East German Military Aid to the Sandinista Government of Nicaragua, 1979–1990

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

East German Military Aid to the Sandinista Government of Nicaragua, 1979–1990 StorEastk Germanmann Military Aid to the Sandinista Government of Nicaragua East German Military Aid to the Sandinista Government of Nicaragua, 1979–1990 ✣ Klaus Storkmann When the East German minister for national defense, Army General Heinz Hoffmann, planned to travel to Nicaragua in 1982, he had a speech prepared for the rally in Managua. Although the trip was canceled on short notice at the request of Managua, Hoffmann’s preserved manuscript sheds interesting light on the policy of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) toward Central America. The document emphasizes the similarities between the situations in the GDR and in Central America: Although thousands of kilometers lie between our two countries, we feel it is clear that the U.S. imperialists are preparing a new campaign here in Central America which is part of their global war against progress and peace on all conti- nents, part of their “crusade” against socialism and the national liberation move- ments and against the independence of the peoples!...Itisnecessary to foil those aggressive machinations. In your efforts, dear comrades, you can still rely on the support of the GDR.1 The manuscript alludes to the obligation and promise of further assistance: “We will continue to support the people of Nicaragua and its Sandinista Peo- ple’s Army in whatever way we can and in accordance with the geographic conditions and...also assist in developing the capability to put up a defense against any imperialist attacks.”2 Archival documents pertaining to the visit of the Nicaraguan defense minister, Humberto Ortega, to the GDR in late April 1983 also contain many ideological comments and at the same time provide insights into the motives for the assistance. Hoffmann told Ortega, 1. Unterlagen für geplante Militärdelegation des MfNV nach Nikaragua Oktober 1982, in Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg (BAM-F), DVW 1/115672. 2. Ibid. Journal of Cold War Studies Vol. 16, No. 2, Spring 2014, pp. 56–76, doi:10.1162/JCWS_a_00451 © 2014 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology 56 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/JCWS_a_00451 by guest on 27 September 2021 East German Military Aid to the Sandinista Government of Nicaragua The working people and soldiers of the GDR feel very deeply about the similari- ties of our struggles on major fronts of the international class conºict. In Central America as in Central Europe, the struggle for safeguarding peace and social progress is carried out against the same main enemy, against the most reaction- ary and aggressive circles of imperialism, the monopolists and militarists of the USA!3 Hoffmann’s comments here and in his undelivered speech ended with the promise and obligation that the East German National People’s Army (NVA) was “ready to do what is in our power to support the defense of the revolution in Nicaragua.”4 Hoffmann’s words were no empty promises. Under the ubiquitous slogan of “anti-imperialist solidarity,” the GDR and its armed forces provided exten- sive military assistance to developing countries and armed guerrilla move- ments in Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Latin America.5 In the 1980s, Nicaragua was a priority for this military assistance. This article fo- cuses on contacts at the level of the ministries of defense, on Nicaraguan re- quests to the NVA, and on political and military decision-making processes in the GDR. The article examines two main ªelds of military cooperation, the provision of materiel and training assistance. The research here was prepared within the scope of a larger and more extensive project on military contacts of the GDR to the so-called Third World. The research is primarily based on ªles preserved from the GDR military and the leadership of the state party, the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED). Military Contacts between the Armed Forces of the GDR and Nicaragua For the purpose of establishing military contacts at the ministry of defense level and making arrangements for possible further cooperation, Nicaraguan 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid. 5. These question are taken up in Klaus Storkmann, Geheime Solidarität: Militärbeziehungen und Militärhilfen der DDR in die Dritte Welt (Berlin: Christoph Links Verlag, 2012). Earlier major publi- cations relating to these topics include Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interven- tions and the Making of Our Times (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007); Henry Heller, The Cold War and the New Imperialism: A Global History, 1945–2005 (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2006); Gareth M. Winrow, The Foreign Policy of the GDR in Africa (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Roger E. Kanet, ed., The Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, and the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Robert W. Clawson, ed., East-West Rivalry and the Third World: Security Issues and Regional Perspectives (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1986); and Bruce E. Arlinghau, ed., Arms for Africa: Military Assistance and Foreign Policy in the Developing World (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1982). 57 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/JCWS_a_00451 by guest on 27 September 2021 Storkmann Defense Minister Larios Montiel traveled to the GDR for the ªrst time in September 1979. The chief of the NVA’s main staff, Lieutenant General Fritz Streletz, sent an account of his talks with Montiel to the SED leader Erich Honecker. According to Streletz, the Nicaraguan emphasized the “urgent” necessity to build up the armed forces and to “secure the political power gained.” He said his country was at an “extremely critical stage.” Because of the political situation, Nicaragua “was not able to import armaments openly from socialist countries ...orelse it would give the enemies of the revolution a pretext for imperialist aggression.” Furthermore, his country was “bank- rupt” because of the war and could not purchase anything “because the state treasury was empty.” Nevertheless, Montiel submitted a request to the NVA in Strausberg, the seat of the GDR Ministry of Defense, asking for the deliv- ery of means of transport, engineering and signal equipment, medical equip- ment, clothing and equipment for aviators, patrol boats, and training for technical non-commissioned ofªcers in all of Nicaragua’s armed services. In addition to the GDR, Montiel traveled to the USSR, Bulgaria, Libya, and Al- geria to put forth similar requests.6 The ªrst ofªcial NVA visitors to Nicaragua were Lieutenant General Helmut Borufka and Major General Heinrich Winkler in January 1980. Borufka was the inspector-general of the NVA and responsible for military training activities, and Winkler was chief of the Foreign Relations Directorate of the Ministry for National Defense. The deputy chief of the Engineering- Technical Foreign Trade Agency (ITA), Colonel Günter Anders, accompanied them. The ITA was part of the Ministry of Foreign Trade and was responsible for commercial business concerning military technology and armaments. The functions of the three ofªcers deªned the ªelds of the intended military coop- eration. They met Minister of Defense Ortega, his deputies, Luis Carrion and Eden Pastora, and the chief of Nicaragua’s General Staff, Joaquin Cuadra, in Managua. Ortega hoped that the GDR would provide training for technical personnel and all kinds of military equipment “except medium and heavy weapons” He was anxious to ensure that the military assistance would not be- come public knowledge. A “political blunder” could turn the “bourgeois- democratic states” of Latin America into “enemies of Nicaragua” und thus “endanger the country’s basis of existence.” Moreover, the United States must not be given an “excuse for open intervention.”7 The signed minutes mention 6. Bericht Generaloberst Streletz über erstes Gespräch mit Militärdelegation aus Nikaragua in der DDR an Honecker vom 18.09.1979, and Brief von Armeegeneral Hoffmann an Honecker vom 15.11.1979, both in BAM-F, AZN 32639, pp. 39–43, 101–102. 7. Bericht Hoffmann an Honecker über Militärdelegation in Nikaragua vom 01.02.1980, in BAM-F, AZN 32640, pp. 21–25 58 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/JCWS_a_00451 by guest on 27 September 2021 East German Military Aid to the Sandinista Government of Nicaragua the intended “fraternal cooperation” between the two armies “to consolidate the young Nicaraguan revolution.”8 Details were recorded in several annexes. The GDR undertook to provide 150 W-50 trucks and large quantities of clothing and equipment (including 40,000 steel helmets, mess kits, water bottles, backpacks, and tents) by the end of 1980. The two sides also agreed that another 350 W-50 trucks could be provided in subsequent years. Because the ITA was responsible for this deal, it presumably was a commercial transaction.9 In addition, the GDR of- fered 15,000 AKM-8 submachine guns and 10 million rounds of ammuni- tion, 10,000 hand grenades, 10,000 anti-personnel mines, and communi- cation and radio equipment. Nicaragua requested further clothing, ªeld kitchens, drugs, and several dressing stations. As early as 1980, the NVA also offered to provide Nicaragua training for military personnel.10 Humberto Ortega traveled to the GDR for the ªrst time in late March 1980. In his luggage, he had long lists for the people he was going to see in Strausberg. Among the many new requested items were 45,000 uniforms, an- other 10,000 battle dress uniforms, and 3,000 binoculars. General Hoffmann promised to fulªll most of the requests.11 Hoffmann’s ªrst visit to Nicaragua was planned for October 1982 in con- nection with a visit to Cuba, but at the last minute the Nicaraguan authorities requested that he postpone the visit. Colonel-General Horst Stechbarth, who was then chief of the NVA Ground Forces, later recalled that the visit to Managua did not take place because Defense Minister Ortega had warned that the “complicated situation” in the country made it impossible to guaran- tee the security of the NVA generals.12 Instead, Ortega and other military ªgures ºew to Havana to confer with the high-ranking NVA delegation.
Recommended publications
  • The Anti-Zionist Bridge: the East German
    The Anti-Zionist Bridge: The East German Communist Contribution to Antisemitism's Revival After the Holocaust Author(s): Jeffrey Herf Source: Antisemitism Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Spring 2017), pp. 130-156 Published by: Indiana University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2979/antistud.1.1.05 Accessed: 29-07-2017 21:03 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Indiana University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Antisemitism Studies This content downloaded from 142.160.44.49 on Sat, 29 Jul 2017 21:03:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms The Anti-Zionist Bridge The East German Communist Contribution to Antisemitism’s Revival After the Holocaust JEFFREY HERF Communist anti-Zionism was an ideological offensive against the State of Israel whose advocates insisted that the accusation that they were motivated by antisemitism was an imperialist or Zionist trick to defuse legitimate criticism of Israel’s policies toward the Arabs and the Palestinians. The associated rhet- oric of anti-fascism, anti-imperialism and anti-racism made it possible for anti-Zionism to burst beyond the bounds of European neo-Nazi circles as well as its Arab and Palestinian or Islamist boundaries and became an enduring element of global Communist, radical leftist and third worldist politics.
    [Show full text]
  • The Divided Nation a History of Germany 19181990
    Page iii The Divided Nation A History of Germany 19181990 Mary Fulbrook Page 318 Thirteen The East German Revolution and the End of the Post-War Era In 1989, Eastern Europe was shaken by a series of revolutions, starting in Poland and Hungary, spreading to the GDR and then Czechoslovakia, ultimately even toppling the Romanian communist regime, and heralding the end of the post-war settlement of European and world affairs. Central to the ending of the post-war era were events in Germany. The East German revolution of 1989 inaugurated a process which only a few months earlier would have seemed quite unimaginable: the dismantling of the Iron Curtain between the two Germanies, the destruction of the Berlin Wall, the unification of the two Germanies. How did such dramatic changes come about, and what explains the unique pattern of developments? To start with, it is worth reconsidering certain features of East Germany's history up until the 1980s. The uprising of 1953 was the only previous moment of serious political unrest in the GDR. It was, as we have seen above, limited in its origins and initial aims-arising out of a protest by workers against a rise in work norms-and only developed into a wider phenomenon, with political demands for the toppling of Ulbricht and reunification with West Germany, as the protests gained momentum. Lacking in leadership, lacking in support from the West, and ultimately repressed by a display of Soviet force, the 1953 uprising was a short-lived phenomenon. From the suppression of the 1953 revolt until the mid-1980s, the GDR was a relatively stable communist state, which gained the reputation of being Moscow's loyal ally, communism effected with Prussian efficiency.
    [Show full text]
  • Schießbefehl and the Issues of Retroactivity Within the East German Border Guard Trials Keegan Mcmurry Western Oregon University, [email protected]
    Western Oregon University Digital Commons@WOU Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History) Department of History 2018 Schießbefehl and the Issues of Retroactivity Within the East German Border Guard Trials Keegan McMurry Western Oregon University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wou.edu/his Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, European History Commons, Legal Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation McMurry, Keegan, "Schießbefehl and the Issues of Retroactivity Within the East German Border Guard Trials" (2018). Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History). 264. https://digitalcommons.wou.edu/his/264 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at Digital Commons@WOU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History) by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@WOU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Schießbefehl1 and the Issues of Retroactivity Within the East German Border Guard Trials Keegan J. McMurry History 499: Senior Seminar June 5, 2018 1 On February 5th, 1989, 20-year old Chris Gueffroy and his companion, Christian Gaudin, were running for their lives. Tired of the poor conditions in the German Democratic Republic and hoping to find better in West Germany, they intended to climb the Berlin Wall that separated East and West Berlin using a ladder. A newspaper account states that despite both verbal warnings and warning shots, both young men continued to try and climb the wall until the border guards opened fire directly at them. Mr. Gaudin survived the experience after being shot, however, Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Mfs-Handbuch —
    Anatomie der Staatssicherheit Geschichte, Struktur und Methoden — MfS-Handbuch — Bitte zitieren Sie diese Online-Publikation wie folgt: Roland Wiedmann: Die Diensteinheiten des MfS 1950–1989. Eine organisatorische Über- sicht (MfS-Handbuch). Hg. BStU. Berlin 2012. http://www.nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0292-97839421302889 Mehr Informationen zur Nutzung von URNs erhalten Sie unter http://www.persistent-identifier.de einem Portal der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek. Vorbemerkung Das Handbuchprojekt »Anatomie der Staatssicherheit« ist eines der ältesten Vorhaben des Forschungsbereiches des Bundesbeauftragten für die Stasi-Unterlagen (BStU). Es wurde bereits im Jahr 1993 begonnen – wenige Monate nach der Gründung der Abteilung »Bil- dung und Forschung« und stellt dem wissenschaftlichen Fachpublikum wie auch anderen interessierten Nutzern von Stasi-Akten in kontinuierlich erscheinenden Teillieferungen umfassendes Grundwissen zum MfS zur Verfügung: die Entwicklung der Gesamtinstituti- on MfS in ihrem historischen Kontext, die Geschichte seiner wichtigsten Arbeitsbereiche, grundlegende Darlegungen zu den hauptamtlichen und inoffiziellen Mitarbeitern sowie verschiedene Übersichten und Materialien zur Struktur des MfS und ihrer Entwicklung, Kurzbiographien des Leitungspersonals und eine Edition der wichtigsten Grundsatzdoku- mente. Das »MfS-Handbuch« folgt der Verpflichtung der BStU zur »Aufarbeitung der Tätigkeit des Staatssicherheitsdienstes durch Unterrichtung der Öffentlichkeit über Struk- tur, Methoden und Wirkungsweise des Staatssicherheitsdienstes«
    [Show full text]
  • Nicaraguan Sandinismo, Back from the Dead?
    NICARAGUAN SANDINISMO, BACK FROM THE DEAD? An anthropological study of popular participation within the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional by Johannes Wilm Submitted to be examined as part of a PhD degree for the Anthropology Department, 1 Goldsmiths College, University of London 2 Nicaraguan Sandinismo, back from the Dead? An anthropological study of popular participation within the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional I declare that this thesis is entirely my own work and that the thesis presented is the one upon which I expect to be examined. The copyright holders of the included photos/pictures are mentioned in the caption. Usage rights for purposes that go beyond the reproduction of this book either in its entirety or of entire chapters, must be obtained individually from the mentioned copyright holders. When no copyright holder is mentioned in the caption, I was the photographer. The photos taken by me can be used for other purposes without prior consent, as long as the photographer is mentioned in all forms of publication where the photos appear. Johannes Wilm 3 Abstract Thirty years after redefining the political landscape of Nicaragua, Sandinismo is both a unifying discourse and one driven by different interpretations by adherents. This thesis examines the complex legacy of Sandinismo by focusing on the still widely acclaimed notion of Sandinismo as an idiom of popular participation. A central point is the current unity of the movement, as it is perceived by Sandinistas, depends on a limited number of common reference points over the last 100 years of Nicaraguan history, which are interpreted very differently Sandinistas and other groups, but which always emphasise the part Nicaraguans play in international relations and the overall importance of popular mass participation in Nicaraguan politics, rather than agreement on current, day-to-day politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Unholy Alliance. the Connection Between the East German Stasi and the Right-Wing Terrorist Odfried Hepp
    Unholy Alliance. The Connection between the East German Stasi and the Right-Wing Terrorist Odfried Hepp Bernhard Blumenau Introduction On 18 February 1983, a young man, aged 23, suspected that the police were keeping his apartment under surveillance and took his rucksack, climbed onto an adjacent balcony to hide there until the police were gone. In the depth of night, he left the building and ran ceaselessly through the streets of West Berlin. Finally, to confuse his pursuers, he took several taxis, as well as the U-Bahn, to the Friedrichstraße checkpoint between West Berlin and the German Democratic Republic (GDR), where he arrived just before 6 am. Announcing himself to the East German border guards, he waited in a backroom until he was finally picked up by an officer of the East German State Security, the Stasi.1 This man, Odfried Hepp (aka ‘Friedrich’ in the Stasi files), was one of the most wanted right-wing terrorists2 in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) in the 1980s. What sounds like an extract from a spy novel is only one of the highlights of a story that has all the basic ingredients of a thriller: murders and bank robberies, a young man driven by – however abhorrent – political and idealistic beliefs, Cold War politics, Palestinian ‘freedom fighters’, boot camps in the Middle East, spies, and fake identities. Yet this story, which is at the centre of this article, is not fiction – it is the very real account of the life of Odfried Hepp as well as a glimpse at radicalisation and political extremism as well as right-wing terrorism in West Germany, the dimensions of the German- German Cold War struggle and the GDR’s relationship with terrorism.
    [Show full text]
  • No. 589, December 3, 1993
    25«1: No.S89 3 December 1993 After NAFTA, Clinton Strongarms Japan, Europe Wilson/NY Times Clinton and leaders of Pacific Rim countries meeting in Seattle at "Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation" forum. U.S. wants to use spectre of Pacific "free trade" as club against European imperialist rivals. u.s. Gears UP lor Trade War Hours after the North American Free Workers marched with red flags to protest ernment. The international airport at that the major unions in Belgium have Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was passed a three-year freeze on real wages and Brussels was shut down by pickets who called a general strike. by the U.S. Congress on November 17 massive cuts in social security decreed put up flaming barricades on the access • Spain: On November 25, hundreds by an unexpectedly wide margin, Presi­ by the Christian Democrat/Socialist gov- roads. This is the first time since 1936 of thousands of workers demonstrated dent Clinton shuttled off to Seattle where across Spain against "Socialist" prime he had convoked a meeting of the heads minister Felipe Gonzalez' proposed labor of government of the Pacific Rim coun­ law "reform" which would make it easier tries. The purpose: to use his NAFTA to fire workers at a time when official "win" to extract trade concessions from unemployment is almost 23 percent. The the Asian leaders, to be used in turn as workers' demonstrations, supported by a battering ram against the Europeans. students and community organizations, The aim of Clinton's pact with Canada were called by the Socialist Party-led and Mexico is to reinforce the American General Workers Union and the Work­ bourgeoisie's economic muscle against ers Commissions as a dry run for a its imperialist trade rivals by creating a general strike.
    [Show full text]
  • In Appreciation of Ludwig Erhard
    Volume 9. Two Germanies, 1961-1989 The Two German States in the United Nations (September 19, 1973) The Basic Treaty [Grundlagenvertrag], which regulated relations between the two German states, ended East Germany’s international isolation. On the occasion of the two states’ entry into the United Nations, both foreign ministers emphasized – although with different arguments – Germany’s special role in securing peace. I. Speech by Otto Winzer, Foreign Minister of the German Democratic Republic, on the occasion of the acceptance of the GDR into the United Nations, made before the General Assembly on September 19, 1973 Honored Mr. President, Honored Delegates, The acceptance of the German Democratic Republic into the organization of the United Nations is a historic and happy event in the life of our people. It is a highpoint in the process of the German Democratic Republic’s equal participation in international life. Normal relations under international law and on the basis of the principles of the charter of the United Nations have been created between the majority of the member states of the organization of the United Nations and the German Democratic Republic. This is without a doubt an expression of the favorable developments that have taken place in recent years in the international relations of states and peoples. Thus, it is not presumptuous to maintain that the acceptance of the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany, located in the heart of Europe, as two sovereign states independent of each other with different social orders into the organization of the United Nations is yet another significant step on the road to the improvement of the situation in Europe and internationally.
    [Show full text]
  • After the Wall: the Legal Ramifications of the East German Border Guard Trials in Unified Germany Micah Goodman
    Cornell International Law Journal Volume 29 Article 3 Issue 3 1996 After the Wall: The Legal Ramifications of the East German Border Guard Trials in Unified Germany Micah Goodman Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Goodman, Micah (1996) "After the Wall: The Legal Ramifications of the East German Border Guard Trials in Unified Germany," Cornell International Law Journal: Vol. 29: Iss. 3, Article 3. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj/vol29/iss3/3 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell International Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOTES After the Wall: The Legal Ramifications of the East German Border Guard Trials in Unified Germany Micah Goodman* Introduction Since the reunification of East and West Germany in 1990, the German government' has tried over fifty2 former East German soldiers for shooting and killing East German citizens who attempted to escape across the East- West German border.3 The government has also indicted a dozen high- ranking East German government officials.4 The German government charged and briefly tried Erich Honecker, the leader of the German Demo- cratic Republic (G.D.R.) from 1971 to 1989, for giving the orders to shoot escaping defectors. 5 While on guard duty at the border between the two * Associate, Rogers & Wells; J.D., Cornell Law School, 1996; B.A., Swarthmore College, 1991.
    [Show full text]
  • Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany
    Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany Roland Bleiker Monograph Series Number 6 The Albert Einstein Institution Copyright 01993 by Roland Bleiker Printed in the United States of America. Printed on Recycled Paper. The Albert Einstein Institution 1430 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 ISSN 1052-1054 ISBN 1-880813-07-6 CONTENTS Acknowledgments ................... .... ... .. .... ........... .. .. .................. .. .. ... vii Introduction ..............................................................................................1 Chapter 1 A BRIEF HISTORY OF DOMINATION, OPPOSITION, AND REVOLUTION IN EAST GERMANY .............................................. 5 Repression and Dissent before the 1980s...................................... 6 Mass Protests and the Revolution of 1989 .................................... 7 Chapter 2 THE POWER-DEVOLVING POTENTIAL OF NONVIOLENT S"I'RUGGLE................................................................ 10 Draining the System's Energy: The Role of "Exit" ...................... 10 Displaying the Will for Change: The Role of "Voice" ................ 13 Voluntary Servitude and the Power of Agency: Some Theoretical Reflections ..................................................15 Chapter 3 THE MEDIATION OF NONVIOLENT STRUGGLE: COMPLEX POWER RELATIONSHIPS AND THE ENGINEERING OF HEGEMONIC CONSENT ................................21 The Multiple Faces of the SED Power Base ..................................21 Defending Civil
    [Show full text]
  • Yale-UN Oral History Project General Humberto Ortega James S. Sutterlin
    ST/DPI ORAL HISTORY (02)/O77 Yale-UN Oral History Project General Humberto Ortega James S. Sutterlin, Entrevistador 30 de julio de 1997, fecha de la entrevista 25 de marzo de 1998, fecha de la corrección enviada por el General Ortega Managua, Nicaragua NOTICE This is a transcript of a tape-recorded interview conducted for the United Nations. A draft of this transcript was edited by the interviewee but only minor emendations were made; therefore, the reader should remember that this is essentially a transcript of the spoken, rather than the written word. RESTRICTIONS This oral history transcript may be read, quoted from, cited, and reproduced for purposes of research. It may not be published in full except by permission of the United Nations, Dag Hammarskjöld Library. YALE-UN ORAL HISTORY PROJECT CENTRAL AMElUCAN PEACE PROCESS General Humberto Ortega James Sutterlin, Entrevistador Managua, Nicaragua 30 de julio de 1997, fecha de la entrevista 25 de marzo de 1998, fecha de la corrección enviada por el General Ortega Indice: Acuerdo de Sapuá 4,5,6 Autorización al uso de la transcripción 1,2 Banco Mlmdial 9 Comunidad Internacional 4,5,13 Consejo de Seguridad 3,11 • Contrarrevolución 6,10,11,12 Democracia 5 Desmovilización 4 • Elecciones 11 Conteo Rápido 12 Frente Farabundo Martí de Liberación Nacional (FMLN) 3, 5, 6, 12 Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) 9 11 Guerra Este/Oeste 3 Implementación de la paz 4, El Líder 2,3 11 Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) 3,4 Comisión Internacional para la Ayuda y la Verificación (CIAV-OEA) 7,8,9
    [Show full text]
  • Stillgestanden“ Heißt; Mitte Der Achtzigerjahre, Auf Einem Sächsischen Appellplatz
    finde Dressurreiten ähnlich absurd wie Exerzieren. Ich musste als Soldat der Nationalen Volksarmee in der DDR mal zwei Stunden lang bei Minusgraden trainieren, was „Stillgestanden“ heißt; Mitte der Achtzigerjahre, auf einem sächsischen Appellplatz. Vor mir stand ein sadistischer Oberst mit Beutelhosen. Jedenfalls erklärte mir Frau von der Leyen freundlich, worum es im Dressursport geht. Sie Stillgestanden nahm sich fast eine Stunde Zeit, obwohl ich vom komme und nicht ihretwegen, sondern wegen des Pferdes Leitkultur Alexander Osang wundert sich da war. Wie gesagt, ich kenne weder sie noch die Pferde, aber über den deutschen Korpsgeist. das war in Ordnung. In jenem Sommer vor fünf Jahren habe ich in einer eulich traf ich Rainer Eppelmann in der Umkleide - Kaserne in Bad Salzungen auch einen aufrechten deut - kabine vom Kieser-Training. Eppelmann war der schen Offizier getroffen. Er hieß Mayer und musste seine Nletzte Verteidigungsminister der DDR. Ein Pfarrer Soldaten auf einen Krieg in Afghanistan vorbereiten, aus Berlin, der in seiner Kirche Blues-Messen organisierte, an dessen Sinn er nicht glaubte. Minister Scharping zu Zeiten, als dazu mehr gehörte als der Blues. Er hatte hatte seine Armee dorthin geschickt, Minister Guttenberg den Spind neben mir. Ich begrüßte ihn, so würdevoll das hatte sie zu einer Berufsarmee gemacht, Minister de ging. Es ist nicht einfach, einem ehemaligen Verteidigungs - Maizière verantwortete sie gerade. Oberstleutnant Mayer minister im Schlüpfer zu begegnen. Aber wenn ich mir brachte seinen Soldaten Yoga und Schießen bei und dafür einen Verteidigungsminister hätte aussuchen können, ließ die Wandgemälde von Wehrmachtsschlachten, die dann Eppelmann. er auf den Kasernenfluren vorfand, überstreichen. Er „Wie geht’s?“, fragte er.
    [Show full text]