DYNAMISM OF DALIT EPISTEMOLOGY:

INTERACTIONS BETWEEN

CASTE AND CLASS

By

Dil B. Bishwakanna "DB Sagar"

Submitted to the

Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences

of American University

in Partial Fulfillment of

the Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts

In

Sociology

Chair: ~);&-~~~ Dr. Bette . Dickerson /!_~ Dr. Russell A. Stone

De~p.~'ff the Colleg>;of Arts and Sciences \Uce-.1er \6 I L ccn Date

2009 American University Washington, D.C. 20016

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INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.

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ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml48106-1346 To

My Father, Mr. Bhim B. Bishwakarma

and

My Mother, Mrs. Mayadevi Bishwakarma

With gratitude

for

Their love and sacrifice ©COPYRIGHT

by

Dil B. Bishwakarma "DB Sagar"

2009

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED DYNAMISM OF DALIT EPISTEMOLOGY:

INTERACTIONS BETWEEN

CASTE AND CLASS

BY

Dil B. Bishwakarma "DB Sagar"

ABSTRACT

Nearly 4.5 million Dalits have been segregated, oppressed, and excluded from mainstream processes even after the changed political circumstances in Nepal because the caste system blocks sociopolitical transformation and has more influence on the existing society and state than class. Marxism/conflict theoretical ideology explores the critical inquiry of caste/class-based social structure and a vision of human emancipation and self-realization. The emergence of class struggles has not been able to resolve potential caste/communal struggles between dominant and subordinate groups. This study is grounded in qualitative research methodology to examine the variables that interact or clash between two fundamental social dogmas: caste and class as they relate to Dalit epistemology. Dalit epistemology is an alternative idea that provides positive thoughts and strategic directions to empower and organize Dalits from the bottom up by developing consciousness of Dalithood to transform communal battles toward democratic ballots in broader coalitions with other subordinate groups and progressive forces.

11 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Writing this thesis project was a mutual effort, and I would like to thank everyone

who has supported it to its completion. I do not think I could have accomplished my

academic goal from the American University, a leading institution of learning in the

United States, if my wife Kamala K. Bishwakarma would not have encouraged me with

her passion and dedication while handling our everyday lives. During my time in school,

she sacrificed and struggled with my time and financial constraints as well as my

emotions and ambitions for Nepal's Dalit movement and politics-perhaps because of her deep love and passion for me as well as her belief in me. Similarly, this would not be possible without supports of my younger brother, Rajan Lohani who handled business and family back home, I appreciate his supports.

One of the greatest regrets in my life is that I never had the chance to share the fulfillment of my academic dream and happiness with my father and mother, Bhim and

Mayadevi Bishwakarma. My parents taught me to have a dream and to rise up from poverty, injustice, discrimination, and domination and to explore a course of human emancipation with the help of education. Their dream and struggles shaped the foundation that nurtured me. I especially acknowledge the courage and sacrifice my parents offered. They never asked for anything from me, and they devoted their entire lives to my happiness. They continue to be the candlelight that leads me to my future. I

lll miss them every moment and feel their love even though they are not physically present

with me. I believe they are blessing me from heaven.

I am very grateful to Dr. Bette Dickerson, sociology professor at the American

University, who has been interested in and involved with the Dalit issues, which she

likens to the African American issues in the United States. This may be one of the

reasons Dr. Dickerson gave me special encouragement to pursue academic studies and

agreed to be Chair of my thesis committee. I have been inspired by her leadership, which

enabled me to form a critical framework of my own experiences and ideas. My special

thanks go to Dr. Russell A. Stone, sociology professor at the American University, who

promptly accepted my request to be a member of the thesis committee. Dr. Stone

provided me with substantial input and offered helpful suggestions. I am also indebted to

Dr. Salvador Vidal-Ortiz, sociology professor at the Ame~ican University, for his

guidelines on developing my thesis proposal. Similarly, my sincere thanks go to

Department of Sociology and its Chair, Dr. John Drysdale, as well as to my professors for

nurturing my academic ideas, enhancing wisdom, and providing overall assistance.

I also wish to thank those individuals whose contributions are reflected in my

study. I drew much of my inspiration from the many Dalit activists and community

members who have dedicated their lives to combating caste discrimination,

untouchability, and inequality; and who are dedicated to inclusive democracy, justice,

and freedom-they have all touched my spirit and life. They include Rt. Honorable Prime

Minister Mr. Madhav Kumar Nepal; Honorable Members of the Constituency Assembly

lV

... \ Mr. Hari Shripaili and CPN-UML leader Mr. Bishnu Poudel; and the community members, Dalit leaders and scholars I met in the summer of 2009 during the

!CDR/American University's Alternative Break: Nepal program. Although the names of the people I met during this visit are too many to list, I appreciate all their ideas and the experiences they shared with my team and me. Jc have many people to thank for their active participation in the focus group and online discussions-for their ideas, comments, and permission to reproduce copyrighted materials. The discussions I had with them proved to be invaluable. I also want to acknowledge Patricia Hill Collins, a feminist theorist, and her work, Black Feminist Thought (2000), as well as many scholars from whom I have benefited and whose scholarly work I have cited. I also thank my older brother, Mr. Man Bdr. BK, for showing me the academic path, even though we had gone through a critical time. Likewise, I had been benefited from www.nepaldalitinfo.com, an international network for Nepal Dalit resources and its founder Dr. Drona Rasaili, for providing useful information.

I also would like to thank Shoshanna Sumka, American University's Alternative

Break coordinator and one of my good friends, for her encouragement as well as

Alternative Break: Nepal team members, faculty advisor Prof. Iwetta Pyc, and translators.

I also thank Precious Frazier, my classmate, for her willingness to be co-leader of the

Alternative Break: Nepal program 2009. The Alternative Break: Nepal program helped me to interact with community members, observe subtle elements of caste discrimination and untouchability, and see how the caste system affects the everyday lives of millions of

v people in subordinate groups. I especially appreciate Rajan Lohani, who managed all program activities and arranged hospitality in the field. My thanks also go to ICDR

(www.icdrforum.org), especially Dr. Mary Cameron, Dr. Steve Folmar, Prof. Thomas E.

Weisskopf, Dr. DK Gurung, Chris Taylor, Ashok Bharti; and interns Katie Gale and

Randi Guzman, who offered help and generosity. My special thanks go to Vanessa

Caceres, my editor for this thesis project. She helped with editing and asked critical questions that made my writing more specific. She was often ready to help, even at the last minute. I appreciate her compassion and readiness.

I have not forgotten those who encouraged my elapsed dream and who wrote recommendation letters for admission and scholarship to my academic mission. My sincere thanks go to Dr. Lynn Bennett, lead social development specialist/SACNA,

World Bank Nepal office; Dr. David Gellner, anthropology professor at Oxford

University, London; Dr. Laurie Vasily, one of my friends; and Mr. Keith Leslie, friend of

Dalits, ICDR founder member, and former regional director of Save the Children US.

Similarly, I thank Mr. Deepak Jang Bishwokarma, former member of the National Dalit

Commission and one of my best friends, for his guardianship and enthusiastic encouragement. Often when I became frustrated, he would motivate and inspire me by illustrating several historical and symbolic positive examples. I thank you all and expect that this study will be helpful in eliminating the pathology of social disease­ untouchability and domination. I also believe the study will provide a positive perspective to members of the society and state in that it validates the identity of the

Vl Dalits and highlights the interaction of the fundamental social entities o( caste and class-two wheels of Nepalese society and politics.

Finally, sincere thanks go to my father-in-law and mother-in-law Mr. Ram K.

Nepali and Ms. Huma K. Nepali for their generosity, encouragement, and love. They often remind me of my academic goal to earn a PhD. I hope I can make it!!

Vll TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iii

LIST OF CONTENTS ...... viii

LIST OF TABLES ...... 0 •••••••••••••••• 0 ••••••• 0 0 ••••••••••••••• 0 •• 0 ••• 0 0 0 ••• 0 0 ••••••••• x

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ...... xi

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... 0 •••••••• oo •• 0 0 ••••••••• 0 0 ••••••••••••••••••• xii

GLOSSARY ...... o •••••••••• o •••• o 000 000 000 000 000 ••••••••• o •••• o •• 0 Ooo •••••• o •••••• o ••• xiv

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION 0 0 •••• 0 0 0. 0. 0 0 0 0 •• 0 0 0. 0 0 0 0. 0 0 0 •••••• 0 •• 0 •••• 0 •• 0 ••••••••••• 0 ••• 1

Overview ...... 0 •• 0 0 0 0 •• 0 0 ••• 0 0 0 ••••••• 0 •• 0 ••••••••• 0 ••••• 0 ••••• 00 0 0 0 0 0 •••••• 0 •• 1

Dalits: An Identity or Conditions? ...... 2

Dalit Epistemology 0 0 0 0 0 0 0. 0 0 0 ...... 0 ...... 0 .... 0. 0 ...... 7

Caste and Class Systems ...... 9

Research Objective ...... 0 ...... 11

Limitations ...... 0. 0 ...... 0 ...... 0 0 0 ...... 013

II. DALITS IN CHANGING CIRCUMSTANCES ...... 14

Historical Context...... 0 0 ...... 0 ...... 0 ...... 14

Conflicts in Changing Circumstances ...... 20

VIII III. LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...... 26

Literature Review ...... 26 Theoretical Framework ...... 3 3

IV. METHODOLOGY ...... 47

Overview ...... 4 7

Focus Group Method ...... 49

Other Methodological Approaches Used ...... 51

Data Collection ...... 52

V. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION ...... 54

Dalit Epistemology: A Symbol of Power and Change .. : ...... 54

Negative Image and Social Response Toward Dalits ...... 59

Interactions Between Caste and Class Ideologies ...... 64

The Caste System ...... 67

The Class System ...... 69

VI. CONCLUSION AND FURTHER STUDY ...... 73

Dalit Epistemology: Caste and Class. Paradigms ...... 73

Beyond Marxism: Caste and Class Dynamism ...... 81

Further Study ...... : ...... 85

APPENDICES ...... 87

REFERENCES ...... 94

lX LIST OF TABLES

List ofDalits' Sub-Castes ...... 4

Political Representation in the HoRs and CA from 1991 to 2008 ...... 17

X LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Caste-Class Interactions and Influences on Dalit Epistemology ...... 26

Caste and Class Correlations with Dalit Epistemology ...... 45

Xl LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

B-C Bahun and Chheti, dominant caste group

BK Bishwakarma

BS Bikram Sambat (AD)

CA Constituency Assembly

CFI Caste Freedom Index

CPN-M Communist Party ofNepal-Maoist

CPN-UML Communist Party of United Marxist and Leninist

DFID Department for International Development

DNF/N Dalit NGO Federation of Nepal

DWO Dalit Welfare Organization

EC Election Commission

HoR House of Representatives

HRTMC Human Rights Treaty Monitoring Committee

HRW Human Rights Watch

ICDR International Commission for Dalit Rights

INSEC Informal Sector Service Center

MCA Member of Constituency Assembly

NA National Assembly

Xll NDC National Dalit Commission

NNDSWO Nepal National Dalit Social Welfare Organization

SPA Seven Party Alliance

SPM Second People's Movement

UN United Nations

UNCERD United Nations Committee on the Elimination ofRacial Discrimination

UNDP United Nations Development Program

VDC Village Development Committee

YCL Youth Communist League

Xlll GLOSSARY

Capitalism. A political ideology of the liberal market economy and social system in which means of production are controlled by capitalists. The capitalist's goal is to generate more surplus value or profits.

Caste ism. An ideology of unequal power and privilege in which humans are divided into four Varna (race or color) and 36 castes with sociopolitical rewards and power unequally distributed based on casteNarna classification/hierarchy. Variations of casteism include institutionalized casteism, untouchability, pure and Impure Hindu religious dogma, and the everyday practice of caste discrimination.

Conflict theory. The study of the social, political or material inequality of the society and state. It is also a portion of Marxism that assesses dominant power differentials and conflicts between different social groups, such as class struggle. It also provides a positive and critical ideology for subordinate groups to resist domination and search for freedom and equality.

Dalitization. Refers to social situations, such as poverty, exclusion, and domination, as well as to a range of discriminatory practices. It is used to describe the socio­ economic conditions of Dalits or other subordinate groups.

Dalithood. A community connection and cohesion among Dalits and other subordinate groups to promote their epistemology in the society and the state.

Dalit community. The group of people or sub-castes who were/are oppressed based on the caste system and Hinduism; a set of institutions, communication networks, pro­ Dalit agencies, and solidarity groups; or civil and political actors who advocate for the Dalits.

Epistemology. A symbolic and methodological standard to access overall sociopolitical positions. The ability to resist domination and exclusion as well as an alternative way to create independent self-definition and self-evaluation process through own specialists-why we believe and what we believe to be true.

Human capital. Reserve skills, knowledge, and the human ability or workforce that generates production.

XIV Marxism: A radical political ideology comprising economic and social phenomena from the dialectical materialism developed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. In Marxism, class struggle is a central element in the analysis of social conflicts. Marxists believe that social conflict brings positive change for oppressed classes/castes. Marxism is the antithesis of capitalism and the foundation of Socialism. Paradigm. A social interpretive framework used to explain the caste and class systems.

Pro-Dalit politics. Process of creating social and political solidarity/supports on common Agendas among Dalits, the subordinate groups and progressive forces for collective social democratic movement and social transformation. Positive identity. The creation of a self-defined image, building of self-esteem, and enhancement of community strength that pressures dominant groups to mainstream oppressed or subordinate groups into sociopolitical processes. Social exclusion. The lack of participation in society and state due to caste, class, ethnic, and gender discrimination and untouchability. It emphasizes that the Dalits and other subordinate groups have been excluded from sociopolitical processes in society and state mechanisms. It sha~es four major features: lack of participation; multidimensional economic exploitation; a dynamic effect on the lives of the individual, society, and state; and being multilayered. Social imagination. Enables one to distinguish between personal and public issues and allows one to understand and anticipate an individual's life. Its primary goal is to develop professional ethics and the ability to analyze broader meanings of caste and class relations or role of society and state in terms of Dalit epistemology. Social imagination connects the researcher and participants' own experiences and ideas, allowing them to imagine situations while dealing with their everyday life. For example, people in an oppressed caste might link their personal situation to the social forces relevant to their present condition. Social solidarity. A common mission of subordinate groups to combat domination and exclusion. Social solidarity is considered as the driving force of the cultural revolution by exchanging solidarity and support among subordinate groups and progressive forces. Subordinate groups. Communities that have been segregated and have faced caste-class domination, especially the Dalits, Janajati/Ethnic, Madhesis, women, Muslims, religious minorities, and other caste groups that live significantly below the poverty line.

XV CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Overview

Nepalese society is a multi-caste, multi-ethnic, linguistic, and religious culture. Its language belongs to the Indo-European and Tibeto-Burman linguistic famili~s (Pradhan

& Sherestha, 2005). The Nepalese social structure is based on the caste system and is guided by Hinduism. Thus, political power has been held by the dominant caste under the

Shah Dynasty of the unitary system for the past 234 years. Subordinate groups, such as the Dalits, Janajati, and Madhesi, as well as religious minorities, women, and people from the Kamali zone have a history of being oppressed and excluded by feudal and dominant­ caste groups. This has continued even though Nepal has changed from a monarchy to a federal republic state as a result of the Second People's Movement (SPM) in 2006 and a decade-long Maoist rebellion.

At this time, Nepal is in the process of drafting a New Constitution by the people's representatives through the Constituency Assembly (CA) for the first time in the

Nepalese history. Likewise, the country is in a transition phase from a Maoist insurgency and feudal monarchy system to a federal republic democratic Nepal. As leading agencies of political change, the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the Communist Party of Nepal­

Maoist (2006) agreed to progressive restructuring of the state by resolving prevailing

1 2

problems related to caste, class, ethnic, regional, and gender differences. Similarly,

Nepal's Interim Constitution of2007 states under article 138 (1) that "to bring an end of

the discrimination based on class, caste, language, gender, culture, religion and region by

eliminating the centralized and unitary form of the state, the state shall be made inclusive

and restructured into a progressive, democratic federal system" (2007:61). However, these promises and constitutional provisions have not been fulfilled yet because of the lack of an inclusive framework and lack of implementation by the political parties and the

government. Rather, the agenda of social inclusion and equality has been applied as a way to motivate subordinate groups to support either Maoists' insurgency or secure votes

for other political parties. · Importantly, the practice of untouchability, caste discrimination, exclusion, and oppression denies Dalits access to mainstream processes as

a result of the twin social entities-caste and class. This is particularly true of the state, which blocks Dalit epistemology.

Dalits: an Identity or Conditions?

Many scholars define Dalits as an advanced form of untouchability and social condition, representing uppechhit (ignored), utpidit (oppressed), sosit (exploited), pacchadi ,pareka (lagging behind), bipanna (downtrodden), garib (poor), nimukha

(helpless), subidhabata banchit (disadvantaged), banchitikaranma pareka (excluded), harijan (god's people), broken people, militancy, liberation, and degradation (Battachand

et al., 2008; Cameron, 1998; HRW 1999; Narula et al., 2005; National Dalit Commission,

2005; DNF/N, 2006; Shah, 2001; Bennett, 2006; Berreman, 1979; Bishwakarma, 2001;

Lawati, 2005). Whether from a derogatory and non-derogatory viewpoint or a 3 traditional-deconstructive and progressive-constructive perspective, they consider the

Dalits to be pathetic, oppressed minority who are marginalized as well as Karmajan

(workers) or Bahujan 1 (Battachand et al., 2008; Rasaili, 2008; Taylor, 2004). Sri Padam

Singh Bishwakarma (2004), a senior Dalit leader and a former president of the National

Dalit Commission (NDC) states in a public program that the "Dalit community is such a community, which is economically exploited, politically excluded, socially oppressed, educationally deprived and religiously and culturally ostracized." This is the most comprehensive definition ever given by Sri Padam Singh Bishwakarma, according to Dr.

Rasaili in an online discussion.

Similarly, in its Proposed Bill of 2003, the National Dalit Commission (NDC,

2004:239) states the following: "[The] Dalit community as referred to communities documented in Annexure 1 (see Table 1), social, economical, educational, political and religious spheres and deprived from human dignity and social justice due to caste based discrimination and untouchability." Krishna Sob and others state that Dalits are the weaker section of the population. They further claimed that the Dalits have been continuously exploited and made increasingly weaker socially, politically, and economically over time. Based on this image, the Dalits were classified as untouchables, a designation legitimized by the ruling class, which is composed of strong and influential people. According to Koirala ( 1996), the term Dalits refers to a group of people who are religiously, culturally, socially, and economically oppressed.

1 Bahujan: A political term for Dalits/low castes and minorities, literally meaning "the majority people" (Taylor, 2004). 4

Table 1. List ofDalits' Sub-Castes

Sub-castes

1. Gandharba /Gaine 12. Chidimar

2. Pari yar/Damai/Darji 13. Dom /Marik 3. Badhi 14. Tattma/Das/tatti 4. Bishwakarma/Kami, Sunar, Tamata, Chunara 15. Dusad/Paswan/Hajara 5. Mijar/Sarki/Bhul 16. Dhobi/Rajak 6. Kalar 17. Patharkatta 7. Kori 18. Pasi 8. Kakihhaya 19. Bantar 9. Khatik 20. Musahar 10. Mandal/Khatwe 21. Mestar/Halkhor 11. Chamar/Ram/Harijan 22. Sarabhanga /Sarabariya Source: National Dalit Commission. 2005.

Dalit is not a caste group per se but rather a politically conceived word used to refer to a socially backward community in Nepal (NNDSWO, 2006:3). Similarly, Gurung

(1998) and Rasaili (2008) prefer to use the term occupational or Karmajan rather than

Dalits. In contrast, Dr. Ramesh Sunar, a participant in an online discussion, argued in

2008 that the term Karmajan (worker) is associated with an occupation or service and that we all are human beings who must perform our karma (work/job) in society. Dr.

Sunar questioned whether Dr. Rasaili's Karmajan is different from that of any other

Karmajan in Nepal and asked whether so-called Bahuns (the dominant caste) are also

Karmajan. They also perform their ritual jobs/karma. So what is the difference in karma

[job/service] between the dominant caste groups and oppressed caste groups? Dr. Sunar

(2008) further argues that such confusing terms should not be used because they do not benefit Dalits. He says this is similar to the former use of the term Negro to describe

Black people in the United States. The designation Black was eventually rejected as well 5 and replaced with African American. However, many Black people still call themselves

Black rather than African American in everyday language.

Although there are diverse views on the definition of Dalits, the term does not refer to socioeconomic conditions. Socioeconomic conditions are poverty, oppression, untouchability, illiteracy, inequalities, caste discrimination, and so on. However, Dalits bear of the brunt of the historical legacy of untouchability or "impurity and inferiority"

2 3 that has been ascribed to them as members of Sudra , the lowest ladder of Varna system

(caste structure) in Hindu social stratification. The pathology of caste and class discrimination, inequality, and poverty in Nepalese society is characterized as

Dalitization. Therefore, these social, political, and economic poor conditions and exclusion have to be eliminated rather than be defined as Dalitization. If Dalits are eliminated by the characterization of social conditions and problems as Dalitization or are asked to hide their identity; then, groups of communities with a rich history and culture will disappear from society. Dr. Sunar (2008) agrees that this will happen if we let it

2 Shudra (Sanskrit and Hindi: ~~ Siidra, normally now spelled Sudra or Sudra in English, which has produced a spelling pronunciation) is [named so-called lowest position] in the traditional four-section division of Varna of the Hindu caste system. The assigned and expected role of the Varna in post-Vedic Nepal was/is that of farmers, craftsmen, and laborers (http://en. wikipedia.org/wiki/Shudra).

3 Varna is a Sanskrit term (crul) var!Ja meaning to enclose or color; however, it has come to be associated with the caste system comprising BrahmaDa, KDatriya, Vaisya, and Sudra. The concept ofvarDa was first articulated in the Digveda (10.90) and was used by many contributors to the Dharmasastra tradition, including Manu, the putative author of the Manavadharmasastra. As an organizational category, varLJa is a large "command-level" division, in contrast to "jati" (compare entry), a subdivision category of kin groups. In historical Indic traditions, the varna and caste systems are not the same system, although they are related. The varna and caste systems came to mean the same thing (i.e., caste) after the Vedic period, when the puranas and dharmashastras were written (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki!Varna in Hinduism). 6 happen; he also believes that the human tendency in this modem era is to do everything possible to prevent the Dalits from disappearing from the world. After all, it is a matter of self-preservation.

The terms Dalits speaks to the identity of the group of communities or sub-castes that are rich in inherited traditional arts, skills/occupations, culture, and human capital.4

These groups share the burden of similar caste-based hierarchical social segregation, discrimination, and common sociopolitical oppression by the dominant castes and classes. The Department for International Development (DFID) and the World Bank

(2006:59) report a "lingering hesitation to use the term Dalits or to name caste-based discrimination head-on and a preference for euphemisms only serves to confuse issues pertaining to Dalit rights." The term Dalits needs to be accepted universally (World Bank and DFID, 2006:59). Many activists and scholars who identify themselves characteristically as Dalits often have ideas similar to those of feminists, J anajati,

Madheshi, or ethnic scholars, thus naturally identifying with these groups. These similarities in thought and identity suggest that oppression and the dynamism of exclusion can generate strong social solidarity and a degree of uniformity between the subordinate groups and progressive forces.

According to Durkheim (1984), social solidarity is a set of social bonds that link individuals and groups to each other and the society as a whole; it transforms the division of labor (caste, ethnicity, and religion-based), which then becomes the source of social solidarity. Similarly, Bernstein (1997) discusses a range of functions for identity in social

4 I have used human capital in the sense that Dalits' own traditional skills, knowledge, and manual labor have been considered a force of production. 7 movements and separates them into three dimensions. The first, identity for empowerment, describes how activists inspire others to act collectively on shared beliefs.

The second dimension, identity as a goal, describes how movements work to change popular conceptions of an identity, such as the American civil rights movement's efforts to break racial stereotypes. Bernstein's third dimension is the most theoretically innovative. She describes how mobilized groups use identity as a strategy by consciously expressing themselves in various ways to accomplish particular goals. For example, entering Hindu temples is a denial of caste discrimination and an exercise of one's constitutional rights as well as democratic freedom. On the other hand, presenting the image of a capable politician makes one more likely to be elected and thus in a position to actually implement anti-discrimination policies (Taylor, 2004). Thus, the term Dalits is not a social condition but rather an established symbol of common identity and power for millions of oppressed people. As a result, the term is becoming a symbol of and force for political wisdom and change.

Dalit Epistemology

The term Dalit epistemology refers the Dalits' knowledge, their ability to make a difference in sociopolitical positions, and their historical and positive self-image and identity. Similarly, the term epistemology refers to power relationships and is encompassed through various published interpretations (Collins, 2000:252). Dalit epistemology promotes a positive identity and image of the Dalits and enhances their sociopolitical power through local and national movements. Positive identity refers to a 8 positive self-esteem that promotes the historical knowledge and image of the Dalits in society. The epistemological orientation is seen in the expansion of the state's concern over Dalits' equality and inclusive representation and their need for a positive image and identity. There is a new interest in Dalit's self-esteem and in providing them opportunities for self-dignity and self-determination. In addition, the emergence of a new government has led to the allocation of a certain amount of reservation quotas m bureaucracies that employ police, army, and other "helping professionals," such as medical doctors. This is further evidence of the growth of the idea of inclusive representation and epistemology.

In my own observations, dominant castes have been in control of the Nepalese treasury of knowledge, power, and resources as well as the epistemology of traditional arts, skills, cultures, and human capital. Therefore, Dalits have been routinely excluded, neglected, and oppressed and thus barred from having a positive image and identity as well as self-dignity. Sociologist Collins (2000:252) suggests that "subordinate groups­

[in this case, the Dalits]-require more ingenuity than that needed to examine the standpoints and thought of dominant groups." She argues that "subordinate groups have long had to use alternative ways to create independent self-definitions and self-valuations and to rearticulate them through own specialists-why we believe and what we believe?"

As Collins suggests, subordinate groups (Dalits), such as minorities, the indigenous, women, and Madheshis, have not only developed a self-defined identity, they have also gained political power by using alternative ways of producing and validating knowledge, self-image and esteem, and identity in a collective form. 9

Caste and Class Systems

The culture of untouchability and caste discrimination is based on the pure and impure ideology of Hindu social stratification and requires all individuals to behave accordingly. According to the Indian Statutory Commission (1930:3568), "[E]very Hindu necessarily belongs to the caste of his parents, and in that caste he inevitably remains. No accumulation of wealth and no exercise of talents can alter his caste status; and marriage outside his caste is prohibited or severely discouraged." Caste is an unchangeable social position, and its rigid demarcation cannot be changed without communal disruption and without being influenced by the strong sociopolitical persuasions of a caste/class society.

Because of the unequal distribution of power it generates, the caste and class ideologies adversely affect the ability of Dalits to partake in sociopolitical transformation and modernity. The U.S. Department of State's Report on Human Rights (2007: 1) comments that the government of Nepal at large has continued to discriminate against persons with disabilities and those belonging to the lower castes. The report further comments that "a culture of impunity continued to exist within the police, and [caste-based] tradition limited the roles of women and some castes and ethnicities in the political process." My experiences confirm this; that is, the caste system today controls not only individual freedom in the public realm but also exists in the darkest comers of private life, which were formerly inaccessible to sociopolitical control. One's entire existence is now controlled by societal constraints that are increasingly unmediated by caste-based social hierarchies or stratification. 10

The caste-based social culture and political system make it difficult for Dalits to firmly establish themselves in decision-making positions with dignity, identity, and a positive image in Nepal and other countries that have a caste system. Thus, the caste system is directly linked to power, social order and relations, and status. The caste system reflects the zeitgeist, 5 an idea and spirit of Hinduism since its beginning. As sociologist

Weber (1923 :44, II) argues, "Caste signifies the enhancement and transformation of social distance into religious or, more strictly, a magical principle." Maciver (1937:171) asserts that "caste is a complete barrier to the mobility of class," an idea that reflects the positive image of Dalit epistemology, despite the segregation and exploitation of the

Dalits and thus their inability to fully participate in government and society. Similarly,

Bhowmik ( 1992: 1246) made an outline of the origins of caste and class by arguing, "the institution of caste as a hierarchy based on exploitation came into being only when classes based on appropriation of surplus and on exploitation emerged." The surplus and exploitation create different class stratifications, such as the ruling class and oppressed class in society. In the class system, the ruling class exploits and dominates the human productivity and capital of the oppressed class. The dominant class avoids engaging in social and political dialogue with the oppressed class to resolve the exploitation, which creates class conflict in the society. Therefore, Marx (1818-83) argues that class conflict is the element of society that embodies the dialectical and drives social change. Weber argues that the notion of social stratification should be extended to include stratification

5The Hindu ideology prevalent in the caste-based social structure in Nepal and South Asia. Hinduism is a religious ideology that promotes the caste system, untouchability, and oppressiOn. 11 on the basis of prestige (status) and power (Ritzer, 2008:27). The prestige is based on social criteria and the power, on economic status. Caste, race, and ethnicity determine social prestige, and land, property, and economic resources determine class.

Research Objective

The goal of this research project is to explore the relationships between caste and class in wider Nepalese society, in particular the state, in blocking and promoting the dynamism of Dalit epistemology. These complex issues highlight the intimate and frequently problematic relationship between caste and class. Although the society, state mechanisms, and political processes are inextricably intertwined, their interests often clash. This study examines the interaction between the two fundamental social ideologies-caste and class-in terms ofDalit epistemology.

Thus, this study examines the interaction between caste and class in relation to

Dalit epistemology. Tracing the development of Dalit epistemology allows scholars and activists to evaluate the historical evolution and empirical relationship between caste and class. Dalit epistemology, identity, image, and power could lead to a reformation of caste-class ideologies. This exploration is also important to the discipline of sociology because there is a lack of sociological study of the constructive prospects of Dalit epistemology. This study also examines the society-state interaction in terms of caste and class conflicts and inequalities. In other words, will the changing political process of reformation and democratization reconcile the conflict and inequalities and ensure proportionate representation of Dalits, with the ultimate goal of promoting the Dalit epistemology for dignity of life? I have explored the relationship between the caste and 12

class system by applying Marxist (conflict) theory. I will also try to determine how caste

affects Dalit epistemology and whether class has the same level of influence and impact

in Nepalese society, especially in terms of the Dalits.

This research explores the period from 1990, after the restoration of multiparty

democracy, to 2008, when there was a change from a feudal monarchy system to a

federal republic democratic in Nepal, as well as the historic election of the CA. I believe

this study contributes to the understanding of Dalit epistemology and promotes a positive

image of it while engaging in a restructuring of state mechanisms under a broader

principle of social inclusion and inclusive democracy. This study also reflects my

ongoing struggle, as a member of the Dalit community, against caste domination and

social inequality.

This study mms to provide an understanding of the fundamental differences between caste and class and their influences on the sociopolitical dynamism of Dalits and their positive image/relationship. If one accepts Geertz's (1973) assertion that the political system and laws function as a "window to culture," it would be valuable to

examine how social cultures and political systems handle Dalit epistemology. Doing so would provide considerable insight into the nature of state and societal interaction as well

as the concept of social inclusion that arises from political dialogues. The existing

sociological research and scholarship on the nature of the caste-class relationship tends to focus on socioeconomic status-that is, a negative image of Dalits-because it does not

speak about the root causes of casteism but rather focuses on the amorphous topic of

Dalit epistemology. Studies with a narrower focus tend to concentrate on a single aspect 13 of caste and class, such as the division of labor and social stratification. My research differs by focusing exclusively on the caste and class connection as it applies to Dalit epistemology.

Therefore, the goal of this research is to also foster a positive image, promote self­ esteem, and explore the historical knowledge and the symbolic identity of the Dalits.

Similarly, this research attempts to examine the effect and influence of the caste system and class system from the sociological imagination and explore social factors that affect the everyday lives ofDalits and their epistemology.

Limitations

Although the study of Dalit epistemology in Nepal is a new topic, this research has several limitations as well. I had little time and few financial resources to organize a focus group discussion and examine testimonies about negative images, caste, and class oppression. I also had limitations in terms of outreach with key informants and people within the Dalit community in Nepal because of my stay abroad in Washington, D.C:

Likewise, this study has limitations in terms of material, research equipment, and methodological application, such as a lack of scholarly reference publications and recording equipment. CHAPTER II

DALITS IN CHANGING CIRCUMSTANCES

Historical Context

The National Code of 1963 (Muluki Ain, 2020 B.S.), the Constitution of 1990, the

2006 proclamation of the reestablished parliament, and the Interim Constitution of 2007 officially eliminated caste-based discrimination and the practice of untouchability. The

Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal (1990) guarantees the right to equality to all citizens and says, "No discrimination shall be made against any citizen in the application of general laws on grounds of religion, caste, sex, tribe or ideological conviction or any ofthese." Likewise, the Country Code (1963) on Miscellaneous Chapter prohibits the act of discrimination on the basis of caste and ethnicity. The code has a provision for penalties of up to 3,000 rupees, one year of imprisonment, or both for such acts.

However, these constitutional and legal provisions have not been implemented because of lack of institutional mechanisms, representation, and political commitments.

For example, Kumar Nepali and Bhimsen Nepali, Dalit youth in Bhimeshwar

Municipality-19, Dolakha district, were beaten and placed in police custody on the charge of drinking water from a public tap by not carrying the water vessels of a so-called

"higher" or dominant caste. They spent one night in custody (HRTMC, 2004 cited from

INSEC, 2003). Likewise, a priest would not allow Narayan Baraili, Juddha Bir Baraili,

14 15

Ded Kumar Baraili, and Janak Gadaili in Murtidhunga VDC-9, Dhankuta District, to enter a local temple because of their caste (HRTMC, 2004 cited from INSEC, 2003). The

Dalits also face problems in obtaining fair legal treatment. Based on past experiences, the

Dalits perceive that their right to justice is denied when they approach legal and administrative remedies from state agencies; that is, from police stations, VDCs, municipalities, DDCs, and courts. When the vice-president of Kotbhairab VDC of

Bajhang District was subjected to caste-based untouchability, a Dalit from the district said that ordinary Dalits should act against such practices (Bhattchand, 2003).

After the SPM of 2006, the reestablished parliament initiated the Interim

Constitution of 2007 of the Federal Republic Nepal. Under article 14, rights against untouchability and [caste] discrimination states:

(1) No person shall, on the ground ofcaste, descent, community or occupation, be subjected to caste discrimination and untouchability in any form. Such a discriminatory act shall be liable to punishment and the victim shall be entitled to compensation as provided by the law.

(2) No person shall, on the ground of caste or tribe, be deprived of the use of public services, conveniences or utilities, or be denied access to any public place, or public religious places, or be prevented from performing any religious act.

(3) No person belonging to any particular caste or tribe shall, in relation to the production or making available of any goods, services or conveniences, be prevented from purchasing or acquiring such goods, services or conveniences; and no such goods, services or conveniences shall be sold or distributed only to members ofa particular caste or tribe.

(4) No one shall be allowed to purport to demonstrate superiority or inferiority of any person or a group ofpersons belonging to any caste, tribe or origin; or to justifj; social discrimination on the basis of caste and tribe; or to disseminate ideas based on caste superiority or hatred; or to encourage caste discrimination in anyform. 16

(5) Any act contrary to the provisions of clauses (2), (3) and (4) shall be punishable in accordance with law. (Interim Constitution, 2007:7)

Likewise, article 33 (D) describes inclusive participation of subordinate groups, such as

Madhesis, Dalits, indigenous people, women, laborers, peasants, disabled people, and the

lower classes and regions. The result of this inclusive participation is that Dalits'

representation has increased significantly to 49 members6 in the CA.

In the multi-party democratic system, the House of Representatives (HoR) and the

National Assembly (NA) are responsible for formulating laws. However, from 1990 to

2006, there was no single law made by either the parliament or the government that

introduced any specific law to control untouchability and discrimination to implement

those constitutional provisions. Similarly, in the 12-year history of the Parliament, only

one Dalit was elected as a member of the HoR or "Lower House"; eight Dalits were

nominated as the members of the NA or "Upper House"; out of the eight members, two members was nominated by the King (Bhattachand et al, 2008). A Dalit Member of

Parliament representing the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN-United Marxist Leninist)

.became Vice Chairperson of the National Assembly. Likewise, in the reestablished

Parliament of 2006, 18 Dalits were nominated as members of the parliament. This was the largest number of Dalit representation in the policy-making processes in parliamentary history. Similarly, two cabinet ministers were nominated from Dalits for the first time in Nepalese political history. However, this number was not significant

compared with the Dalit population. So, it was neither proportionate nor inclusive

6 Election Commission, 2008. Constituency Assembly's election report .. 17 representation. The following table shows Dalit representation in political processes from

1990 to 2008.

Table 2. Political Representation in the HoRs and the CA from 1991 to 2008 7

Interim HoR Caste Group HoR 1991 HoR 1997 HoR 2001 2006 CA 2008

Dalits 1 (0.48) 18 (5.54) 50 (8.30) Madeshi 41 (20.00) 38 (18.53) 41 (20.00) 71 (21.51) 196 (32.61) Ethnic/Janajati 46 (22.46) 36 (17.55) 38 (18.53) 74 (22.42) 216 (34.94) Dominant castes (B- 117 (57.07) 131 (63.90) 126 (50.30) 166 (50.30) 161 (27.12) C) Total 205 (100) 205 (1 00) 205 (1 00) 331 (100) 601 (100)

Source: Election Commission, 1991, 1997,2001, 2006, & 2008

Likewise, there was (is) significantly low representation in the executive body, including in top jobs in the bureaucracy, and there is no representation in the judiciary body. Notably, this denies equal representation for Nepal's 4.5 million Dalits, one fourth of the country's total 23 million population (ICDR, 2008; Census Bureau, 2001).

Bhattachand et al. (2008) describes the situation as "lack of representation as apathy to

Dalit issues." The Dalit population should be more than 25% because of their population growth rate, which is approximately 3.3%, whereas the national population growth rate is

2.5%. The government statistics show a significantly lower Dalit population in the 2001 census--13.2%--compared with the 1991 census--15.8%. Except Dalits, other caste-ethnic populations had increased significantly in the 2001 census, although Dalits' population

7 The table shows numbers of representation and their percentages 18 growth rate is much higher than other populations. There are several root causes of misleading statistics and intention of reduction of Dalits population. Except Mahottari, all six districts have a higher percentage of Dalit population compared with the census of

2001, according to a demographic and socio-economic survey report (2006) done by the

NNDSWO and DNF-N/Dalit Empowerment and Inclusion Project. The report found a surprisingly high population compared with the government census.

The above data shows that a lack of proportionate representation and that the institutional mechanisms untouchability and domination still exist against Dalits in the society and state. Likewise, the Census report is proof of how much state mechanisms are biased and negligent toward Dalits and other subordinate groups. Almost all focus group participants agreed that the caste system has subtle elements of discrimination and untouchability that are deeply embedded in society and state mechanisms.

The practice of untouchability refers to the discrimination toward the communities whose touch is believed to pollute and needs to be purified to the extent of sprinkling water. Another definition is any form of discrimination against any community that was identified as untouchable before the promulgation of the New Civil Code, 1963

(NDC, 2004:239). For the first time, Prime Minister Pushpa Kalam Dahal "Prachanda"

(January 2009) had stated that "a man who considers a fellow citizen as untouchable can neither be a civilized man nor a democratic person; he can only be a criminal." The practice of untouchability as a grave crime against humanity and this statement is challenging every Nepali citizen, says Dr. Rasaili. There are several similar statements made by several political leaders but they never initiated the enforcement of any related 19 laws, nor did they require institutions to punish those criminals. These same leaders have not applied these statements in their own life and family. In contrast, Mitra Pariyar (2009) says, "I wish Prachandra's rhetorics were matched by his practical sensitivities. The fact is his party also failed to do anything substantial for us [Dalits] while in power. Instead, he refused to offer any place [executive positions] to Dalits in his Cabinet or any other influential positions. His cadres take great interests in sniffing out apparent problems in society but we have hardly heard of them taking untouchability seriously. He further recounts that recently one of my relatives in Gorkha was driven out of the village as their son eloped with a Gurung girl who belonged to an ethnic group. The local Maoists, like others [parties], merely watched the social drama unfold. I am writing an open letter to

Dr. Bhattarai, a senior leader ofCPN-Maoist and MCA, regarding this issue.

In addition, Bhattachand et al. (2008:14) describes a number of history markers that have been responsible for re-structuring of the state including the practice of caste­ based discrimination, and untouchability; one such important indicator was the promulgation of the Muluki Ain (National or Civil Code) of 1854 by the Prime Minister,

Junga Bahadur Rana. The Old National Code of 1854 had four-Varna hierarchy: (1)

Tagaddhari (sacred thread wearing or Twice-born), including the Bahun-Chhetris; (2)

Matawali (liquor drinking, i.e. indigenous/janajati peoples); (3) Pani nachalne choi chhito halnu naparne (castes from whom water is not acceptable and contact with whom does not require purification by sprinkling of water); and ( 4) Pani nachlne choi chitohalnu parne (castes from whom water is not acceptable and contact with whom requires purification by sprinkling of water). 20

After exammmg these historical contexts and when viewed from the Dalits' standpoint, the caste system dictates more than a class system. Caste ideology also directly associates power relationships, controls means of production, and creates a hierarchically-based dual society in Nepal. Caste discrimination takes many forms, including social class segregation, oppression, untouchability, exclusion, and conflicts in

Nepalese society. Not surprisingly, the upper castes dominate power and resources, and their representation in those areas is significantly greater than that of the general population (Murshed & Gates, 2003). Thus, the lack of Dalit representation in the political process creates disproportional representation between the more powerful dominant castes and the oppressed castes, women, and ethnic groups. Therefore, the

SPM's (2006) aspiration is to break down caste-hierarchical wall and eliminate all form of discrimination. By realizing caste- and class-based social phenomenon, the SPA and the Maoist party (2006) promised progressive restructuring of the state by resolving problems related to class, ethnicity, regional issues, gender, and caste differences through peaceful dealings with and the election process of the CA. Recognizing these phenomena is essential to any analysis of the consequences of emerging identity-based caste-class conflicts and the historical perspective of oppression, resistance, and caste hegemony in relation to Dalit epistemology.

Conflicts in Changing Circumstances

Nepal is in a transition phase from a unitary Shah Dynasty towards a federal

inclusive democracy. However, political parties and their mechanisms have been 21 functioning in a traditional political framework and are still over dominated by the dominant caste and class groups. The feudal monarchy has been eliminated, but traditional political frameworks have not been changed; there are still biased and unequal political frameworks and policies as well as a huge lack of representation of subordinate groups. The attitude and discrimination of the dominant castes and classes toward the

Dalits and other subordinate groups have stunted political growth and identity. Dalits have been reluctant to enter the political arena because the existing political power and mechanisms are still dominated by the men of the dominant castes.

Traditional power relations continued to obstruct efforts and were made to change rules, regulations and exclusionary institutional practices to offer the poor [lower class] and the disadvantaged [subordinate groups/Dalits] fair representation in either state or political institutions (UNDP, 2004:6). According to the Nepal Human Development

Report 2004, post-1990s reforms in state, political and local institutions were either inadequate or too slow to promote good governance and ensure better delivery of development outcomes (2004:6). The report further describes that "the piecemeal approach of the reform process against the backdrop of increasing popular awareness of human rights contradictions in Nepal society, leading to violent conflict (2004:6)."

Poverty eradication, good governance, decentralization, and special policies for subordinate groups were major agendas of the People Movement of 1990s. However, a traditional political framework and caste hegemonies could not fulfill their promises, and increased frustration, political instability, and social and political conflicts ensued. 22

One of the root causes relates to the caste system, caste discrimination and the

traditional caste-based social structure, or the Varna system. Dalits who were/are

considered Sudra in the Varna system and other subordinate caste groups, including

ethnic/Janajati groups, Madheshi, and women are less privileged and are neglected by

8 9 10 the dominant caste group, that is CHHE , the Bahun and Kshatri . The intensity of

conflict across Nepal is mostly the result of the high degree of inequality; feudal caste-

and class-based social discrimination, injustice and domination. As Bishwakarma (2005)

says, "Truthful development of the country, strengthening of the process of

democratization and poverty eradication are almost impossible in the face of the

problems and systems of inequality and discrimination prevailing." Although rights-

based social justice movements have been growing significantly since the 1990s, the

influence of caste has not been curtailed. Lawoti (2005) says that "political institutions

and structures are major causes for exclusion of nearly 85 percent of the population in

Nepal." Therefore, the Dalits and other subordinate groups have not made substantial

achievements in the mainstream political process even after the political changes that

occurred between 1990 and 2006.

8 CHHE refers Caste Hill Hindu Elite (Dr. Lawoti, 2005). 9 Bahun is the class of preachers in Hinduism. They occupy the so-called first position among the four vamas of Hinduism. In modem Nepal, the Bahuns have complained of reverse discrimination. 10 Kshatri is one of the four vamas (social orders) in Hinduism. It constitutes the military and ruling order of the traditional Vedic-Hindu social system as outlined by the Vedas and the Laws of Manu. 23

Nevertheless, the Dalits and other subordinate groups began to organize into a broad-based coalition after 1990s People Movement. Although Dalit movements in the

1990s and 2000s sparked the beginnings of a new social order based on the principles of equality and freedom, there is still much to accomplish. Shah (200 1), a social science professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University, said in his book Dalit Identity and Politics that

"[ e )ven though many Dalits have, as a consequence, reached positions of power and prominence, particularly in the political arena, the vast majority of them continue to suffer discrimination, poverty and humiliation and are often targets of inhuman atrocities." The crisis in Nepal, however, is not new. It is emerging as a result of growing inequality and social and religious fragmentation on the basis of caste (Bishwakamra,

2005a). That dominant rule has attempted to unite many small municipalities, many language and ethnic groups, and multiple religions through assimilation and/or exclusion into the caste and legal system of the ruling group based on the Hindu religion in Nepal as well as in South Asia more widely. Although none of these forces is new in Nepal, they have been mounting recently; finally, the outside world is beginning to look behind

Nepal's spectacular scenery to observe its deep social inequalities (Bishwakarma, 2005a).

The identity of the Dalits is beginning to be recognized as a symbol of social freedom and justice, and some have begun to consider the Dalits' role in society in a positive and constructive way. Bishwakarma (2005a) describes the changing consequences ofNepal as follows: 24

I see some trends emerging. Overall, the discriminatory state policies and socio­ economic practices, ironically, hasten the emergence and widespread acceptance of common or collective identity e.g. as Dalits, as ethnic/indigenous people, as women, as Madhesis, or as any collective minority identity. As Nepal's current situation worsens their socio-economical conditions and frustrates their political aspirations, these emerging collective identifications may push people in either of two directions. Some may be pushed towards dynamic insurgency within various caste groups, especially so-called-higher [dominant] caste vs. Lower [oppressed] caste or Dalits, Ruler Vs. Ethnic, Hindu Vs. non-Hindu groups. Others may turn toward promoting the causes of human dignity, liberty, and inclusive democracy. We have bitter painful experience that "caste or Dalit issues" has been used by ruler [dominant caste/ class] as political "vote bank" to secure their ruling position. (Public statement in the South Asia Program at Cornell University, Oct. 15)

Therefore, contemporary laws and social policies dealing with the rights of the Dalits differ from past regulations both quantitatively and quantitatively. Quantitatively, the society is subject to more state regulations. Qualitatively, some state mechanisms and reservation policies for education reflect the expanding public component of efforts to fix the remedial apparatus. Current state policies focus on reservation quotas, which are extensions of the state's inclusive framework to promote Dalit epistemology. As

Bishwakarma (DNF, 2006) critically argues, the reservation system is a remedial apparatus to disperse inequality, exclusion, and oppression against Dalits. There is no argument that existing Nepalese sociopolitical dynamism, patterns, and policies have been affected more by the feudal caste system than capitalist class system. I have observed and experienced unparalleled upheaval in the caste and class stratification systems of Nepalese society that push the community towards caste conflicts and the nation towards chaos. The social and legal norms, having been relatively undisturbed for centuries, have been discarded or radically altered, as have other branches of law not 25 ordinarily thought of as social based. The national code, a combined set of civil laws and criminal laws, has touched and affected the everyday life of the Dalits. Nevertheless, this study found that· capitalism and socialism both challenge the feudal caste system and practice of untouchability. CHAPTER III

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Literature Review

When rev1ewmg studies that address the positive Image of Dalits and Dalit epistemology, it is important to focus on the relationships between and influences of caste and class in social transformation. The following framework helps clarify the relationship between these two social entities and their interactions and influences in the society and the state in terms of Dalit epistemology. The following figure illustrates that caste is a driving phenomenon of Nepalese society and state whereas class has less of an impacted on both society and state mechanisms. Likewise, if controlled by caste and class, Dalit epistemology has little chance of being promoted because the caste system blocks sociopolitical transformation.

Caste as the Driving (-) Principle Dalit Epistemology (+/-)

Class & Caste Influence on Dalits Figure 1. Caste-Class Interactions and Influences on Dalit Epistemology

26 27

Nigam (2000:4256), an Indian sociologist, used the term Dalit epistemology to refer "to the fact that what we can extricate as the Dalit critique represents a resistance to some of the key political and theoretical categories of modem Indian political discourse." He

(2000:4256) argues that "centrality it accords to the experience of caste oppression, the insistence that 'authentic' knowledge about the Dalits can only be produced by a Dalit breaks down the subject-object dualism in a profound way." In contrast, Nanda, an

Indian scholar (2001:1483), is a critic of Nigam's definition, arguing that "only

'experience of oppression' does not open one's eyes to aspects of social reality that may remain invisible to the elites." She says that "to give raw experience the final authority in establishing the validity of evidence is extremely problematic, for it opens the way to complete politicization of knowledge and results in radical relativism." She recognizes that the caste system perpetuates itself by infecting all minds and that it is corrupted by the Hindu cosmology of natural inequality and hierarchy. Thus, she believes all groups G have an equal obligation to examine their inherited values in the quest for Dalit modernity. In this study, Dalit epistemology is also viewed as a process of modernizing the Dalits' knowledge and positive image, identity, self-esteem, dignity, and traditional arts and cultures. These sociopolitical values are validated by resisting sociopolitical exclusion and systematic domination through social democratic movements.

Systematic domination by dominant-caste groups has led to historic misinterpretation of the Dalits and to a negative image of the community. However, in the past two decades, since the establishment of the multiparty democratic system in

1990, there has been continuing progress toward recognizing the Dalits' positive identity, 28 empowenng the Dalits, defining social patterns, orgamzmg movements against discrimination and social exclusion, and institutionalizing Dalit epistemology. Bharat

Nepali (2007: 16), a development activist, argues that "the social movement has become indispensable to changing the existing social structure that stands to institutionalize caste discrimination and social injustice." Similarly, Gurung et al. (2005:11) argue that "the contemporary Dalits' movement seeks to bring as many groups as possible into the

Dalits' fold in order to bargain in the state from a position of numeric strength." This numeric strength would be a power-sharing tool to promote Dalit epistemology and the

Dalits' positive identity. However, "the Nepalese citizens practiced caste discrimination in a wide variety of religious, processional, government, and social environments, and such discrimination strongly influences the society" (U.S. Department of State, 2007:12).

According to the Nepal Human Development Report (2004), the society divide originating from the caste system continues to obstruct the welfare of the vast majority of

Nepalese people.

There are several definitions of caste, such as caste as social structure, as stratification, as a cultural phenomenon, as part of Hindu religious thought, and as a dominant ideology (Schwartz, 1967). Ideology refers to the system of ideas that works to hide the contradictions in society to stop social revolution or change (Ritzer, 2007). The caste ideology represents domination, exclusion, and "pure/impure hierarchical segregation" that rules by Hinduism, which is directly linked to power and social order.

Rao (1989:22) also argues that caste is used to refer to ideology; in other words, caste is a phenomenon, an ideology, an identity, and a social order in the Hindu social system. As a 29 result of the dominant-caste ideology, class struggle and conflict have not gone beyond the material basis of society as a central element. In the same way, caste ideology does not represent Nepalese society as a whole; it represents Hindu pundits (actors) and their human agencies, such as temples and the Hindu monarchy. A central element of Hindu ideology is the inherent superiority of some castes and the inferiority of others. Berreman

(1960: 120) defines caste as a "hierarchy of endogamous divisions in which membership is hereditary and permanent." A person is born into a particular caste, and it is not possible to change one's caste to another. The Hindu social structure is governed by and functions under four Vema/caste systems represented by two basic social characteristics: touchable and untouchable.

Caste refers to a status different from that of the smallest endogamous sub-castes, such as lat. Jat is a single sub-caste within a larger caste group and refers to a higher order consisting of several· sub-castes, such as Kami, Damai, and Sarki within Dalits.

According to the National Dalit Commission (2005), 22 official sub-caste groups fall under the Dalit groups (Table 1, p. 4). Similarly, caste also refers to a social structure and character of the Varna system; hierarchical order (e.g., upper and lower caste, touchable and untouchable caste). Rao (1989) further describes the caste system "as a process of social formation and the nature of the new formations that is distinguishable from the traditional structure." According to Rao ( 1989), there are two theoretical aspects to the caste system: one is social status and position (Max Weber) and another is hierarchy, which is based on purity and impurity or hierarchical order (Louis Dumont). Social position in society is based on origin, such as caste, race, ethnicity, or kinship. Weber 30 proposes that the most extreme and closed status model is the caste system, which is guaranteed by law, convention, and religious sanctions. Similarly, Dumont, a leading sociologist and researcher of caste, argues that the caste system is a hierarchy in which the notion of purity and impurity is essential principle (1980: 149). Likewise, Marxists argue that the caste concept is a main form through which class is organized in a pre­ capitalist society.

Class and caste are two different social ideologies in terms of their origin, nature, and functionalities. Class is determined based on wealth, economic opportunities, and open, mobilized, and competitive systems. Class can be challenged; it is also endogamous. On the other hand, people associate caste with birth; it is rigid, closed, and unchangeable. People can change their class but not their caste. One useful way to study class is by Katznelson's (1986) division of it into four aspects: first, class as part of the structure of capitalist economic development; second, class as life patterns within particular social formations (class as an experience dealing with patterns of life and social relations with respect to work and residence); third, class as shared dispositions resulting from subjectively lived experiences of "objective" positions and limits to action; and fourth, class as conscious collective action to influence society and the position of the class within the class (Katznelson, 1986: 14-22). Thus, class is an important phenomenon for Dalit epistemology.

The class system has a positive and negative influence on Dalit epistemology and identity, and it has been part of the social dynamism of exploitation and domination over the oppressed caste and other subordinate groups since the beginning. From a 31

sociological perspective, the practice of untouchability and caste-based discrimination are

part of the class structure because they are crucial to the structure of exploitation, and

they might or might not be pertinent to class consciousness and the meaningful

organization of class identity (Narotzky, 1997:217). I disagree with Narotzky's argument;

untouchability and caste discrimination are not solely part of class structure; they are

fundamental differences in terms of its origin and function. Thus, the practice of

untouchability is a part of the substructure of Nepalese society because it structures the

vital social process of exploitation over the oppressed caste/class groups. Untouchability

as a dominant cultural phenomenon is silencing the Dalits and preventing them from

developing their own history, traditions, and identity (Nanda, 2001 ). Therefore, Marx

argues that a society's ideals are not representative of society as whole; "the class which has the means of material production at its disposal has control at [the] same time over

the means of mental production ... " (Marx and Engels, 1845; cited in Calhoun et al.,

2007:84).

Marx defines class in terms of its potential for conflict with other dominant

classes over surplus value (Ritzer, 2008:62). According to Marx, "[A] class truly exists

only when people become aware of their conflicting relation to other classes. Without this

awareness, they only constitute what Marx called a class in itself. When they become

aware of the conflict, they become a truly class, a class for itself' (Ritzer, 2008:62).

Similarly, Marx viewed caste as the decisive obstacle to power and progress in society.

Thus, the caste system is an organizing principle at different levels of the social and political processes (Mayer, 1996). Based on my experience, I have come to the 32 conclusion that one of the major differences between caste and class is that the caste system never gives oppressed castes such as Dalits and subordinate groups a chance to rethink oppression because the caste system is structured and guided by Hinduism and functions accordingly. Under the caste system, oppressed caste groups consider their oppression, exclusion, and injustice as a fate of their past karma (work), bad luck, or as an opportunity to serve God by providing free traditional services to the dominant caste so that they will reborn into a dominant-caste group in their next life. Most Dalits have significant faith in the Hindu religion because the dominant caste imposed it on the

Dalits. Hindu pundits have taught that the Dalits became untouchable because of their past karma (work). They have also taught that if Dalits serve the dominant caste for free or for minimum wage, the Dalits will regain their past position in the next life. The pundits have forced the Dalits to serve the dominant castes by formulating laws, customs, and social segregation policies in Nepalese society and the state. Eventually, the Dalits believed this or, to survive, acted as though they did. There was no alternative for subordinate groups; they merely had to accept domination. Hinduism made them addicted to domination, like an alcoholic. Marx describes religion as "man's self-consciousness and self-awareness so long as he has not found himself or has lost himself again ... religion is the sign of oppressed creature, the sentiment of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people" (Tucker, 1972:12).

Similarly, Hindu pundits created a faith and used it as opium for the oppressed castes. As a result, the oppressed castes became soulless, lost themselves, and could not recognize 33

their conflicting relationships with the dominant-caste groups. Thus, the emergence of

class struggles has not reduced the influence of caste on society (Bhowmilk, 1992).

In contrast, the views of political sociologists have been dominated by an

emphasis on caste that has inhibited an integrated approach to understanding the

sociopolitical functions of the class system. Their main argument is that people of the

same caste share common experiences and social relationships and have similar access to the means of production (Bishwakarma, 2009). In addition, leftist scholars, especially those who belong to dominant-caste groups, argue that caste segregation is a part of the class system. They deliberately consider it a branch of class stratification that is baseless.

The problem with these concepts is that they do not recognize that. a surplus of money and goods does not change a person's caste; it only changes his or her class. Thus,

Ramachandran (2004), an Indian sociologist, believes that Marxism and class struggle have become the tools of leftist upper-caste male leaders and have betrayed the Dalit struggle for respect and equality in India and South Asia. Thus, the caste system blocks the positive image and identity ofDalits and their epistemology. Although several studies have been published on the topic, there is a lack of scholastic study of Dalit epistemology. My study will add to the understanding of Dalit epistemology and the relationship between caste and class in the society and state mechanisms of Nepal.

Theoretical Framework

The concepts of Dalits and epistemology are relatively modem social constructs.

They were invented and reinvented by Dalit movements. Many scholars define Dalit as 34

an advanced form of untouchability, representing broken people, militancy, liberation,

and degradation (e.g., Bishwakarma, 2001; Bemsteim, 1997; Bhattachand, 2003; Gurung

et al., 2005; HRW, 1999; Narula, 2005; Lawati, 2005). From a traditional-deconstructive

and a progressive-constructive perspective, they consider the Dalits to be pathetic,

oppressed-people, Karmajan 11 (workers), or Bahujan (e.g., Baniya, 2007; Taylor, 2004;

Rasaili, 2008, Bishwakarma, 2009). Thus, there are diverse views on the definition of

Dalits. However, many activists and scholars who identify as characteristically Dalits

often have ideas similar to those of feminists, Madheshi, or ethnic scholars, thus naturally

identifying with these groups (Berreman, 1979; Bishwakarma, 2009; Bhattachand, 2009;

Lawati, 2005; Shah, 2001; Nigam 2000). These similarities in thought and identity

suggest that oppression and sociopolitical exclusion can generate strong solidarity and a

degree of uniformity between the epistemologies of subordinate groups. Although caste

and class may be principally different, in everyday life, subordinate groups, including the

Dalits, work together against the oppression and exclusion.

A major goal of Dalit studies is to construct a positive 1mage and respectful

identity with social dignity and freedom. To accomplish this, Dalit scholars and activists

are advocating for Dalit epistemology. Gaining a positive identity and image and building

self-esteem will free the Dalits from caste- and class-based exclusion. Harding (1991 :27)

argues that "scientists need to learn to see the world from the perspective of the marginalized and oppressed [Dalit], with the assistance of critical social theories generated by the emancipatory movements." Many social theorists believe that this

11 Karmajan refers to occupational caste groups who have traditional skill and occupation (Dr. Rasaili, 2008). 35 requires strong objectivity to judge the validity of different beliefs about social conditions

and how that knowledge came to be. People's beliefs and opinions are colored by caste,

class, religion, and region. That is why in order for the Dalits to gain a favorable and respectful sociopolitical foothold, social organizations and state mechanisms must be

created to dismantle caste-based social systems. For cultural vocabulary, the notion of

Dalit epistemology is to empower Dalits from the bottom up, which requires judging the validity of claims of knowledge from the viewpoint of the Dalits or of justice.

The concept of determinism is part of positivism or modernism that is used to create positive knowledge that can advance humanity, equality, and justice and to connect different sociopolitical freedoms. Similarly, Haraway (1991) emphasizes "situated knowledge," in which people do not hold a single perspective on the world but rather hold many, some of which are contradictory. Thus, people can see the perspectives of others, resulting in a constantly shifting set of alliances. Haraway advises that these coalitions could form the basis for critical reflection by scientists about what influences their knowledge and beliefs. In the same sense, Longino (1990) speaks "in favor of contextual empiricism." She argues that "scientists should allow their political commitments to guide their choice of particular models in science and not simply aim to uncover sexist [casteist] bias." This is especially true of the concept of change or devolution of power and resources toward the Dalits and local political entities.

Before exploring caste and class interactions in the area of Dalit epistemology, it

IS necessary to develop a working definition of the phrase Dalit epistemology. For purposes of discussion, Dalit epistemology is a combination of a progressive evaluation 36 ofthe Dalits' knowledge, values, arts, culture, and wisdom that enhances identity, image, and self-esteem as well as of the different dimensions of caste-based social issues. It is also a methodology to create critical inquiry into sociopolitical exclusion, domination, and caste- and class-based social structure. Dalit epistemology triggers positive thoughts and is a strategic advocacy tool to empower and organize Dalits from the bottom up by creating awareness of Dalithood to transform communal battles toward democratic ballots into broader coalitions with other subordinate groups. This may be problematic because of the influence of various factors, ideologies, and implementation modalities in

Dalit epistemology.

Dalit epistemology consists of three dimensions that also are related to

Afrocentric feminist epistemology (Collins, 2000:266)-lived experience as a criterion of meaning, dialogue, and the ethic of caring-as well as a fourth dimension, change agents.

Regarding the first dimension, lived experience, Bhattachand (2003), a prominent

Nepalese sociologist, states that Nepalese society has been practicing 205 types of caste­ based discrimination and social exclusion. Sangita, a Dalit woman, says she has been experiencing painful caste discrimination, the practice of untouchability, and oppression that denies her access to her community's water tap or entrance into the temple for religious reasons (2009). She argues that these painful experiences have enhanced her knowledge of oppression, discrimination, and the practice of untouchability. She further says that those personal experiences and knowledge have inspired her to fight against discrimination so that the new generation does not experience crippling and painful discrimination and exclusion. 37

Nepalese society and state mechanisms are greatly influenced by the twin concepts of the caste system and the class system. In general, the caste system blocks equal or proportionate participation of Dalits and other subordinate groups. Likewise, the class system denies quality of life and opportunities for the well-being of Dalits and other subordinate groups. Thus, those of the ruling castes have wrongfully interpreted the sociopolitical image and identity of Dalits. According to Collins (2000:257), "[T]hose who have lived through the experiences about which they claim to be experts are more believable and credible than those who have merely read or thought about those experiences. Thus, lived experience as a criterion for credibility frequently is invoked when making knowledge claims." Similarly, Nigam (2000:1483) argues that "the experience of Dalits is a sufficient basis for epistemological authority of a specifically

Dalit idea of modernity, grounded in Dalit history and traditional Dalit knowledge."

Collins (2000:257) says that knowledge without wisdom is adequate for the powerful but that wisdom is essential to the survival of the subordinate. Experience as a criterion of meaning with practical images as its symbolic vehicle is a fundamental epistemological tenet (Mitchell & Lewter, 1986). In contrast, Nanda (2001:1483), an

Indian scholar, argues that "raw experience is the final authority in establishing the validity of evidence in extremely problematic situations; it opens the way to complete politicization of knowledge and results in radical relativism." In my everyday life, oppression provides symbolic legitimatization that can shape our empirical knowledge and determination. Scientific verification, gained by applying several methodologies, should not be a barrier to a legitimate positive identity for the Dalits. As a member of the 38

Dalits, I can better understand caste-based discrimination and its impact and effects. I

believe those experiences provide multiple symbolic meanings and have value as criteria

of meaning. These experience and knowledge are concrete, and they may be

acknowledged at both the national and grassroots levels through constructive, progressive

social movements. The state's role in advancing this epistemology is generally accepted

(DNF, 2006); knowledge and wisdom overtly threaten the feudal caste- and class-based institutions ofthe society.

The second dimension of Dalit epistemology, dialogue in assessing knowledge claims, is more abstract. "Dialogue implies talk between two subjects, not the speech of

subject and object; ... one that challenges and resists domination" (hooks, 1989:131 ).

Similarly, Belenky et al. (1986: 18) state that "a primary epistemological assumption underlying the use of dialogue in assessing knowledge claims is that connectedness rather than separation is an essential component of the knowledge validation process." Dialogue can be used as an advocacy tool in terms of being a criterion for methodological capability in the establishment of Dalit epistemology. Thus, dialogue becomes a dimension to assess the knowledge and wisdom that reflect the determination of objectives. Similarly, subordinate groups tend to advocate their epistemological premises in metaphors by suggesting that people find a voice, speak, and listen (Belenky et al.,

1986). However, those promises cannot be granted through a single act of advocacy. I have borrowed the phrase "dialogue in assessing knowledge claims" from Collins'

(2000:261) book Black Feminist Thought. Collins argues that "dialogue implies something that happens between two subjects-that it challenges and resists domination." 39

The Nepali Dalit movements center on peaceful democratic dialogue rather than on communal insurgency or violence. The Dalits believe that democratic dialogue has more capacity to reform society than communal bullets.

The third dimension, the ethic of caring, suggests that personal expressiveness, emotions, and empathy are central to the processes of knowledge validation (Collins,

2000:263). Collins describes three components of the ethic of caring: emphasis placed individual uniqueness, appropriateness of emotional of dialogues, and developing the capacity for empathy. The Dalits have emotionally spoken against domination by reflecting on their personal experiences with the belief that they will be able to promote their equal representation. Their ethic of caring involves building a strong capacity for empathy for dominant-caste groups. In addition, a respect for morals and ethics conveys a more positive image, identity, and more dignity than claims of less respected figures. To actively advance a positive identity and image as well as dignity, social and state institutions (e.g., political parties, the government, and civil society) must work collectively to break down caste- and class-based sociopolitical systems. According to

Narula et al. (2005: 15-16), "[T]he unchanging plight of Dalits in Nepal is in part a consequence of their lack of representation in Nepal's political landscape. Though Dalits comprise over one-fourth of the population, they are extremely underrepresented in government." They further argue that mainstream political parties, including the CPN

(Maoist), are adopting the same leadership model dominated by "upper-caste men," relegating the Dalits to the lower ranks. 40

The fourth dimension, change agents, refers to the Dalits' organizations and movements, with activists being agents of knowledge and wisdom that are based on their long history of social movements. Dalit movements can be categorized into two paradigms. The first is the social movement, which encompasses those from the 1990s through 2005. In these movements, the Dalits stimulated significant changes in the social and intellectual climate. Dalit activists became viewed as legitimated agents of knowledge, experience, wisdom, and the validation process. As part of this, they refused to be manipulated by the dominant caste, rather choosing to interpret and speak for themselves. They began to form civil societal and developmental organizations to empower, organize, and advocate for issues important to them by engaging in dialogue about their day-to-day life experiences and their oppression.

The second paradigm can be traced to the SPM of 2006, after which the Dalit movement began to concentrate on political processes to secure an inclusive democracy, freedom, a secular nation, and proportionate representation of subordinate groups. The

Dalits' epistemology and their political engagement in the SPM was the result ofthe knowledge and wisdom they gained in the first paradigm, social movements. Similarly, based on their political knowledge, significant numbers of Dalits also supported the decade-long Maoist rebellion as well as competing democratic parties. Political differences within the [Dalit] movement led to fragmentation of organizational settings, which sometimes created challenges to building unity and solidarity (Collins, 2000:267).

However, Dalit activists, leaders, and scholars have taken a keen interest in Dalit 41 epistemological Issues through different organizational settings, ideologies, and movements.

As a sociologist and political ideologist, Marx (1845) believed that universal suffrage means political power for the working class and, therefore, the working classes are agents of societal revolution. If we measure the Nepalese Dalit movements from the '-- Marxist viewpoint, we would come to the conclusion that there was or is no majority working class among the Dalits. This is equally important in terms of having a substantial working-class population within the Dalits to promote Dalit epistemology and emancipation. Thus, caste cannot be totally devoid of material content (Natrajan, 2005).

If this is true, the Dalit movements would not be able to mirror the communal and political revolts of the past. The movements would not be able to change the relationships between society, especially "social structures" and "human agencies." As a result, they would not be effective in challenging existing inequality, discrimination, and oppression or in promoting a "moral vision of human emancipation and self-realization" (Calhoun et al., 2007). In contrast, Omvedt (1992: 131) argues that "class and caste are no longer absolutely correlated: economic differentiation has affected almost every caste." Omvedt further explains that "upper castes are diverse in class terms and lower classes are diverse in caste terms." Therefore, caste and class are two different ideological entities of the social stratification, and they are contradictions of each other in terms of their functions, dynamism, and norms in society.

The caste system contains both aspects of social structures-superstructure and substructure. "While Marx saw caste as the decisive impediment to India's power and 42

progress, they [South Asian Marxists] took caste as a matter of superstructure. Caste

being a production relation does not belong to the superstructure but to the socio-

economic base. The biggest theoretical failure of [South Asian] Marxists has been their refusal to recognize caste as part of the substructure of the society" (Mishra, 1994). The

caste system is a permanent paradigm for the division of labor and a metaphor for the unequal distribution of means of production; it encompasses an attitude of untouchability and discrimination. The caste system is a symbol of feudalism that segregates, excludes,

and oppresses the Dalits and other subordinate caste groups. It is also an operational phenomenon between feudalistic and oppressed people who serve free of wages under the substructure, such as the Balighare pratha12 (e.g., religion and customs) created by the feudalistic to control the superstructure. Similarly, Dumont (1960) writes that caste is a vertical hierarchy-based dominant ideology guided by pure and impure theories. Dumont

( 1960) further argues that higher caste and lower caste statuses are, in fact, complimentary; they encompass each other as they cannot exist without each other.

Mitra (2009) states that a group of scholars believe that low caste and untouchables support the ideology and practice of caste hierarchy; they accept their position on the social ladder. Evidence used to show this acceptance is the fact that they practice caste hierarchy within themselves. Opponents say that Dalits generally reject caste hierarchy.

Srinivas (1962), an Indian anthropologist, developed the concept of a "dominant caste" as the most useful way to understand the caste system on the grounds on which this study is based. The dominant caste has six attributes: a sizeable amount of locally

12Balighare pratha refers to free services provide by the oppressed (Dalits/subordinate groups) caste for feudal and dominant castes under a traditional ground. The services could be a manual skill such as making tools for agriculture or sewing clothes and shoes. 43

available arable land, the strength of numbers, a high place in the local hierarchy, a

Western education, a job in government administration, and urban sources of income

(Srinivas, 1966:10-11 ). The dominant castes, comprised of the touchable, violate the

most basic goal of society-that is, to guarantee happiness for people such as the Dalits.

Class stratification is another major source of inequality and oppression in society. Marx

and Engels (1845) wrote that the division oflabor is one of the chief forces of history that

up until now has manifested itself also in the ruling class as the division of mental and material labor. Thus, within this class, one group appears to be the thinkers; the attitude

of those in the other group toward these ideas and illusions is more passive and receptive

because they are, in reality, the active members of this class and have less time to create

illusions and ideas about themselves (cited in Classical Sociological Theory, edited by

Calhoun 2007:84). Class defines and determines based on material products and market

situation. According the Marx, in industrial capitalism, when the working class sells its labor power-it is only a commodity to the capitalist class-it alienates control of the labor process to the entrepreneur and the unity of mental and manual labor is broken up

according to class relations (Ryan, 2007). The material product refers to mode of production, such as place of production, conditions of production, control over means of production, and the relationship between materials and production (Marx and Engels,

1848). Similarly, Calhoun et al. (2007:83) argue that "the mode of production must not be considered simply as being the production of the physical existence of the individuals; rather it is a definite mode oflife and definite form of activity of these individuals." Marx and Engels further write, 44

The class making a revolution appears from the very start, (f only because it is opposed to a class, not as a class but as the representative ofthe whole ofsociety; it appears as the whole mass ofsociety confronting the one ruling class. It can do this because, other non-ruling classes, because under the pressure of hitherto existing conditions its interest has not yet been able to develop as the particular interest of a particular class. Its victory, therefore, benefits also many individuals of the other classes which are not winning a dominant position, but only insofar as it now puts these individuals in a position to raise themselves into the ruling class. (The German Ideology, 1845:41-66)

Similarly, Marx and Engels believe that material inequality is the major source of class struggle and conflict. They recognize that class conflict is the element of society that embodies the dialectical processes for social transformation.

As a social science student, I also observed that caste in Nepal and race paradigms in the United States are very similar in function and structure, despite differences in milieu. According to Berreman (1979:21 ), there is a similar relationship between a structure and process of an operation and the cross-cultural and generalization of social stratification and intergroup relations. However, both societies have been structured and function by completely different sociopolitical ideologies; that is, caste as feudal ideology and class as capitalist ideology. However, workers, women, and the marginalized (e.g., the Dalits and other subordinate groups) have seen Marxist theory as a diagnosis of their oppression and as a conceptual weapon to use in their struggles (Calhoun et al., 2007:80).

The following conceptual figure reflects the direct relationship between caste and class and their influence on epistemology. 45

Caste Class Epistemology

Figure 2. Caste and Class Correlations with Dalit Epistemology

Ideas based on a commitment to social justice allow me to explain the relationship between caste and class as well as how each function and their influence on Dalit epistemology. I have applied Marxist/conflict theory (which is a branch of commitment to social justice thoughts) for conceptual and analytical aspects of domination.

Domination is a form of power that excludes subordinate groups and the Dalits from gaining power and resources. Dominant ideology is a key phenomenon of superstructure.

The superstructure of a society contains the key social institutions, such as political, religious, family, business, bureaucracy, and judiciary. Collins (2000:vii), a leading thinker in Black feminist thought, examined the role of domination in the lives of African

American men and women. She explains that "oppressed groups are frequently placed in the situation of being listened to only if we frame our ideas in the language that is familiar to and comfortable for a dominant group. This requirement often changes the meaning of our ideas and works to elevate the ideas of dominant groups." 46

This theoretical framework helped me to frame conceptual and analytical aspects

of my research questions and hypotheses on the sociopolitical dynamism of Dalit

epistemology-on the interactions between caste and class. To explore the relationship

between caste and class in the lives of the Dalits as well as their effect on Dalit

epistemology, I grounded my analysis in the conflict or Marxist theoretical framework.

Conflict theory is a social theoretical framework that critically analyzes social patterns

and power relations and explores potential issues of social conflict and develops a wider

consensus on common-identity politics that creates solidarity among subordinate groups

and the Dalits. The framework emphasizes unique caste-based social conditions,

conflicting relations, structure, and the different outcomes of each for Dalits in society. In this study, it is essential to examine Dalits from the standpoint of their oppression as well

as their self-realization. With this in mind, I also examined power relationships between

dominant castes and oppressed castes. CHAPTER IV

METHODOLOGY

Overview

This research explored the dynamism of Dalit epistemology and interactions between caste and class and their influences on society and the state mechanisms in

Nepal. Although there are studies of the impact of caste and class in Nepalese society

(e.g., Bhattachand, 2003; Bishwakarma 2001; Bennett, 2006; Nepali, 2007; Koirala,

1996), few address the variables that affect and influence the relationships and positions of the Dalits from the standpoint of poverty and social exclusion. Previous studies (e.g.,

Bhattachand, 2003; Bishwakarma 2009; Bennett, 2004; Nepali, 2007; Koirala, 1996) focus less on the impact and influence of caste and class dynamism on Nepalese society and state (See Appendix A for a map of Nepal), especially from the standpoint of the Dalits and their epistemology.

In addition to building a broader theoretical/informational base of knowledge of both Dalit epistemology and notions of caste/class interaction, this past summer (2009) I engaged in extensive fieldwork, such as community meetings, interactions, and observations to assist with my thesis. These events were mainly held in three areas of

Nepal: the Palpa district at the grassroots level, the Butwal municipality at the urban level; and Kathmandu city, the national capital of Nepal, at the policy level. In preparation for my thesis fieldwork, I led and organized American University's

47 48

Alternative Break: Nepal program on assessing Dalit rights and caste stratification in

June through July 2009. The Nepal Alternative Break program helped me to arrange focus group discussions and meetings with various Dalit activists, political leaders/activists, communities, members of the CA, and representatives from government agencies, including the Honorable Vice Chairperson of the CA Ms. Puma Subedi and the

Rt. Honorable Prime Minister Mr. Madhav Kumar Nepal.

In addition, I met and had discussions with Dalit leaders and their organizations, such as the Dalit NGO Federation, an apex organization in Nepal; the Dalit Welfare

Organization (DWO); the Nepal National Dalit Social Welfare Organization

(NNDSWO); the Feminist Dalit Organization (FEDO); the Dalit Studies and

Development Center (DSDC); the Jeev Career Institute (JCI); and the Regional Dalit

Network (RND) in Nepal. I also spoke with representatives from the NASO Community, a Dalit Diaspora organization in Washington, D.C., and the International Commission for

Dalit Rights (ICDR), a global forum on Dalit rights at international level. These organizations offered me substantial moral support in organizing focus group discussions in Kathmandu and Washington, D.C.

In my dealings with these organizations and discussions, I tried to maintain a sociological imagination perspective rather than becoming a Dalit rights activist. I did this to better understand how such individuals view their interaction with the dynamism of caste and class. Social imagination enables one to distinguish between personal and public issues to understand and anticipate an individual's life. It connects the researcher's and participants' experiences and ideas and allows one to imagine situations while 49 dealing with everyday life. For example, people in an oppressed caste might link their personal situation to the social forces relevant to their present condition. A primary goal of social imagination is to develop professional ethics and the ability to analyze broader meanings of caste and class relations or the role of society and state in terms of Dalit epistemology. This allowed me to focus on the question of where the locus of responsibility is placed for Dalit epistemology. I centered my discussions on how the caste system blocks the influence of Dalit epistemology and class stratification in society and the state. The methodology I used was interactive, with participants and the researcher expressing their opinions on the concept of Dalit epistemology and the influence of caste and class.

Focus Group Method

I used the focus group method in this research project. A focus group discussion is a form of qualitative research; people are asked about their perception and opinion of a product, service, concept, or advertisement (Krueger, 1994 ). According to Marshall

(1999: 115), "[F]ocus groups have a high apparent validity since the idea is easy to understand, the results are believable. Also, they are low in cost, one can get results relatively quickly, and they can increase the sample size of a report by talking with several people at once." The focus group concept applies several methods that are chosen based on the purpose of the focus group; one method includes an opening question, introductory questions, transition questions, key questions, and ending questions

(Virding, 1994 ). Focus groups produce stimulating discussions and reveal ideas and concerns that might go undetected in a survey (Sommer & Sommer, 2002). They are also 50 more efficient than individual interviews. Focus groups give participants an opportunity to share their ideas, experiences, and agendas with other stakeholders. However, inherent in this method is the possibility that sociopolitical pressure will influence participants' responses. Therefore, researchers must encourage all participants to share their opinions and make it easy for them to do so, even when a participant's opinion goes against that of the majority. Similarly, participants in the majority must respect minority views and incorporate those views to the extent possible. Toward this end, I gave participants 0 consistent and sufficient theoretical background information and objectives as well as the hypothesis of the thesis project proposal (please see Chapter One, Research Objective section). I also gave a 15-minute PowerPoint presentation, explained the theoretical framework of the dynamism of Dalit Epistemology-that is, the interactions between caste and class (see Appendix B) and provided research questions (see Appendix C) to the participants in the group discussion.

Some questions were modified based on the level of understanding of participants. I was also aware that some participants might influence others or go against others' opinions. Thus, I tried to facilitate the discussion and encourage those participants who had not spoken to contribute. I established ground rules to conduct the group discussion, including respecting minority views and incorporating those views as much as possible. All participants (see Appendix D) were generous with their time and information. The information from the participants is used in this thesis to examine the influence of caste and class to define Dalit epistemology. 51

The reliability of focus groups and the observation methods used in them is, to a

large extent, dependent on the approach toward participatory action. A major strength of

focus groups is that they can capture unexpected data other methods might miss. In a focus group discussion, questions are asked in an interactive setting in which participants are free to talk with other group members. I applied the focus group discussion method as an advocacy tool to explore the understanding of Dalit epistemology, caste- and class­ based social structure, and knowledge to explain how the caste system dominates and excludes the Dalits from mainstream sociopolitical processes.

Other Methodological Approaches Used

In addition to focus groups, I also participated in and observed several public dialogues, meetings, and interactions in Nepal from June 20 to July 5, 2009, all focusing on the Dalits and related to my thesis. While in Nepal for the Alternative Break, I kept an extensive journal of my experiences observing the community practices of caste and class system, meetings, and social reaction toward the Dalits. Similarly, the focus group discussions allowed me to ask questions (see Appendix C for research questions) with the participants in group discussions and bilateral discussions. with CA members and government representatives. I raised the issue of Dalit epistemology and asked about the role of the government and the CA in securing an equal presence for Dalits in the mainstream sociopolitical dynamism. The answers from the Prime Minister and the Vice

Chairperson did not directly address my question about the influence and effects of caste.

Their responses were diplomatic and problematic. However, CA member Hari Shripaili did address the issue of caste and the Dalits because he represents the Dalits. This sample 52 reflects that how important it is to have Dalit representation m the mainstreaming processes so they can speak on behalf of their community.

By both tracing and documenting the evolution in the roles played by the state and conducting discussions in Nepal and the U.S., I gained an understanding of the current concepts of both caste and class interaction and of the construction of self-realization of positive identity and image. I am still interested in exploring the extent to which the state has appropriated the "inclusive" mechanism as well as the implications of a "progressive social transformation" by breaking the caste-class line. Is the blurring of the caste and class line in the area of Dalit epistemology useful? Will the state or society/political institutions ensure equal presence of Dalits and other subordinate groups in the mainstream sociopolitical processes, or will they ignore the need and invite a caste-based communal revolt? I am intrigued by the prospect of exploring the nature of domination and exclusion from the standpoint of the oppressed, including the Dalits.

Data Collection

I used this research project as a platform to start a dialogue about Dalit epistemology and to recognize the Dalits' expenences, knowledge, and sociopolitical power through exploring root causes of social functions that block their progress and social transformation. In this sense, this is a groundbreaking research study.

Data for this study were derived from the focus group discussion (transcripts available online at [email protected]) in Nepal and Washington, D.C., including bilateral discussions with policy makers and some Dalit intellectuals/activists. 53

Each discussion was three hours or longer; the bilateral meetings were one to two hours

long. All discussions for this study were recorded, and follow-up questions were asked to ensure that participants understood the project.

In Nepal, I also participated in and observed several events and meetings related to the Dalits and social justice. Similarly, I also used nepaldalaitirifo, which is an international news blog on Nepal Dalits, to collect data through online discussions. As a member ofthis network, I participated in and asked questions of the network's members.

The questions were the same that I asked in the focus group discussions. Once the participants wrote their opinions, I also asked follow-up questions to obtain further data and information. Likewise, I have used telephone and email communication with some participants for further information. Although modern technology is an innovative tool, it also poses several challenges in terms of the confidentiality of the informants. Therefore, most respondents' names are not cited, and most names used in this study are only symbolic to allow me to share the respondents' information. CHAPTER V

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

Dalit Epistemology: A Symbol of Power and Change

Dalit epistemology is an essential strategic mission for inclusive representation and the freedom of the Dalit movement in Nepal and South Asia. From the perspective of conflicts theory or Marxism, Dalit epistemology reflects the interests and standpoint of its creators. As Padam Sundas (2007), president of the Academy for Dalit Literary, argues,

[T]oday Nepalese Dalits have been oppressed not only from the socio-economic and political phenomenon, they are also oppressed from the process of knowledge validation and production because elite Bahun [dominant caste] control Nepalese treasury of knowledge, its validation authority and epistemologies of traditional scholarship. Thus, Dalits themselves have to start massive campaigns to explore and produce our inherent knowledge, positive image and wisdom from the standpoint of Dalit rights and social justice. Dalits only authorized to determine and validate how and why they perceive their wisdom and identity. (Padam Sundas, 2007. Concept ofDalit Literacy)

Similarly, according to Collins (2000), knowledge-validation processes have influences that are based on power relationships. Collins describes two political criteria that influence knowledge-validation processes:

First, knowledge claims are evaluated by a group of experts whose members bring with them a host ofsedimented experiences that reflect their group location in intersecting oppressions. No scholar can avoid cultural idea[s] and his or her placement in intersecting oppressions of race, gender, class, sexuality, [caste], and nation.

Second, each community ofexperts must maintain its credibility as defined by the larger population in which it is situated and from which it draws its basic, taken­ for-granted knowledge. This means that scholarly communities that challenge 54 55

basic beliefs held in US culture at large will be deemed less credible than those that support popular ideas (Collins, 2000:253).

Most focus group participants agreed that for the past six decades, Nepalese Dalit movements have reflected the unique experiences against exclusion, domination, negative images, and, in particular, untouchability. Nevertheless, organizing these movements and stimulating hope has not been easy because the Dalits have had to struggle against the dominant caste and class at the same time. Participants had conflicting thoughts about the term Dalits and its acceptance at the community level. Dr.

Sunar argues that Dalit may be a condition but the source of it (being lower caste/class) is the lower caste (caste-hierarchy system), which is a label and condition created by people of upper-castes (dominant caste, Hindu pundits), culture, government, and the religion.

He further says that the source ofDalit's status is caste; until and unless we ban the terms like upper or lower caste as raised rightly by Dr. Rasaili, Dalits' status will potentially remain caste. As a social science student, I believe that Dalits is a term that refers to neither a lower nor higher caste; it refers to a common identity instead of the social conditions or caste status even though Dalit people have faced extreme social exclusion and oppression.

While discussing how we perceive the Dalit epistemology, most participants began with a discussion of the interpretation of the term Dalits and whether or not to use it to describe the 4.5 million oppressed people in Nepal. Most of the participants agreed to use the term Dalits to refer the group of people in Nepal who have been socially, economically, and politically oppressed, neglected, and excluded and who must deal with the harsh legacy of untouchability. Dr. Rasaili further argues: 56

What it means is the very complex combination of all the disadvantages­ economically, politically, socially, religiously and culturally only applies to the people whom we know as 'Dalits, ' the members of which we all are. If we can justifY other caste people being disadvantaged to that level offulfilling all criteria such as Dalits, I would certainly include them to this category as well. But, the fact of the matter is that there are absolutely no other caste groups ofpeople in Nepal other than Dalits, who can fulfill all the above criteria. Let's take an example of Bahuns, they may be economically exploited or politically excluded for being certain remote areas, but most of them are not educationally deprived and none of them are religiously and culturally ostracized. We can take each of the other castes other than Dalits; they will not have at least one category of these disadvantages. But, all of these disadvantages will apply to the Dalit community, though it may not apply to [theJ handful of individual members of these communities. (Dr. Rasaili, 2009. Focus group discussion)

In contrast, Dr. Sunar argues that to date, no Bahun can claim to be Dalit regardless of

how dire his or her financial or education situation may be. A Bahun will in fact take

offense at being called Dalit in today's Nepal; in a Bahun's eyes or mind, a successful

and educated [Dalit] is from a lower caste. Similarly, some participants defined Dalits as

a marginalized minority and argued that it is a neutral term. They said they believe it refers to a marginalized minority whose fundamental rights have been eliminated-who have been denied national and local resources and forced to be the oppressed of the social

system. Manohar, one participant in the focus group, said that "Dalits are neither caste nor class; instead, Dalits are victim of the Hindu caste system and Hindu social custom

[substructure] and stratification, which divides communities into two vertical hierarchies: touchable and untouchable." Likewise, Dr. Rasaili said,

[T]he "Dalits" is a relatively new term that has evolved in Nepal to get itself established to explicitly refer to a recognizably sizeable (~20% of Nepal's total population) and ethnically distinct communities of people in the country, who have been the discriminated, excluded and oppressed by the mainstream society in Nepal. More importantly, the people of this group belong to the castes, which have been considered untouchables by the statutory provision of Nepal for centuries. 57

Likewise, another focus group participant, a graduate student named Kamala BK

said, "I feel proud to be a member of the Dalits, and I introduce myself as a member of

Dalit. [I also] feel proud being a woman. So, I am a Dalit woman." In contrast, Deepak

Bishwakarma, a former member of the National Dalit Commission, argued the following:

Our [Dalit] movement's mission is to eliminate social taboos and negative image whereas [an] ethnic movement's goal is to promote [its] cultural values and promote {its] linguistic rights. Therefore, these two movements are significantly different in terms of their objectives and [the] social nature of [the] oppression. [Thus, theJ Dalit movement should not [beJ compared in the same way. I believe, one day the identity of Dalits may [be eliminated] because it carries all the negative sense of image. Why should we promote that negativity for our fitture generation?

In contrast, Dhan Nepali, another participant, argued that the identity of the Dalits is not based only on caste or untouchability and that Dalits is a modern term referring to the promotion of equality and justice and the appeal to combat discrimination and being dominated in society. It is a common identity of groups of people who have been oppressed or who have sought to achieve those goals. I also shared my view in the group discussions.

The negative meaning ofDalits is created by the dominant caste or Hindu pundits. Hindu pundits had [haveJ misinterpreted the meaning and spirit of Dalits. We should resist those wrongful and misleading meaning like ethnic/Janajati or Madhesi did. The Hindu pundits and dominant groups also mistreated other subordinate groups like ethnic and Madhesi. So, if [the] Janajati and Madheshi can reconstruct the spirit of their social identity by resisting [those incorrect images], why not [the] Dalits? It does not mean that we have to carry all [the] negativity; it means we should reinterpret and reconstruct positive meanings and images of Dalits that bring social change and wisdom with dignity of life. Dal~ts refer [to] a symbol of sociopolitical power and freedom. It is our [Dalits '] responsibility to define [our] meaning based on our own reality so that we can combat domination. 58

Collins (2000:71) says that "domination always involves attempts to objectify the

subordinate groups" (in this case, Dalits). Similarly, Hooks (1989:42) defines the terms

subjects and objects as follows: "As subjects, people have the right to define their own reality, establish their own identities, [and] name their history. As objects, one's reality is

defined by others, one's identities created by others, one's history named only in ways that define one's relationship to those who are subject." Thus, my understanding is that the meaning of the term Dalits was not defined by the Dalits but by others (i.e., the dominant caste, pundits) in ways that portray the Dalits as an object.

Similarly, Shah (200 1b: 11) argues that "Dalits itself is an intentionally positive term ... a~ new name which stands for their [oppressed caste] advancement." Similarly,

Taylor (2004:21) says that "Dalits is an assertive term, representing an act of creation and autonomy on the part of untouchables [oppressed caste]. While lower [oppressed] caste status is something that is externally imposed, the Dalits' label [identity] represents a recapturing of initiative and a new ownership of a positive [image], powerful identity."

Finally, most participants agreed that the term Dalits 13 represents political power and hope as well as a symbol of justice and freedom for a dignified life.

Some pmiicipants, especially those who are from a non-academic background, did not have a clear understanding of Dalit epistemology, and some who had this understanding did not believe the Dalits can have an epistemology or knowledge that can

13 The National Dalit Commission defines 22 sub-castes as Dalits. However, the Dalit Development Committee/Ministry of Local Development lists 28 Dalit sub-castes. Similarly, the Newari Dalits, an ethnic group that is divided in six sub-castes, have to be included in the Dalit group by nature of their domination and practice of untouchability. 59

lead society and the state. In fact, most had a lack of realization that Dalits can have knowledge, image, and identity.

Negative Image and Social Response Toward Dalits

"Mare pachhi doom-ai raja" (Who cares? After death Doom, like

a donkey, very negative images can be king)

"Bahuni Jasti Kameni" (Beautiful Kameni, a Dalit woman like a

Bahuni, a dominant-caste woman)

"Acchut" (untouchables)

"Balighare" (a traditional service provided by Dalits for dominant

caste; kind of slave)

The above examples speak to the social response toward the Dalits and the predominant image of them in society and the state. Many negative terms are used, such as paninachalne (water polluting), doom, and tallo jat (low caste) (Bhattachand et al.,

2008). These images are based on the ideology of feudal Hinduism, which fostered the creation of several interrelated images of the Dalits based on social and religious constructions and initiated society's response to these images. This ideology reflects the dominant groups' interest in keeping Dalits subordinate.

One main negative image is that of the Balighare; that is, a faithful family slave or servant whose entire generation serves the Bista/Malik (i.e., the dominant caste/class, the owner) making a minimum wage or without any wages at all. Traditionally, the

Balighare system exploits the artistic talents, skills, occupations, and human capital

(inherent knowledge of sciences and arts) of the Dalits. It is used to oppress the Dalits in 60

that members of the dominant caste/class own the Balighare and their entire family. The

Balighare system is central to intersecting oppressions of caste and class. According to

Collins (2000:69), "[I]ntersecting oppressions of race, class, [caste], gender, and

sexuality could not continue without powerful ideological justifications for their

existence." As Gilkes (1983 :294) contends, "[The Dalits'] assertiveness and their use of

every expression of racism [casteism] to launch multiple assaults against the entire fabric of inequality have been a consistent, multifaceted threat to the status quo. As punishment,

[the Dalits] have been assaulted with a variety of negative images" (cited by Collins in

Black Feminist Thought, 2000:69). These social responses and negative images were designed to make casteism, racism, nepotism, fatalism, social exclusion, domination, and other forms of inequality and injustice seem to be natural, normal, inevitable parts of everyday life in the Hindu social system.

While discussing the controlling image and social response toward the Dalits, Dr.

Rasaili stated that the "social response towards Dalits is horrendous and outrageous .

. . . [They are] still not allowed to live a life of humans as equals of others." In a discussion on the social response toward Dalits in everyday life, Padam BK (2009), another participant, said that "due to the changing nature of society, there are some changes in the society and the state." However, several subtle elements of discrimination and untouchability remain, even though the parliament declared Nepal an Untouchability­

Free Nation on June 4, 2006.

The "ACHHUT' (untouchable) is another dominant image of the Dalits. The idea of untouchability is a part of caste-based hierarchical system of Hinduism that includes 61

caste oppression. The untouchable image also serves a symbolic function in maintaining

the hierarchical domination of caste/class and social exclusion. According to Marxism,

untouchability is a substructure of the social structure. These negative images are directly

associated with Hindu ideology of pure and impure, caste discrimination, and

untouchability. Dr. Rasaili described the concepts of untouchability and caste

discrimination as follows:

These are deep rooted in Nepali society not only because [they wereJ handed down from the Hindu feudal tradition, but also mainly due to Nepal's statutory provision that deliberately [put] the system of caste discrimination in place and upheld it for many centuries. Therefore, the state of Nepal has been responsible for the current status [negative images] ofDalit people being poorest of the poor, [theJ most oppressed and most excluded group ofpeople in Nepal.

Similarly, the term Doom is used to mean dishonored to Dalits, in particular a member of the Dalit sub-caste. It symbolizes someone as bad and at the very bottom ladder of the caste hierarchy. The phrase Mare pachhi Doom raja-who cares after my death doom [Dalits] can be king-means the dominant caste could never imagine that

Dalits could be in the ruling position at any layer of politics. This term is often used in a political context, and many political leaders, including former Prime Minister Surya

Bahadur Thapa, had used it to highlight the bad national political situation (2003). The

Dalit NGO Federation (DNF) and many Dalit rights activists, including me, saw Thapa's speech as a continuation of the process of domination for the Dalits.

Likewise, the Bahuni Jasti Kameni referring to Kameni, a beautiful Dalit woman like a Bahuni, a dominant caste woman, denies the beauty of Dalit women by comparing beautiful Dalit women with women who belong to the dominant caste. "I do not want to compare my beauty with Bahuni, a dominant caste-woman. I [am] proud [of] being a 62

Dalit woman and my beauty," said 21-year-old Sanu Karara. In this statement, Sanu resists her prettiness being compared to a dominant caste woman. She counters by saying that "they [dominant women] look like us."

In contrast, government representatives have highlighted initiatives that the government has taken to promote positive images of the Dalits and eliminate the dominant negative images, including untouchability. For example, the government has developed agencies such as the Dalit Development Committee under the Ministry of

Local Development, NDC, to oversee and implement policies and has allocated some quotas/reservations for the Dalits and subordinate groups in higher education, government jobs, and so forth. While meeting with the ICDR delegation and Alternative

Break: Nepal team (2009), Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal (please see Appendix E for the observation memorandum of the delegation handed to the Prime Minister) and leaders of other political parties Claimed that because of the political changes, their commitment to reforming state mechanisms and their promises to ensure inclusive representation of the Dalits, the Dalits are now in the mainstream of national development processes. The government's representatives further claimed that "this government has in place processes to eliminate those negative images such as witchcraft and untouchability." Related to this, a Dalit woman recently was the victim of a heinous crime. She was tortured, beaten, and forced to eat human excrement by the headmaster of a government school, an educated woman and government service holder. Although the headmaster belonged to a subordinate group known as ethnic/Janajati, the headmaster accused the Dalit woman of practicing witchcraft near the national capital in Lalitpur. 63

This is because Hindu pundits have taught people on every ladder of caste-ethnic groups to consider the Dalits, especially Dalit women, as "witches," another negative image of domination. In contrast to the government representatives' claims, Dr. Rasaili spoke about the social response toward the Dalits:

Despite several legal provisions already put in place to penalize perpetrators of untouchability and caste discrimination practices on Dalit people, they have been implemented at the minimal level, because of the low social response as well the rampant general apathy of those holding law enforcement machinery in concurrence with the low social response. Simply declaring Nepal as [an] untouchability-free country is not working due to lack of the social response it deserves.

These negative images imposed on the Dalits serve as a substructure of the Hindu social system. They are used to justify the social practices that characterize oppression in

Nepalese society.

Most participants agreed to resist negative or controlling images of the Dalits.

They appealed to the government representatives and members of the CA to make such practices a criminal offense leading to capital punishment. Therefore, representatives from the DNF say that the state is primarily responsible for the difficulties the Dalits face because the state has promoted negative images and formulated discriminatory laws and programs. Focus group participant Kamala agrees: "It should not be surprising that exploring how Dalit movements deconstruct those negative images and lead social transformation is a mission of Dalit epistemology." 64

Interactions Between Caste and Class Ideologies

Caste and class are two different ideologies that govern the existing Nepalese society. A decade-long Maoist struggle and multiparty democratic practices over almost two decades have not reduced caste-based discrimination, the practice of untouchability and its influence in Nepalese society, and the state mechanisms that support them because the caste system have not been, and are still not, at the center of the agenda for restructuring sociopolitical patterns of Nepalese society and state. Participants in the discussions argue that the caste and class system are not primary concerned with leaders as they speak about democracy, socialism, and development. Dhan, a Dalit rights activist, argued,

The existing communist parties including CPN (Maoist) movements are just centralized to capture state governance. The agendas of caste-class or state reformation are just political policies to show people. Therefore, we should not be confused from their [parties] intentions. The Maoist insurgency was motivated for political mission to capture state governance. Their [Maoist] arm conflict was not for class struggle or caste struggle. Therefore, we do not have any experience of class struggles in Nepal. They [Maoist] speak a lot about class struggle because they believe if they don't speak about it people may not think they are communist.

Likewise, Sangita, a local YCL comrade and a Maoist party representative reflected and accepted,

Dalits' agenda was one of major agendas of the Maoist, a revolutionary party when they announced a "People's War" on February 13, 1996, with the slogan to establish the people republic country. The Maoists have been able to generate support and sympathy, and confined the attention of rural Dalits. However, when leaders, most of them from Bahun-chetri came in power (government) after election of Constituency Assembly in 2008, they did not sincerely fulfill their own premises. The Maoist party became systematically controlled by a few so-called "upper-caste, hill-Bahun" and moved towards very limited circles of families while nominating people in the government agencies. 65

In contrast, Hari Shripaili, the CA member representing the Maoist party, argued that

"mainstream political parties, especially the United Marxist & Leninist and Nepali

Congress, lack clear vision, strategies, and policies to address caste and class discrimination and they are more traditional; that's why they create obstacles for Maoist to apply our [Maoist] radical progressive agendas of caste-class struggles." Other participants had several conflicting views on caste and class struggle and the political parties' perspective on these issues, with the following summing up the beliefs of most:

One of the key hidden interests of top leaders is that they do not want to give up their caste supremacy, which is giving them socio-political and economic power and resources from generation to generation just because oftheir caste. All major parties' top leaders are [of the} dominant caste-Bahun. Likewise, there [is a} lack of inclusive leadership, party mechanisms, and political vision of transformation.

"Leaders, especially communists, do not want to explore differences between caste and class and their consequences in the society and the state," said focus group participant Sangita. I also believe that the caste system and its functions and patterns are different from those of the class system. For example, a poor or lower class and caste person can be upper class or rich but cannot be upper caste. So, a person can change his or her class, not caste. Caste comes by birth, and class comes from a person's personal quality. In general, social scientists have confusing and conflicting views on the dynamism of caste and class. While discussing caste and class, many participants spoke of the direct role state and society play in creating and promoting the caste system.

Participants argue that the feudal caste system is in the process of transforming into a class system, a process that began after the SPM in 2006. Indian social critique Bhowmik

(1992: 1246) said the following about caste and class: 66

The political role of caste has come to the forefront in the last couple of years, especially after the Monda! Commission [political change in 2006 in Nepal]. The fact that caste is firmly lodged in our society and has an independent identity cannot be overlooked. The emergence of class struggles has not been able to reduce the influence ofcaste in these struggles.

Similarly, Nepalese sociologist Bhattachand (2009:6) said,

We (Dalits and Janajati) will be secured if our home is strong. Our prime agenda is caste-ethnic liberation and [theJ caste liberation front (Jatiya Morchha) is our home. Without addressing [theJ caste agenda, party wise politics will not be sustained [and} party politics may affect our mission for the moment but, it does not affect [us} in the long run.

The ICDR (2009), in its Caste Freedom Index, says that the state and society have created a caste system as a fundamental sociopolitical phenomenon of Hinduism in Nepal and

South Asia. Thus, the caste system is recognized as a multidimensional sociopolitical phenomenon, and it affects the everyday lives of nearly 300 million people around the globe and 4.5 million (one fourth ofthe total population) in Nepal (ICDR/CFI, 2009).

The overall problem in Nepal is a caste- and class-based social system that blocks inclusive and progressive social democratic transformation, according to p·articipants in a focus group discussion (2009). They further claimed that state mechanisms and political parties/agencies have not been able to transfer, socialize, and share power and resources with the Dalits and other subordinate groups. The majority of the focus group participants predicted that the existing unequal sociopolitical process and obstacles, resulting from continual exclusion and the political underrepresentation of subordinate groups are enhancing solidarity and creating a wider political force for sociopolitical transformation in combination with democratic ballots. 67

The Caste System

What is the caste system? Is it a root cause for blocking the Dalits' progress? The caste system is a fundamental entity of the Nepalese social structure that is governed by

Hindu religious ideology. Discussions on the issue of caste become more problematic for representatives from the government and members of the CA and political parties because most belong to dominant caste groups. Participants from the dominant caste argued that caste is a simply of the division of labor or tasks but that the pundits (Hindu spiritual priests/gurus) manipulated its spirit and objectives. They were trying to establish correlations between caste and class and that both should be dealt with from the prospective of class stratification.

When I opened a discussion on the caste system, participants were divided. Those of the oppressed caste/Dalits were more aggressive than participants from dominant caste groups. Those of dominant caste pointed to the existence of caste hierarchy and the practice of discrimination among the Dalits. Bishnu (2009), a participant from the dominant caste and a representative of the ruling political party, told the Dalit participants that "you [Dalits] should first eliminate discrimination and caste hierarchy within the

Dalits [and] then combat. .. [dominant caste groups]." He did not speak to how his party is addressing this issue, what strategic plans they are formulating, or what empowerment programs have been implemented to address caste discrimination or secure proportionate representation of the Dalits. Sharma said his party is positive about the agenda of the

Dalits. Although the caste hierarchical system and discrimination exist among the Dalits,

Dalits activists committed to eliminating caste and class discrimination within the Dalits 68

claimed that it was not created by their ancestors. "It was created as a 'divide and rule'

strategy of oppression by the dominant caste groups, especially Hindu Kings and pundits to sustain their regime," said participant Rajan Lohani, a Dalit entrepreneur.

"I never, ever describe my sub-caste, because I don't feel good. If somebody asks my caste, I simple say 'Dalits' ," Sanu said. Sanu speaks the truth. Although most participants had similar explanations of the caste system, Dr. Rasaili said that "the caste system of Nepal, much like what widely exists in Indian sub-continental, is the Hindu hierarchical stratification of people into four Varnas and numerous caste and sub-castes within them." Tej, Krishna, Padam, Kamala, Manohar, Dhan, and others in the focus group discussions described the caste system in the same way. They argued that "the caste system is a social structure in which different groups are categorized vertically based on their birth or descent and work and [are] determined their status and roles guided by the Hinduism in the society." Furthermore Padam BK called the caste system and caste-based discrimination "a social disease."

Most participants described the caste system as an ideological social phenomenon that is based on "pure and impure" Hindu religious philosophy. Thus, the caste system and the concept of untouchability have special elements of social discrimination; most elements are visible, but some are subtle. The UN-CERD (2002), in its General

Recommendation No. XXIX dated August 22, said "that discrimination based on descent includes discrimination against members of communities based on forms of social stratification such as caste and analogous systems of inherited status, which nullify or f impair their equal enjoyment of human rights." Similarly, the World Sociology Report 69

(2007:205) said that the "caste system refers not to one specific system, but any form of stratification in which people are ranked by characteristics over which they have no control and that they usually cannot change. Whenever people are ranked and rewarded on the basis of such traits, they are part of a caste system of stratification." In a discussion about the affect and influence of caste system, Dr. Rasaili said,

Yes. [theJ caste system has been the main impediment and root cause of lowest political participation of Dalits in Nepal. In fact, Dalits have been largely excluded from the political processes of the country for long time. There are a number ofreasons:

1) Following the traditional division of labor across Varnas, Dalits have been considered as the people to carry out menial labor rather than engaging themselves in political process, which is traditionally the domain of ruling class comingfrom other Varnas.

2) Dalits have been traditionally taken for granted, that they [will} follow what political masters dictate, leaving hardly any room for their participation in the political process.

The Class System

The class system is another ruling phenomenon in Nepalese society and politics.

However, it has less influence on society and the state, and it affects not only the lives of the Dalits but also of entire caste groups who are extremely poor. This was a finding of the focus group discussions for this thesis project, during which the questions "How do you understand the class system?" and "How does it affect the lives of Dalits?" were asked. "My understanding is that [the] class system is based on economic position and opportunities. It is changeable on the base of individual performance," said Manohar Lal in the discussion. Likewise, Kamala said, "Dalits have been victimized in two ways: caste and class. So, class segregation blocks opportunities like education. If you do not have 70 good education you will not get job, if you will not have good job you will not able to provide good food [commodity]. Thus, all these are connected [with] each other and Dalit women are more victimized because of their caste, class, and gender."

"I don't believe that there can be any effective influence of [the] class paradigm to dismantle the caste because it does not go like [an] economic principle. I have seen several high-class Dalits who still are reminded that they are also part of the oppressed caste and have been facing [the] same social stigma of caste discrimination and untouchability like other lower class Dalits," said Dhan. Dhan illustrated several variables as proof of his arguments:

If it is [class influences] why not wealthy or upper class Dalits remind as oppressed caste-why not a poor [lower class} dominant caste people accept his [wealthy Dalit} water or daughter? Because they [wealthy Dalits] are not upper caste their wealth and intellectual epistemology do not make any difference in the state and society. You know why-because it is promoted by [the] state; the state and its actors have been function under the Varna system and guided by the Hinduism. Most of capitalists [upper class] often from dominant caste but majorities of lower class are associated with subordinate groups.

Similarly, Atmaram Upadhyaya, another participant, describes that "only 'Jhapa

Andholan' (1971 ), (Jhapa revolution) was an example of class struggle in Nepalese history rather than we do not have any experience of class struggle; even [the] decade- long Maoist insurgency was not completely class struggle." Jhapa Andholan was against feudal landlords, and the Nepalese communist movement arose from that revolt. He further describes that "Maoist rebels launched an armed revolt against the state to end the monarchy, so their revolt was a political mission not completely focused on caste and class struggles, even though they had and have spoken to forge a new society that guarantees justice for Dalits and other subordinate groups, including women." 71

In contrast to their views, several participants tried to find the interconnections

between the two paradigms of caste and class. Similarly, many Dalit participants argued

that neither scholar-especially those who control epistemology validation authority and

belong to the neither dominant caste--nor political party leaders have tried to explore the

interconnections between the two paradigms. In my observation, all political agencies,

state mechanisms, and epistemology and image validation authorities have been

controlled by the dominant caste groups, especially Bahun. Madhav Lohani, an

undergraduate student, aggressively questioned this idea:

Why should they [leadersJ not try to control this social disease, which creates conflicts, blocks progress, and produces poverty because these diseases do not directly affect them and their generation? It affects me and others [oppressed class and subordinate groups] in our everyday life, but they [leaders] do not care, they are just enjoying power and resources. That way, we are poor and weak. Leaders are more concentrated for safely handover those power [concerned about the safe handover of power], status and sources of power [casteJ toward [forJ their daughter/son [new generation].

Madhav emotionally appealed, "We should resist them and develop our own leadership

and party politics whose main objectives will be struggles against feudal caste and

capitalist class domination." Similarly, Dr. Rasaili spoke, "There is no room for status quo, no room for class to clash. [The] traditional [dominant] ruling class must submit to the working [oppressed] class. There should be the rule of working class, who are in the overwhelming majority of people of Nepal."

We discussed previously the positive prospect of class improvement for the Dalits and subordinate groups. Changing class position can be helpful for radical change in the

Dalit movement and for political power relations. Most participants agreed that the Dalits do not have a sufficient working-class population that can substantially contribute to 72

political movements. Suvash, a Dalit activist, argued that "due to lack of sufficient

working class population, [the] Dalit movement is not getting immediate responses from

society and state. Similarly, Kamala and Dhan agreed that "wealthy Dalits can have

better access in the sociopolitical interaction. In fact, it [a higher class] enhances access

compared to other Dalits." Likewise, Dr. Rasaili said that "Dalits have been the poorest

of the poor, [a] socioeconomically and politically oppressed lot who cannot afford in terms of [the] time and resources available to them [to participate in] the political

[process]." Normally, all participants agreed that by changing from the lower class to

lower upper or upper class population, the Dalits can make important differences in the lives of other Dalits as well as the Dalit movement and contribute to the power positions

" of the Nepalese society and state. Many participants argued that the equal political integration of the Dalits and other subordinate groups is not a central concern in contemporary political process, including the new constitution and government formation processes. Nevertheless, the political parties have not respected the people's aspirations, and their promises of wresting control of all power and resources from certain ruling castes have not come to fruition, according to many participants in the focus group discussion (2009). CHAPTER VI

CONCLUSION AND FURTHER STUDY

Dalit Epistemology: Caste and Class Paradigms

Dalit epistemology is a progressive process to empower and organize Dalits from the bottom up and provide a methodology through which to inquire, validate, and reconstruct the Dalits' social image, self-esteem, identity, and wisdom. It is also an empowerment process to combat feudal caste- and class-based sociopolitical structures, exclusion, and domination by creating a consensus of Dalithood and solidarity among other subordinate groups and progressive forces to transform communal battles toward social democratic ballots. The notion of Dalit epistemology suggests constructive political action against caste- and class-based sociopolitical structures and oppression from the standpoint of Dalits and oppression. Dalits remain relegated to the bottom layer of the caste-based social hierarchy from one generation to the next in Nepalese society.

I remembered that my father taught me to resist oppression, caste discrimination, and untouchability when I was 12 years old. Because he was a victim of an entire social stigma, he felt that it was not simply understood in the mind; it is also felt in the body in myriad ways in everyday life. He knew that he could not oppose it, and other community members were not ready to support his actions against dominant castes because they were completely dependent on the dominant caste due to poverty and illiteracy. Most importantly, they had a strong religious belief that they became untouchable due to their

73 74 own past karma (work) and that they needed to pay this back by serving dominant caste groups during their current life. He understood that if he provided education to his sons, they could explore freedom and be able to resist untouchability and domination. He used education as a weapon in the two dimensions: one, to foster independence or, from

Marxist perspectives, to make us a working class people; and second, to make self­ realization for human emancipation. I saw his dedication to promote our epistemology as a tactful revolt against dominant caste groups and their domination even though there were several challenges.

Domination always involves attempts to objectify subordinate groups (Collins

2000:71) such as Dalits. Therefore, the Dalits must ignore and resist the acceptance of the image of subjects and being defined by others. This goes against the terril's association with social stratification and divisions of labor put forth by Hindu pundits. Their misinterpretation of the Dalit movement and their use of misleading terminology, such as

Dalits as subjects, focus on the negative rather than on what the movement actually represents. Dalits are not subjects but rather, they are objects of the sociopolitical transformation for justice, equality, and inclusive democracy in Nepal. Most participants agreed that term Dalits represents a wider sense of sociopolitical dynamism, such as dignity oflife, self-determination, freedom, sociopolitical inclusion, justice and equality.

Dalit movements of the 1990s through the year 2008 stimulated continued pressure on society and the state. More Dalits became legitimated agents, and the multi­ party democratic system has allowed them to organize, empower, and educate their community and entire society against feudal caste discrimination and practice of 75 untouchability compared to past Panchayat, the autocratic political system. The Dalit community and their agencies have become stronger than in the past, and objects of epistemological manipulation of the dominant caste/class have been reduced. Dalits have become sensitive to both social and political contexts and often counter their opponents because they want to speak out and validate their epistemology by applying the four dimensions of Dalit epistemology: lived experience as a criterion of meaning, the use of democratic dialogue as a means of empowerment; the enhancement of the ethic of caring positive images, and the massive mobilization of change agents to transform Dalits' sociopolitical right from the vote-bank to political strength for dignity and liberty. Since the SPM of 2006, more Dalits are engaged in political processes and have come to the forefront to create a greater solidarity between the subordinate groups and other progressive forces to promote their epistemology.

Nevertheless, these dimensions have multiple implications, such as the ability to magnetize social power relations and social structures: super/sub structures. Collins

(2000:275) describes that "individual subjectivity, resistance strategies, and power are always multiple and in constant states of change." It is equally important to generate a working-class population within the Dalits so that every working class individual can resist aggressively, as Marxism describes. This study found that there is a lack of a significant numbers of working-class populations within the Dalits to individually and institutionally oppose domination and work as social change agents to promote Dalit epistemology. Similarly, many participants in this study argue that the equal political integration of Dalits and other subordinate groups is not a central concern in the 76 contemporary political process, including the new constitution and the government formation processes. When discussing variables that influence Dalit epistemology, almost all participants agreed that education is a key variable to help to eradicate poverty and discrimination and empower Dalits' strength. Focus group participant Krishna addresses this:

With the rising political awareness among Dalit communztzes combined with educational development, the roots of the caste system have been shaken lately. Some efforts have been made by the government in recognition of the status of marginalized conditions of the Dalit communities that was largely attributed by the state. Caste discrimination is on the verge of disappearance in the public sphere in major cities; however, it is widely practiced in the rural areas, where Dalits are treated inhumanely, with no respect at all. They are not allowed to attend schools and [are] discriminated in all sphere[s] of life.

Similarly, participant Padam BK describes:

Education and economic development are the major tools to empower people as well as societies. Education makes people more stronger on developing [their] idea[s], thinking process, conceptual development, decision-making process, analytical/critical capacity, and makes people more ideological capable and resourceful. The economic status makes people more empowerment and helps them financially. It helps people to gain access [toJ all resources, [and] supports [them] to get necessary requirements. Having education only makes people ideologically rich and financially disabled. Having [an] economic high status only makes people rich in finance[s] but poor in the thinking/decision-making level. So, both are very important and influential to Dalits in equal participation on resources and power in the societies. Yes, of course, basically, they [Dalits] don 't have education and they don 't have [a] concept of social, political, and economic development. They don't have approaches to be in the political position and policy development. Until they have [an] approach to politics, they won't be able to change rules, regulations, and [the] constitution of the nation. Until they can change the rules, regulations, and constitution, they will not have the power to eliminate those kinds of concepts [domination, exclusion, untouchability, and negative images]."

Defining Dalit epistemology 1s an ideological and methodological process because it provokes a wider inquiry from the standpoint of oppression to inclusive 77

democracy, which is framed by dialectical materialism and critical and conflict theoretical and methodological processes. Data from this thesis illustrate variables and conditions of Dalit epistemology that Dalits experience and that distinguish the epistemology from dominant caste groups. Some scholars, including Nanda (200 1: 1483), critique that "it [Dalit epistemology] makes room for dalitization of knowledge and culture." Variables that promote Dalit epistemology are not strong enough to develop confidence amongst the Dalits and affect their positive image, identity, and epistemological knowledge.

The positive image, identity, and epistemological knowledge can only guarantee fundamental rights, justice, equality, and freedom as Dalit movements have been demanding since the beginning. Otherwise, the Dalit movement will be in chaos, and the dominant caste will continue to oppress and exclude Dalits and other subordinate groups.

This study found that dominant groups are and will not [be] ready to share power, resources, and authority until Dalits forcefully resist their domination by advancing Dalit epistemology. Therefore, Nigam (2000:4258) writes, "[W]e must begin to deal with dalit history not as an adjunct to, or a part of, a history of nationalism [human liberation] and secularism [inclusive], merely reiterating it's supposed 'secularity' but as the voice that demands recognition in its own right [and equal representation]." I believe if we listen conscientiously to the voices from Dalits within, we can hear precisely their refusal­ despite heavy caste and class oppression, an existing subjective social structure, and political intentions to cover up caste domination by a showing of class struggle and 78

wrongfully defining the caste system as a part of class segregation-though the latter two

paradigms have their own functional elements that often collide with each other.

The truth that caste is firmly lodged in our society and has an independent identity

cannot be overlooked (Bhowmik, 1992). Therefore, there are fundamental differences

between caste and class; caste is based on feudalistic and class-based capitalist ideologies

that block progressive restructuring and inclusive representation processes of society and

state. These ideologies have fundamental differences in terms of their function and

nature, such as the notion that caste is determined by birth, it is rigid, unchangeable, and

that it is a closed stratification process, whereas class is endogamous and related to

wealth, economic opportunity, and open, mobile, changeable and competitive systems

(Berreman, 1979; Beteille, 2008; Gupta, 2004; Maciver, 1937; Natrajan, 2005; Omvedt,

1992; Rao, 1989; Weber, 1985). According to Vinod Mishra (1995), an Indian Marxist,

"the caste and class [system] appear in an apparent harmony. This harmony of class and caste, this correspondence of base and superstructure is apparent because the two are distinctly separate categories rooted respectively in the based and the superstructure, in the mode of production and regulation of distribution." He further describes that "as the level of productive forces develops and the dome of production undergoes a slow change, the harmony is broken; class and caste, base, and superstructure come into conflict, each trying to define the other." This means the caste system functions in both the superstructure and substructure of the social system.

Nepalese society and state are still significantly influenced by the caste system more than class and continue to practice caste-based discrimination and untouchability, 79

even though the government declared Nepal an untouchability-free nation and radical

political change. Thus, focus group participant Tej further argues:

Yes, caste is [a} major root cause of lower participation of Dalits in politics and the other spheres as well. The caste system creates institutional and the structural barriers to block them [Dalits] from the full or partial participation in the social economic and political processes. It also underestimates and undermines the capacity of Dalits. The values and norms of the caste system are hierarchical and discriminatory, which keeps Dalits at the bottom of the hierarchy, and the society and institutions [state} including political behavior accordingly.

Therefore, a caste system makes it more difficult for Dalits to firmly establish themselves in the political processes with dignity, identity, and a positive image. This study suspects, like many other studies have, that caste is an unchangeable social stigma; its rigid demarcation cannot be changed without a forceful cultural revolution or drastic political engagement of oppressed castes in the society and the state.

Political engagement of oppressed castes, such as Dalits, Madhesis, Janajati, and other subordinate groups have come to the forefront in the last few years, especially after the SPM of 2006. This study found caste as the ruling ideology even after the SPM of

2006. All the state mechanisms (government, judiciary, and legislative) have been controlled by the dominant caste. Likewise, the caste system is also a major source of domination, exclusion, discrimination, poverty, and even class stratification in Nepalese society and state mechanisms. Padam, another focus group participant, argues:

Nepal's constitution, law, policies, and programs are generated by [the} high caste, Hindu Bahun. Dalit never got opportunities to participate in formation then how Bahun will incorporate the'ir issues? Nepal's history always exclude[s} Dalits from formation policies and decision. There is no access to Dalit while making some policies, they can't reach, they can't put idea, [and} they can't participate in the discussion. Of course, caste variables are impacting the existing policies and institutions. That's true that, if the policy-making institutions are 80

[held] by higher caste people, [they} can't address the other's [Dalits} problem and issues.

In contrast, the majority of participants believe that the influence of caste ideology and

Hinduism has decreased after the elimination of Hindu Monarchy and the SPM 2006 and that the role of class status has been increased.

In addition, this study found that the practice of untouchability is a human crime committed by the dominant caste towards Dalits and that the state was involved to enforce practice of untouchability and caste discrimination. In 2004, the Nepal Supreme

Court had ordered the government to formulate a new law against untouchability and to promote Dalits' rights (Kantipur newspaper, 2006). However, the government has not yet listened and has not yet initiated to formulate specific law against untouchability and caste discrimination because of lack of representation of the Dalits and political commitment. Likewise, Bennett (2004 ), a social scientist, describes in her research project that "[T]he country's feudal governance systems backed by the culture of the caste system have been very resistant to change. Even after the first peoples movement in

1990 the government had gotten used to discussing gender discrimination ... but they were still very hesitant to discuss [this]." Her findings are a testimony that the existing society and state's actors and agencies are not ready for political change. Regarding interactions between caste and class, Vivekananda Jha (Bhowmik, 1992) said that "the institution of caste as a hierarchy based on exploitation came into being only when classes based on appropriation of surplus and on exploitation emerged." Their dominant caste is hegemony towards subordinate groups, including Dalits. Therefore, several participants 81

enthusiastically describe the important of a caste- and class-centered social and cultural revolution to reconstruct a progressive society and state. In fact, some participants hinted that these caste and class struggles have already started.

Beyond Marxism: Caste and Class Dynamism

Marxism focuses on how the economic relationships among people and the broad patterns of social order form the emergence of class struggles. Marxism particularly focuses on this idea with the theory of dialectical materialism. Marx (1883) focused on genuine, existing challenges led to a particular method for studying social phenomena; social values are not separable from social facts (Ritzer, 2008:46). This theory provides a critical inquiry to explore social phenomena that Marx called "radical negation of social reality." Therefore, this theory, especially the conflict/dialectical method, is applicable for this research study to explore and critically analysis dynamism of caste and class interactions in terms of Dalit epistemology.

Ritzer (2008:46) describes that "the dialectical method of analysis does not see a simple, one-way, cause-and-effect relationship among the various parts of the social world. For the dialectical thinkers social influences never simply flow in one direction as they often do for cause-and-effect thinkers. To the dialectician, one factor may have an effect on another, but it is just as likely that the latter will have a simultaneous effect on former." For example, the rising exploitation and exclusion of the oppressed castes, especially Dalits by the dominant caste groups, may cause the oppressed castes to become increasingly frustrated and more aggressive, but the increasing resistance of subordinate groups may well cause the dominant to react by becoming even more 82

exploitative in order to defeat caste struggles or a cultural revolution of the oppressed

castes.

Marxism also provides a umque idea to understand the dynamic relationship

among actors, institutions, and social structures. This study applied Marxism to analyze

Dalit epistemology and explore potential conflicts between caste and class in the society

and state in terms of power and resources. Marx's analysis of alienation was a response to the economic, social, and political changes in European industrial society. In contrast,

caste discrimination and untouchability are responsible to block sociopolitical change, liberty, and human emancipation of Dalits in Nepalese society and other caste-affected countries. The Varna system and Hinduism are primary sources of untouchability, caste discrimination, domination, and exclusion, whereas Marxism believes that exploitation and domination reflect more than an accidental unequal distribution of wealth and power

(Ritzer, 2008). Marx focused more on European industrial conflict; he neither addressed nor compared conflicts and interaction between caste and class social structure, caste domination, and exclusion in other parts of world. This may be one reason that South

Asia Marxists have often tried to manipulate caste-based social hegemony and conflicts in the caste-affected countries, especially Nepal.

The appearance of communism or class struggles has not been able to condense the influence of castes in the existing society and state because of the theoretical confusion in defining caste and class-based social structures. Initially, Nepalese society will have to penetrate the emergence of a caste struggle to unravel the spirit of class dynamics in our social structure from the conflict theoretical framework. Many Marxists, 83 most of them who belong to the dominant caste, conclude that the mode of production or

superstructure is a major source of the caste system. This is similar to the conclusion that the class system does not address the holistic nature of caste or descent-based social structure and domination. For me, substructure is a major source of feudal caste system because it is originated, guided, and governed by feudalism and Hinduism. This substructure, such as pure/impure or the touchable/untouchable belief blocks access of

Dalits in the superstructure like property or means of production. High-class Dalits have I not been treated as other lower-elass Dalits; their caste position could have changed as their class position changed. Tej argues that the "caste system is a social structure

[substructure] in which different groups are categorized vertically based on their work in initially and descent later, and determined their status and roles in the society. Initially it was determined with the norms and values of Hindu religion then by law and now by the attitudes of the people, in Nepali context."

Though the class system has less influence than caste, it has both positive and negative paradigm on Dalit epistemology compared to the caste system, even though it is a part of the social dynamism of exploitation and domination over the oppressed castes.

There is notable lack of working-class population amongst Dalits and other subordinate groups; therefore, Dalits' movements are unheard from the state and society. Marx defines the working class population as major social change agents, and Dalits are laeking influentjal social change agents. Likewise, Maciver (1937: 173) _describes that social class creates a common sentiment and inspires the relations of men towards 84 members of their own and other classes, establishing that social distance that 1s the

essential feature of class distinction. He describes these sentiments as follow:

It is so pervasive, its range, character and social implications are very different under different conditions. Distinction should be drawn between corporate class consciousness and competitive class feeling. The class consciousness as a sentiment uniting a whole group [subordinateJ who occupy a similar social status, but there is a more personal form of class sentiment which frequently determines the conduct of individuals towards one another without involving on their part any expression recognition of the whole groups to which they respectively belong.

He further argues that the sentiment of class, in fact, takes a different range as well as quality according to the degree in which the element of caste in present (1937: 175)."

Therefore, a larger working-class sentiment and consciousness have been rising up among subordinate groups and other progressive forces in the changing political processes. I suspect that upward class consciousness among the Dalits will be helpful to sensitize Pro-Dalit politics and create greater solidarity among other subordinate groups and progressive forces to promote Dalit epistemology, ultimately changing political power relations. The consciousness among the working class within the oppressed caste will become a powerful engine of social change.

Marxism espouses that a revolution is required for social change related to the production, and the main source of the revolution is a material contradiction between the forces of production [subordinate groups] and relations of production [dominant castes]

(Ritzer, 2008:66). However, a revolution also results from another inconsistency between dominant and oppressed castes or classes. According to Marx, this inconsistency always exists and leads to revolutionary change when the dominant line up in support of a change related to production that favors changes occurring in the forces of production- 85

in this case, the subordinate groups. Marxism further argues that prevalent ideas will lead an effective revolution and will validate new relations of production. Therefore, in the changing context ofNepal as a young federal republic nation, I advocate the application of a new idea to validate and promote freedom, human dignity, and epistemologies of every caste and class equally and respectfully from the standpoint of oppression or justice.

Further Study

This research concludes that the concept of Dalit epistemology itself was new for most participants. I did not directly use term epistemology when communicating with others. However, I used several substitute terms such as power, social change, or knowledge to define epistemology. The research was grounded by qualitative critical inquiry. Why should we [Dalits) not validate or define our own identity or images? Do we not believe ourselves that we can make a difference in society and state or our sociopolitical values and what we can bring for transformation? These are crucial agendas raised that can be useful for further discussion.

This study examined the interaction between two very critical social entities­ caste and class-in terms of Dalit epistemology, in particular the state and Nepalese society. The theoretical component was applied to explore ideological application from the standpoint of the oppressed and the Dalits. Likewise, an epistemological framework provided inquiry into ideas to develop Dalits' historical knowledge, identity, and wisdom, all of which are important in modem society. In this sense, Marxism or conflict/critical theory as they relate to the Dalits should be further examined. Particularly, substructure 86

and superstructure in relation to negative Images that help to understand Dalits'

epistemology should be further explored.

This thesis project has several limitations as I stated in the first chapter. In

addition, the subject matter itself is complex, and it is not easy to come up with a single

conclusion. Therefore, this is a subject that has strong potential for further study in

various contexts, even in small units. However, this study is a new theoretical framework that starts the sociopolitical interaction in a constructive way in society and the state. It empowers the Dalits' movement and provides a positive idea of self-realization of dignity, identity, and liberation. Finally, this study espouses the idea that every caste, ethnic, religious, and regional group is equal and needs to share its epistemological ideas to restructure state mechanisms and transfer power and resources from the limited dominant caste to all subordinate groups and grassroots political entities with the idea of building a utopian Nepal. APPENDIX A

MAP OF NEPAL

, N Distric Map of Nepal

CHINA t (Tibet)

INDIA (Uttar Pradesh)

INDIA

Map ool !o Scale (Bihar) Gop)·iight © 2M6 Compare lnfobau Limlttd

Resource: http://drdivas.files. wordpress.com/2007 /12/nepal distric map.gif, (accessed on Nov. 02, 2009)

87 APPENDIXB

FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION ON

DYNAMISM OF DALITS EPISTEMOLOGY: INTERACTIONS BETWEEN CASTE AND CLASS

Kathmandu, Nepal

I Dialogue: Sociopolitical Social Images/ Identity (+) Education (+/-) (+) I

(+/-) I. V. Caste system (-) Dalit Blocks Dalit Class System Epistemology I Epistemology /<+) ~) (+) Change Agent: Individuals Live Experience: Creating of Meaning Dalit I Pro-Dalits Movements The Ethic of Caring empathyI emotions

DB Bishwakarma American University June 25, 2009 MA Candidate in Sociology Washington, D.C: USA

88 APPENDIX C

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The data analyzed and used are based on the following research questions:

1. How do you perceive the Dalit identity?

2. What is social response toward the Dalits in everyday life?

3. What is the caste system? Is it a root cause for blocking Dalits' progress?

4. How do you understand the class system? How does it affect the lives of the

Dalits?

5. What do you think Dalits' power or image means? Is it a means of sociopolitical

transformation?

6. How can we measure its process and impact on the society and the state?

7. Do you think the existing policies and political mechanisms can be helpful to the

Dalits?

8. In your view, does caste or class have a greater influence and effect on the day-to­

day lives ofthe Dalits?

9. Have you reacted or resisted domination or discrimination against the Dalits

through your party, organization, or agency?

10. Do you have any recommendations, advice, or comments?

89 APPENDIXD

PARTICIPANTS LISTS

SN PARTICIPANT'S NAME ORGAN IZA TI ON 1 Mr. Hira Vishwakarma Dalit Study and Development Center 2 Mr. Ganesh BK Regional Dalit Network 3 Mr. Raj an Lohani Jeev Career Institute 4 Honorable CA member Communist Party ofNepal (Maoist) Mr. Hari Shripaili 5 Mr. Gajadhar Sunar Dalit Welfare Organization 6 Mr. Born Bdr. Bishwakamra Dalit NGO Federation 7 Mr. Suvas K Darnal Jagaran Media Center 8 Mr. Manohar La] Bamrel NACO Community 9 Mr. Dhan Bahadur Nepali Dalit Sahitya Sangathan 10 Mr. Bishnu Paudyal UML 12 Honorable CA Vice-Chair Mrs. Constituency Assembly and CPN-Maoist Purna Subedi 13 Ms. Durga Sob Feminist Dalit Organization 14 Ms. Kala Swarnakar Feminist Dalit Organization 15 Ms. Kamala K. Bishwakarma University of District of Columbia 16 Mr. Bhakta Bishwakarma Nepal National Dalit Social Welfare Organization 17 Mr. Atmaram Upadhyaya Independent -teacher 18 Honorable CA Member Mr. United Marxist and Leninist Puran Singh Dayal 19 Mr. Baburam BK Teacher, Butwal 20 Mr. Madav Lohani Student, Butwal 21 Mr. Deepak J. Bishwokarma NASO Community 22 Mr. Krishna Sob Development Professional 23 Mr. Padam BK NASO Community 24 Dr. Orona P. Rasaili Founder Nepal Dalit Info 25 Mr. Tej Sunar Development Professional 26 Dr. Ramesh Sunar NASO Community 27 Ms. Mitra Pariyar Student, Oxford University 28 Mr. Shusil BK Journalist 29 Mr. Prakash Shripaili Student 30 Ms. Sanu Karara Student 31 Mr. Suman Poudyal Development professional 32 Mr. Arjun Bagale Lawyer-legal advocate 33 Mr. Tilak Shripaili Development Professional 34 Mr. Tirtha Barma Development Professional 35 Mr. Ram Lakhan Harij an Dalit Rights Activist 90 APPENDIXE

OBSERVATION MEMORANDUM ON DALIT RIGHTS

July 02, 2009

Rt. Honorable Mr. Madav Kumar Nepal, Prime Minister of the Federal Republic-Democratic Nepal Prime Minister's Office, Singhadarbar, Kathmandu, Nepal.

REF: OBSERVATION MEMORENDUM ON DALIT RIGHTS

Dear Rt. Honorable Prime Minister, Our partnership delegation from the International Commission for Dalit Rights

(ICDR) and American University (AU) has spent the past two weeks investigating caste­ based discrimination, gender stratification, and educational issues in Nepal. The delegation has spent time in Kathmandu, Palpa, and the Terai region, observing first-hand the discrimination Dalits face on a daily basis. Through these observations, meetings with various organizations and activists, and personal research, the team have begun to grasp the scope and magnitude of the problems Dalits face as a result of "untouchability".

While visiting the village of Mania in Rupandehi and Laghuwa in Palpa delegation members heard stories from the villagers on the daily hardships they faced. Poverty, lack

91 92 of sanitation, the issue of landlessness, early child marriage, lack of education, and lack of alternative economic opportunities all posed insurmountable barriers for the community to successfully provide for itself and create a viable future for its children. Similarly, Dalit women suffer double discrimination based on both caste and gender. 90% of Dalit women in Nepal live below the poverty line and 80% of Dalit women are illiterate. These women are also vulnerable to serious health issues, sex trafficking, domestic violence, and suffer from social, political, and economic powerlessness. Despite the deep poverty, socio-political inequalities and lack of access to resources, Dalits have been struggling to protect and promote their rights. In this sense, ICDR/AU through global human rights and social justice movements build solidarity and support for the establishment ofDalit rights in the New Constitution of Nepal. 1. We recognize that caste- (or work- or descent-) based discrimination, in its most severe forms, affects life of nearly 4.5 million people in Nepal. We believe that caste-based discrimination is a major cause of human rights violation, poverty, conflict and instability of democratization process in Nepal. 2. We appeal Nepal government, political parties and honourable Members of the Constituency Assembly to ensure propmiionate representation of Dalits, allocate Especial Electoral Constituencies for Dalits, Constitutional Dalit Commission and we also urge to fulfil other demands of Nepal Dalit movement.

3. we urge the government must take a stand and enforce the anti-caste discrimination laws currently in place. Dalits must also be afforded equality and proportional representation in both society and the government. 4. We observe a lack of political party mobilization to include the Dalit community and their agenda is a serious concern. Therefore, we appeal Constituency Assembly (CA) must reform its political party mechanisms and policies and become more friendly and inclusive to the Dalits in political processes. 5. We believe that Nepal is at a transition and critical point in its political and social history, as it is building a New Constitution. Thus, right now is the time for Nepal to move beyond caste-based discrimination and move towards creating an 93

inclusive society with a government that both serves and protects all people, regardless of caste. 6. We urge adherence to the terms of the Vienna Declaration and the program of action of the World Conference on Human Rights (WCHR), according to which it is the duty of states, regardless of political, economic and cultural system, to promote and protect all human rights and fundamental freedoms. 7. We support the condemnation of discrimination against persons of Asian and African and indigenous descent, as expressed in the Durban Declaration and Program of Action of the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance. 8. We appeal Nepal government to maximum mobilize for international effort to eliminate discrimination based on caste (work and descent), gender, race and all other manifestations; such discrimination must be considered a heinous crime against humanity and it must be punished. 9. We support the government initiatives against caste-based inequality, discrimination and also acknowledge a commitment for democracy, peace, justice and prosperity of Nepal. 10. The !CDR/American University delegation will continue to work on the issues it observed while in Nepal. It is the delegation's hope that international awareness on these issues will be raised and local, national, and international pressure will eventually result in the discontinuation of the customary practice of caste-based discrimination.

DB Sagar Bishwakarma Precious Frazier President IT earn Leader T earn Leader Executive Board of Directors ofiCDR and !CDR/American University's Delegation REFERENCES

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