claudius Wagemann, and Francesco Raniolo 2020. Chapter 3 © Leonardo Morlino and Daniela Piana 2020. Chapter 4 © Leonardo Morlino, Mario Quaranta, and Francesco Raniolo 2020. Chapter 5 © Leonardo Morlino and Francesco Raniolo 2020. Chapter 6 © Leonardo Morlino and Daniela Piana 2020. Chapter 7 © Leonardo Morlino, Daniela Piana, and Cecilia Sottilotta 2020. The moral rights of the authors have been asserted First Edition published in 2020 Impression: 1 Some rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, for commercial purposes, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. This is an open access publication, available online and distributed under the terms of a Creative Commons Attribution – Non Commercial – No Derivatives 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), a copy of which is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of this licence should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Control Number: 2020937825 ISBN 978–0–19–881387–3 Printed and bound in Great Britain by Clays Ltd, Elcograf S.p.A. Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials contained in any third party website referenced in this work. OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi Foreword In the intellectual life of a scholar, it is not infrequent for a research question to rattle around in the back of the mind for years. Then all of a sudden comes the realization that the time is ripe to tackle the topic, and that an attempt has to be made at presenting, discussing, and empirically analysing it. I will not go into the reasons why I think that this is now the right moment to address the question on the implementation of the two traditional democratic values, and their trans- form ations over recent years, partly as a consequence of the economic crisis, and its prospective sustainability. Maybe in his Discorsi Machiavelli was only right when he recommends going back to values in times of crisis. There are, of course, other objective and subjective reasons, and the former will emerge directly and indirectly in the first chapter. Here, I would like instead to justify why in a discipline where scholars more and more are publishing articles in journals, I considered it necessary to write a book, with all the consequences this entails. As from every possible angle writing thirty pages is a smaller task than writing 300, the first reason would be that I am a masochist and convinced that the group working with me looks like me. A justi- fication closer to reality is that in my view the salience and complexity of the topic is such that it could not be analysed, together with its empirical cases, if not through the opportunity for in-depth discussion and the length that only a book affords. This is so even though even a book has to find ways to make long stories/ narratives short, possibly through proper, effective, and reliable quantitative data. In other words, I still believe that after all the changes our profession has been going through in the last few decades, a book can still be a better tool of commu- nication under some precise conditions, such as those that characterize this work. A book offers an opportunity and a constraint. It provides a structure where empirical reasoning can be adequately developed, imposing the time and the rhythm of going through it and working it out in detail. Empirical dimensions and theoretical insights are, by this means, kept tightly together. The book is the result of the work of a research group directed by me and formed by Daniela Piana, Francesco Raniolo, Mario Quaranta, Cecilia E. Sottilotta, and Claudius Wagemann. Together we have been working for years on the quality of democracy at a comparative level, publishing various articles and books. This is the last, and we hope the most significant work. In addition to my direction of the entire research, there was a division of work among us. Piana mainly focused her attention on freedoms; Raniolo and Wagemann on equality; Raniolo and Quaranta on attitudinal data toward democratic values and democracy; Piana OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi vi Foreword and Sottilotta on the European Union. About the book, in addition to the chap- ters written by me only, each one of the members of the group co-authored with me one or more of the other chapters. More specifically, Wagemann was the co- author of Chapter 2, but Raniolo also contributed to it; Piana of chapters 3 and 6; Quaranta and Raniolo of Chapter 4; Raniolo of Chapter 5; Piana and Sottilotta of Chapter 7. In thanking all those who helped us in the research, we would particularly acknowledge the thoughtful help of Francesca Sica for collecting the data on wel- fare. Also, Anna Geyer, Joschka Frech, and Marta Matrakova were essential for collecting the data on equalities; Mariafrancesca D’Agostino and Chiara Facello for helping us to gather data on immigration; and Luca Carrieri for checking the data on freedoms. We would also like to warmly thank all the scholars, practitioners, and institu- tional actors who accepted the invitation to share with us their experiences, quali- fied views, ideas, and insights. Our conversations with policymakers helped us to challenge our interpretative hypotheses and enrich our analysis. A special thanks also to all the international organizations that made their datasets available to us. The activities of these institutions have opened new opportunities for research, which we are very willing and pleased to acknowledge. Finally, our gratitude goes to old friends and colleagues who accepted the bur- den of reading the first draft of the book. Many thanks especially go to Dirk Berg- Schlosser, Moreno Bertoldi, Maurizio Ferrera, Anna Gwiazda, Liborio Mattina, Angelo Panebianco, Michele Salvati, Anna Sroka, and Eugenio Somaini. We would also like to thank the referees of Oxford University Press for additional suggestions. Their reading prevented misunderstandings and mistakes. Others may still be present. However, for those, the responsibility is entirely mine. Florence, 20 January 2020 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi Table of Contents List of Contributors ix List of Figures xi List of Tables xiii 1. How to Grasp the Key Democratic Transformations 1 1.1 The Key Questions 1 1.2 What Is Equality? 7 1.3 What Is Freedom? 16 1.4 What Next? 21 2. Inequalities 23 Leonardo Morlino, Claudius Wagemann, and Francesco Raniolo 2.1 Not Only a Macro Perspective 23 2.2 Economic Inequality 25 2.3 Social Inequality 37 2.4 Ethnic Inequality and Immigration 47 2.5 Initial Concluding Remarks 57 3. Freedoms 60 Leonardo Morlino and Daniela Piana 3.1 The Interplay of Two Policy Waves 60 3.2 Personal Dignity: Unexpected Alarm 62 3.3 Civil Rights: A Portrait in ‘Chiaroscuro’ 67 3.4 Political Rights: More Public Spaces, Fewer Freedoms? 74 3.5 Subverting Freedoms: An Excursus on Poland 78 3.6 Initial Concluding Remarks 82 Appendix 86 4. Demand and Supply: Citizens and Leaders 87 Leonardo Morlino, Mario Quaranta, and Francesco Raniolo 4.1 The Next Step 87 4.2 Disaffected Democracies? 88 4.3 What People Want 91 4.4 What Parties Commit To 102 4.5 Taking Stock to Go Ahead 107 5. Domestic Explanations: Inequalities 110 Leonardo Morlino and Francesco Raniolo 5.1 Starting from the Research Questions Again 110 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 16/09/20, SPi viii Table of Contents 5.2 What Affects Inequalities and Why 111 5.3 Factors at Play: Context and Institutions 114 5.4 The Relevant Actors: The Neo-Populist Challenge 121 5.5 Stronger Left, Lower Inequality? 140 5.6 Summing Up 150 Appendix 153 6. Domestic Explanations: Freedoms 156 Leonardo Morlino and Daniela Piana 6.1 What Affects Freedoms and Where? 156 6.2 The Rule of Law Compound Hypothesis 157 6.3 The Additional Explanatory Steps 162 6.4 Civil Rights, Protection of Dignity, and the Improvement of Justice Systems 179 6.5 Summing Up 182 7. External Explanations: The European Union 185 Leonardo Morlino, Daniela Piana, and Cecilia E. Sottilotta 7.1 What Equalities and Freedoms Does the EU Bring? 185 7.2 EU Influence on Equalities 189 7.3 EU Influence on Freedoms 196 7.4 Cross-sectional Policies: Cohesion, Migration, Digital Market 204 7.5 Concluding Remarks 209 8.
Recommended publications
  • The Transformation of Italian Democracy
    Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 1, 2009, 29-47 The Transformation of Italian Democracy Sergio Fabbrini University of Trento Abstract: The history of post-Second World War Italy may be divided into two distinct periods corresponding to two different modes of democratic functioning. During the period from 1948 to 1993 (commonly referred to as the First Republic), Italy was a consensual democracy; whereas the system (commonly referred to as the Second Republic) that emerged from the dramatic changes brought about by the end of the Cold War functions according to the logic of competitive democracy. The transformation of Italy’s political system has thus been significant. However, there remain important hurdles on the road to a coherent institutionalisation of the competitive model. The article reconstructs the transformation of Italian democracy, highlighting the socio-economic and institutional barriers that continue to obstruct a competitive outcome. Keywords: Italian politics, Models of democracy, Parliamentary government, Party system, Interest groups, Political change. Introduction As a result of the parliamentary elections of 13-14 April 2008, the Italian party system now ranks amongst the least fragmented in Europe. Only four party groups are represented in the Senate and five in the Chamber of Deputies. In comparison, in Spain there are nine party groups in the Congreso de los Diputados and six in the Senado; in France, four in the Assemblée Nationale an d six in the Sénat; and in Germany, six in the Bundestag. Admittedly, as is the case for the United Kingdom, rather fewer parties matter in those democracies in terms of the formation of governments: generally not more than two or three.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Government in Poland
    Democratic Government in Poland Also by George Sanford POLISH COMMUNISM IN CRISIS MILITARY RULE IN POLAND: The Rebuilding of Communist Power 1981–1983 THE SOLIDARITY CONGRESS, 1981 DEMOCRATIZATION IN POLAND, 1988–90: Polish Voices POLAND: World Bibliographical Series (with A. Gozdecka-Sanford) HISTORICAL DICTIONARY OF POLAND (with A. Gozdecka-Sanford) BUILDING DEMOCRACY: The International Dimension of Democratization in Eastern Europe (with G. Pridham and E. Herring) POLAND: The Conquest of History Democratic Government in Poland Constitutional Politics since 1989 George Sanford Reader in Politics University of Bristol © George Sanford 2002 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2002 978-0-333-77475-5 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2002 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the new global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St.
    [Show full text]
  • Initiative of President Andrzej Duda Regarding the Change of the Constitution
    Teka of Political Science and International Relations – OL PAN/UMCS, 2018, 13/1 DOI: 10.17951/teka.2018.13.1.25-34 INITIATIVE OF PRESIDENT ANDRZEJ DUDA REGARDING THE CHANGE OF THE CONSTITUTION Bożena Dziemidok-Olszewska Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin Faculty of Political Science, Department of Political Systems e-mail: [email protected] Marta Michalczuk-Wlizło Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin Faculty of Political Science, Department of Political Systems e-mail: [email protected] Abstract: The objective of the article is to present and evaluate the initiative of President Andrzej Duda regarding the amendment of the Constitution, with which he appeared on 3 May 2017. The activities and presentations of the President in this regard during the previous year and related problems were all demonstrated. The controversies regarding the presidential initiative were di- vided into legal and political. Legal one is the regulation of the institution of referendum in the Constitution of 1997, the political ones result from the opinion and concepts of parties and citizens about the constitution and referendum in its case. Keywords: change of constitution, president, referendum, political science INTRODUCTION During the last year, from 3 May 2017 to 3 May 2018, we witnessed the, still incomplete, process of President Andrzej Duda’s activities regarding the referendum on the amendment to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The aim of the article is to present and assess the President’s activities in this area, and also to demonstrate the reactions to the President’s initiative. The research question is the justification, meaningfulness and effectiveness of the presidential initiative; the research hypothesis is the claim that the President’s actions are odd and irrational (pointless).
    [Show full text]
  • Emergent Democratic Citizenship : a Study of Changing Value Pa T Terns in Polish Society
    NATO Research Fellowships Programme Emergent democratic citizenship : a study of changing value pa t terns in Polish society. Final Report Wroclaw 1997 Contents Introduction.............................................................................................................. 3-5 Chapter I . OUTLINE OF A THEORY OF CITIZENSHIP a\ The review of basic conceptions of citizenship........................................................... 6-15 · citizenship as a result of a legal status of citizens · citizenship as a set of institutional-normative arrangements · citizenship as a certain mental and cultural structure of individuals and groups b\ methodological foundations of the analysis of citizenship........................................ 15-17 Chapter II . RECEPTION OF THE IDEA OF ‘DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP’ IN POLAND DURING THE 1980s AND 1990s. DIRECTIONS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE a\ Self-devaluating ideas - a brief characteristic of real-socialist order........................... 18-26 · The distorted ideal of citizenship · The basic mechanisms of real-socialist societal order b\ The symbolic representation of social resistance in 1980s........................................... 26-31 Chapter III . POLISH SOCIETY AFTER THE BREAKTHROUGH a\ Institutional and normative changes in Poland after 1989 (macro- and meso-level analysis of democratic citizenship).............................................................................................. 32-41 b\ Political discourse in Poland on dimensions of „democratic citizenship”................
    [Show full text]
  • How Transnational Party Alliances Influence National Parties' Policies
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ZORA Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2021 How Transnational party alliances influence national parties’ policies Senninger, Roman ; Bischof, Daniel ; Ezrow, Lawrence Abstract: Previous research reports that parties in established European democracies learn from and em- ulate the successful election strategies of foreign incumbents, i.e., successful parties are influential abroad. We theorize that—in addition to incumbency (or success)—exchange takes place through transnational party alliances in the European Union. Relying on party manifesto data and spatial econometric analyses, we show that belonging to the same European Parliament (EP) party group enhances learning and em- ulation processes between national political parties. Estimated short- and long-term effects are approxi- mately two and three times greater when foreign incumbents are in the same EP party group compared to other foreign incumbents. Our results have implications for our understanding of how transnational party groups influence national parties’ policy positions. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2020.55 Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich ZORA URL: https://doi.org/10.5167/uzh-196868 Journal Article Accepted Version The following work is licensed under a Creative Commons: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) License. Originally published at: Senninger, Roman; Bischof, Daniel; Ezrow, Lawrence (2021). How Transnational party alliances influence national parties’ policies. Political Science Research and Methods:Epub ahead of print.
    [Show full text]
  • The Regional Elections of 2010: Much Ado About Nothing?
    Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 2, No. 1, 2010, 137-45 The Regional Elections of 2010: Much Ado about Nothing? Antonio Floridia Electoral Observatory of the Region of Tuscany Abstract: This article, taking its point of departure from the research presented at the annual workshop of the Italian Society for Electoral Studies, analyses the principal outcomes of the elections held in 13 Italian regions on 27 and 28 March 2010. One of the most significant features of these elections is that they do not appear to have resulted in any major changes with respect to the electoral cycle initiated in Italy by the parliamentary elections of 2008. Featuring a very low level of turnout, typical of “second-order” elections and affecting all the parties, the only winners were the parties (the Northern League and Italy of Values) which managed to consolidate their support or limit their losses. The article then analyses in more detail the result obtained by the Democratic Party and dwells on the fact that the success of the centre right, despite winning four of the regions previously governed by the centre left, does not seem, however, to have reinforced the Berlusconi government due to the growing political significance of the League and the conflicts this produces. Ultimately, the regional elections have highlighted all of the dillemmas affecting Italian politics without resolving any of them. Keywords: Berlusconi, regional elections, Lega Nord, Democratic Party As it has become accustomed to doing in the wake of a round of elections, SISE, the Italian Society for Electoral Studies (Società Italiana di Studi Elettorali), decided this year too to organise a workshop – which took place in Milan on 10 May, a few weeks after the regional elections, at the headquarters, and with the support of the Milan provincial government.
    [Show full text]
  • Nineteenth-Century French Challenges to the Liberal Image of Russia
    Ezequiel Adamovsky Russia as a Space of Hope: Nineteenth-century French Challenges to the Liberal Image of Russia Introduction Beginning with Montesquieu’s De l’esprit des lois, a particular perception of Russia emerged in France. To the traditional nega- tive image of Russia as a space of brutality and backwardness, Montesquieu now added a new insight into her ‘sociological’ otherness. In De l’esprit des lois Russia was characterized as a space marked by an absence. The missing element in Russian society was the independent intermediate corps that in other parts of Europe were the guardians of freedom. Thus, Russia’s back- wardness was explained by the lack of the very element that made Western Europe’s superiority. A similar conceptual frame was to become predominant in the French liberal tradition’s perception of Russia. After the disillusion in the progressive role of enlight- ened despotism — one must remember here Voltaire and the myth of Peter the Great and Catherine II — the French liberals went back to ‘sociological’ explanations of Russia’s backward- ness. However, for later liberals such as Diderot, Volney, Mably, Levesque or Louis-Philippe de Ségur the missing element was not so much the intermediate corps as the ‘third estate’.1 In the turn of liberalism from noble to bourgeois, the third estate — and later the ‘middle class’ — was thought to be the ‘yeast of freedom’ and the origin of progress and civilization. In the nineteenth century this liberal-bourgeois dichotomy of barbarian Russia (lacking a middle class) vs civilized Western Europe (the home of the middle class) became hegemonic in the mental map of French thought.2 European History Quarterly Copyright © 2003 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
    Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H.
    [Show full text]
  • Transient Solidarities: Commitment and Collective Action in Post-Industrial Societies Charles Heckscher and John Mccarthy
    bs_bs_banner British Journal of Industrial Relations doi: 10.1111/bjir.12084 52:4 December 2014 0007–1080 pp. 627–657 Transient Solidarities: Commitment and Collective Action in Post-Industrial Societies Charles Heckscher and John McCarthy Abstract Solidarity has long been considered essential to labour, but many fear that it has declined. There has been relatively little scholarly investigation of it because of both theoretical and empirical difficulties. This article argues that solidarity has not declined but has changed in form, which has an impact on what kinds of mobilization are effective. We first develop a theory of solidarity general enough to compare different forms. We then trace the evolution of solidarity through craft and industrial versions, to the emergence of collaborative solidarity from the increasingly fluid ‘friending’ relations of recent decades. Finally, we examine the question of whether these new solidarities can be mobilized into effective collective action, and suggest mechanisms, rather different from tra- ditional union mobilizations, that have shown some power in drawing on friending relations: the development of member platforms, the use of purposive campaigns and the co-ordination of ‘swarming’ actions. In the best cases, these can create collective actions that make a virtue of diversity, openness and participative engagement, by co-ordinating groups with different foci and skills. 1. Introduction In the last 30 years, there is every evidence that labour solidarity has weak- ened across the industrialized world. Strikes have widely declined, while the most effective recent movements have been fundamentalist and restrictive — turning back to traditional values and texts, narrowing the range of inclusion.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Method and Application for Studying Political Text in Multiple Languages
    The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School THE RADICAL RIGHT IN PARLIAMENT: A NEW METHOD AND APPLICATION FOR STUDYING POLITICAL TEXT IN MULTIPLE LANGUAGES A Dissertation in Political Science by Mitchell Goist Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2020 ii The dissertation of Mitchell Goist was reviewed and approved* by the following: Burt L. Monroe Liberal Arts Professor of Political Science Dissertation Advisor Chair of Committee Bruce Desmarais Associate Professor of Political Science Matt Golder Professor of Political Science Sarah Rajtmajer Assistant Professor of Information Science and Tecnology Glenn Palmer Professor of Political Science and Director of Graduate Studies iii ABSTRACT Since a new wave of radical right support in the early 1980s, scholars have sought to understand the motivations and programmatic appeals of far-right parties. However, due to their small size and dearth of data, existing methodological approaches were did not allow the direct study of these parties’ behavior in parliament. Using a collection of parliamentary speeches from the United Kingdom, Germany, Spain, Italy, the Netherlands, Finland, Sweden, and the Czech Re- public, Chapter 1 of this dissertation addresses this problem by developing a new model for the study of political text in multiple languages. Using this new method allows the construction of a shared issue space where each party is embedded regardless of the language spoken in the speech or the country of origin. Chapter 2 builds on this new method by explicating the ideolog- ical appeals of radical right parties. It finds that in some instances radical right parties behave similarly to mainstream, center-right parties, but distinguish themselves by a focus on individual crime and an emphasis on negative rhetorical frames.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Lega Nord
    TILBURG UNIVERSITY UNIVERSITY OF TRENTO MSc Sociology An integrated and dynamic approach to the life cycle of populist radical right parties: the case of Lega Nord Supervisors: Dr Koen Abts Prof. Mario Diani Candidate: Alessandra Lo Piccolo 2017/2018 1 Abstract: This work aims at explaining populist radical right parties’ (PRRPs) electoral success and failure over their life-cycle by developing a dynamic and integrated approach to the study of their supply-side. For this purpose, the study of PRRPs is integrated building on concepts elaborated in the field of contentious politics: the political opportunity structure, the mobilizing structure and the framing processes. This work combines these perspectives in order to explain the fluctuating electoral fortune of the Italian Lega Nord at the national level (LN), here considered as a prototypical example of PRRPs. After the first participation in a national government (1994) and its peak in the general election of 1996 (10.1%), the LN electoral performances have been characterised by constant fluctuations. However, the party has managed to survive throughout different phases of the recent Italian political history. Scholars have often explained the party’s electoral success referring to its folkloristic appeal, its regionalist and populist discourses as well as the strong leadership of Umberto Bossi. However, most contributions adopt a static and one-sided analysis of the party performances, without integrating the interplay between political opportunities, organisational resources and framing strategies in a dynamic way. On the contrary, this work focuses on the interplay of exogenous and endogenous factors in accounting for the fluctuating electoral results of the party over three phases: regionalist phase (1990-1995), the move to the right (1998-2003) and the new nationalist period (2012-2018).
    [Show full text]