Appendixes 60 The calendar 60 The Newar caste system 61 The Newar pantheon 62 Caste hierarchy from Law Code of 1854 63 Map of Nepal 65 Map of the Kathmandu Valley 66 Map of Bhaktapur 67 Glossary of commonly used terms 68 Bibliography 70 © 1996 Jake Norton. All Rights Reserved. © 1996 Jake Norton. All Rights Reserved. ii

Preface

My interest in Nepal began long ago when I became involved in mountaineering. Nepal

is a tiny Hindu kingdom situated in the heart of the Himalaya, a mountaineer's paradise. During

my senior year at Holderness School, the opportunity arose to travel to Nepal for a trek and climb

in the Langtang Valley, north of Kathmandu. My initial interest was centered solely around

mountaineering; however, I quickly realized that Nepal offers the visitor far more than beautiful

scenery and high mountains.

After that first trip, I found myself wanting to know more about this far-away land, it's

people, it's heritage. Thus, I enrolled for a semester abroad program in Nepal through the School

for International Training/World Learning, Inc. Rather than satiating my curiosity for Nepal, this

program merely intensified it.

Thus, I found myself at the University of Washington's South Asia Library this summer.

Surrounded by a plethora of books on various topics relating in one way or another to Nepal, I

tried to find a suitable topic for my Senior Thesis. This proved far more difficult than I had

planned; everything, from Saivism to the environment, Tantric mandalas to the 1991 Revolution,

interested me. Eventually, I decided to simply sit back and ask myself what it was that struck me

most about Nepal during my first two visits. The answer came suddenly and unexpectedly: I

remembered the harmonious way in which the two dominant faiths of Nepal, Hinduism and

Buddhism, and their adherents, interacted. This, I decided, was what I would research.

This thesis, and the research conducted for it, would not have been possible without the

help of many people. First, I would like to thank my advisors, Professors Jonathan Lee © (Philosophy)1996 and Timothy CheekJake (History), who unceasingly Norton. offered their insight and assistance when called upon (which, incidentally, was quite often). Also, thanks to Professor Doug Fox, whoseAll knowledge, expoundedRights through his Hinduism and BuddhismReserved. classes, as well as in various iii

private meetings, was essential. And, thanks to the Dean's Advisory Committee/Venture Grant

Fund for the grant which made my flight to Nepal possible.

While in Nepal, I received much assistance from various sources. Todd Nachowitz and

Nona Morris, my former Academic Directors for SIT - Nepal, were a great help in finding

adequate contacts and research assistants. Kamala Josi, the head of the language program at SIT,

was also a great help, as were my other Nepali teachers. Father John K. Locke, a Jesuit minister

and eminent scholar of Newar culture, offered relevant insights and "reality-checks" that kept my

research within a tangible realm. Tejeswar Babu Gongah, a resident of Bhaktapur, former director

of His Majesty's Government's (HMG) Rural Development Program, and free-lance journalist,

was indispensable in clarifying my numerous misconceptions and interpretations of Newari

culture. Thanks are also due to the innumerable Newars of the Kathmandu Valley who smiled

graciously as I fumbled with my camera at their temples and offered polite and enlightening

answers to my mundane questions posed in broken Nepali. I owe special thanks to Urgen Sherpa,

his wife Paldenchimi, and his children - Sonam, Tschering, Nuru, Lhakpa, and Purba - who

allowed me to stay at their house while I did my research. And, of course, thanks to Dad, Mom,

and Susan, without whose nurturing, support, open-mindedness (and monetary assistance) this

whole experience would have been impossible.

INTRODUCTION

The early twentieth century Indologist, Sylvain Levi, traveled to the Kathmandu Valley

in 1898 while on a scholarly tour of the Indian subcontinent. He would later write that "Nepal

[meaning the Kathmandu Valley] is India in the making...In a territory so limited that it almost

seems to have been designed as a laboratory, the observer can easily grasp the sequence of steps

which from ancient India gave rise to modern India."1 However, Nepal was under the strict,

isolationist rule of the Rana regime from 1846 to 1950, and thus foreign scholarship therein was

nearly impossible. Thus, Levi's "laboratory" remained virtually untouched by scholarly

investigation until very recently.

After the Revolution of 1950, Nepal again opened its doors to foreigners. This time,

however, it was hearty adventurers who rushed across Nepal's borders, avidly seeking paths to

her lofty Himalayan summits. These travelers brought back tales of wild mountain dwellers of the

Nepalese hinterland, and thus the first contemporary scholarship on Nepal deals primarily with

the mountain tribes such as the Sherpa, Tamang, Rai, Limbu, et al. To most, Kathmandu was but

another South Asian city which, although exotic in many ways, was a mere convenient stepping-

stone on the way to the Himalaya. The "laboratory" was often visited, but rarely noticed.

The past twenty years, however, have marked a rediscovery of Kathmandu's unique

significance in South Asian scholarship. Anthropologists such as Father John Locke, Robert

Levy, David Gellner, Declan Quigley, and others have begun to unravel the threads of ancient

India which are woven into the fabric of contemporary Kathmandu. This thesis is an attempt to

tug on those threads yet a little more.

With that intent in mind, we will begin by looking at the general history of Nepal (which, © for1996 our intents and purposes, Jakemeans the Kathmandu Valley), Norton. from the earliest records to the present. As with any investigation, one must first understand all its historical components before

trying to comprehend its contemporary manifestation and identity. Chapter One will detail the

historical processes which underlie and shape the Valley and thus the processes which also

underlie and shape the Newars - the original inhabitants of the Valley.

The Newars practice a form of Buddhism known as Vajrayana, or "The Diamond

Vehicle". This form of Buddhism represents the last major development in South Asian2

Buddhism, and the Newars in turn represent the last practitioners of traditional South Asian

Buddhism in the world. Again, in keeping with the idea of setting the stage before beginning the

play, Chapter Two will detail the philosophical evolution of South Asian Buddhism, culminating

in the development of Vajrayana.

Newar society, as with South Asian societies in general, is complex. Comprehension if

Newar society's caste-based, ritualistic, and secretive structure is a prerequisite to any

understanding of its contemporary dynamics. Thus, the first half of Chapter Three will outline the

structure of Newar society. With this completed, the second half of Chapter Three will explain

how Vajrayana practice is manifest within Newar society. Special attention will be paid to

Bhaktapur, the "old-city" of Kathmandu. Chapter Three will also show, through explanation of

the internal dynamics of Newar society, how modern assertions that Newar Buddhism is corrupt,

that it is Hinduism in all but name, or even that it is syncretic, are based upon misinterpretation

and false premises.

Having set the historical and philosophical stage, we will be ready to experiment in the

laboratory that is the Kathmandu Valley. The first part of Chapter Four will note the principal

inter-cultural catalysts which, intensified by the late twelfth-century Muslim invasions, led to the

disappearance of Buddhism in India. If Kathmandu is indeed a laboratory, then Bhaktapur, by far

the most traditional city in the Valley, is the best place to conduct our experiment. Thus, the

© 2I1996 use the term "South Asian" hereJake to refer to what is now modern Norton. India. The modern state of India carries with it too many geo-political connotations to use the term freely and without qualification. The birthplace of Buddha, and thus the birthplace of Buddhism, was Lumbini, a village in ancient India, but within the boundaries of modern Nepal. Buddhism was born out of the social climate of the South Asian cultural regionAll as a whole, a reflectionRights of its strengths and weaknesses, consistenciesReserved. and idiosyncrasies. Thus, when the term "India" is used in this thesis without the qualifying prefix "modern", it should be taken to mean South Asia in general and not the modern-day manifestation of political India. vi

second half of Chapter Four will outline the correlation between twelfth century India and

contemporary Bhaktapur, detailing the inter-cultural dynamics of a Buddhist minority interacting

within a dominant Hindu framework: the same dynamic which led to the elimination of

Buddhism in India.

This thesis is therefore of interest to students of Nepal, Buddhism, and South Asia in

general. It will demonstrate how facets of ancient South Asian culture are manifest within

contemporary Nepal as well as showing the value of the Kathmandu Valley as a key to

understanding the cultural dynamics of twelfth century India.

Chapter 1: History of Nepal: pre-historic to the present

When speaking of the modern nation-state of Nepal, one is speaking of a remarkably

complex place, both geographically and ethno-linguistically. The Kingdom of Nepal is a small,

rectangular nation sandwiched between the massifs of China (Tibet) to the north and India to the

west, south, and east. It is, as Prithvi Narayan Shah, the founder of modern Nepal, put it: "like a

gourd between two rocks".3 It's borders encompass a mere 55,000 square miles, roughly the

equivalent of Illinois; its size, however, in no way inhibits or limits Nepal's complexity. Within

its small area dwell roughly twenty million people from thirty-six different ethnic groups or

tribes.4

To the adventure-minded Western tourist, the word "Nepal", through the efforts of HMG

Ministry of Tourism and the foreign press, conjures up images of snow-clad Himalayan massifs

adorned with unending terraces and quaint villages. This is all well and good: the modern nation-

state of Nepal does indeed harbor these places. However, to the traditional Nepali, the word

"Nepal" carries with it a far different connotation. The story is often told of an encounter with a

Nepalese villager heading towards the Kathmandu Valley. When asked where he/she is going,

however, the response is not Kathmandu, but rather "Nepal".

The Kathmandu Valley is the traditional center, both culturally and politically, of Nepal.

The city itself lies in the heart of a fertile valley in the Himalayan foothills. The popular myth

(supported later by geologic proof) is that the Kathmandu Valley was once a lake brimming with

nagas (holy serpents). However, the bodhisattva (see Chapter 2) Manjusri came from Tibet and,

with a slash of his scimitar, cut a hole in the Valley rim, draining the ancient lake and making it © inhabitable.1996 As the Valley becameJake populated, its early settlersNorton. realized the strategic boon upon which they had stumbled: not only was the Valley's soil incredibly fertile, but its climate was

3SeeAll Levy 1992: 33. Rights Reserved. 4For an excellent overview of the ethnic groups of modern Nepal, see Bista 1987. 2

favorable - a pleasant compromise between the malaria-infested jungles of the Indo-Gangetic

plain to the south and the harsh, inhospitable mountains to the north - and it was situated directly

on the principle trade routes between India and Tibet. Thus, the Kathmandu Valley became a

center for high culture and commerce in the Himalaya.

Historically, the Kathmandu Valley can be divided into five dynastic periods.5 The first,

that of the Gopalas, Ahirs (Mahisapalas), and the Kiratas, are known only through oral accounts

and are thus deemed aspects of "prehistoric Nepal", denoting their questionable authenticity.

Gellner (1992) notes that the Kiratas are believed to be historically accurate, and he cites Sylvain

Levi's Le Nepal as evidence thereof. The first historically concrete dynasty is that of the

Licchavis, a succession of Hindu kings ruling from 300-879 AD. The historical record of the

Licchavi kings is found in hundreds of inscriptions left on temples and buildings throughout the

Valley. The earliest of these inscriptions is dated 464 CE and is written in Sanskrit.6 The

Licchavis were reputedly refugees from Vailasi (in the north of modern Bihar, India) fleeing the

oppression of the Mauryan dynasty.7 Thus, we see the first influx into the Kathmandu Valley of

strong Hindu kings and high Indian culture.

The numerous inscriptions from Licchavi Nepal point to a well-governed, organized

state. The Licchavis' organizational structures are known to have paralleled the dominant Indian

models in that they embodied absolute monarchy; an intricate, hierarchical society and

subsequent division of labor; a tax system; an economy based upon trade between India and

Tibet; and a coined currency similar to that found in India. The Licchavi reign, although strongly

Hindu and Sanskritic, nonetheless allowed aspects of indigenous culture to flourish. Also, the

Licchavi kings, although predominantly Hindu, encouraged the practice of other faiths. It was

under the Licchavis that Pasupati (Siva) was deemed the deity of Nepal and the sacred shrine,

© 5 1996 Jake Norton. For an excellent, in-depth account of the history of the Kathmandu Valley, see Slusser 1982. 6However, Levy (1992: 36) notes that eighty percent of the place names on the Licchavi inscriptions were non-Sanskritic. This, he says, leads one to believe that non-Sanskritic peoples ruled the Valley perhaps as early as the seventh century BC. "This society, referred to as 'Kirata,' was apparently of Mongoloid origin, speakersAll of a Tibeto-Burman Rights language." Reserved. 7See Locke 1980: 2. 3

Pasupatinath, was erected along the banks of the holy Bagmati River. No less important,

however, was the establishment of the shrine of Svyambhunath, the holiest of holy places for

Nepalese Buddhists, at the beginning of the fifth century.8 Under the Licchavis, Hinduism-

traditional and tantric- and Buddhism- Theravada, Mahayana, and later, Vajrayana- grew and

flourished.

Of the numerous Licchavi monarchs, one in particular stands out; he was Amsuvarman,

reigning from 605-621. Sri Amsuvarman (Amsuvarman the Illustrious) was the title he gave

himself, and he seems to have lived up to it. From inscriptions9, we know that Amsuvarman

harbored a deep concern for the Kathmandu Valley, and his subjects therein. Amsuvarman

appears to have been a ruler who prized wisdom and happiness, as one of his personal

inscriptions attests: "How can I make my people happy?"10 Slusser (1982: 26) notes that

Amsuvarman is "credited with having written a treatise on rhetoric, to have introduced the study

of Sanskrit grammar into the Valley, and to have convoked in his reign a symposium on Sanskrit

grammar and other subjects." Like other Licchavi monarchs before him, Amsuvarman was

tolerant of religious distinctions. He is known to have praised Siva Pasupati and Lord Buddha

with equal vehemence. Such was the appeal of this ruler that the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim,

Hsuan-tsang, included him in his survey of the Buddhist countries (circa 629 AD):

Lately there was a king called Amsuvarman (An-chu-fa-mo), who was distinguished for his learning and ingenuity. He himself had composed a work on 'sounds' (Sabdavidya); he esteemed learning and respected virtue, and his reputation was spread everywhere.11

After the erudite reign of the Licchavis, the Kathmandu Valley fell into what is known as

its "dark ages". The dark ages of the Valley are not unlike those of Europe; it was a time when © few1996 historical records were kept,Jake and thus little is known ofNorton. the period. What is known, however,

8Slusser 1982: 38. 9Slusser (1982: 26) notes that inscriptions from Amsuvarman and his predecessor, Sivadava I, account for over one fifth of the total known Licchavi inscriptions. 10AllIbid: 26. Rights Reserved. 11Ibid: 27. 4

comes from thousands of manuscripts, principally Buddhist, which were transcribed in the

various viharas (monasteries) of the Valley. "Most of [the manuscripts] close with a colophon in

which the scribe identifies where the manuscript was copied, under whose reign, the date of

completion, and similar remarks."12 This period (879-1200 AD) has been designated Thakuri by

Western historians; however, this term can be misleading, for there appears to have been not one

ruling dynasty but many.13

In keeping with the inconsistent nature of knowledge of the Thakuri period, information

about life in the Valley is correspondingly weak. We know some institutions, such as the guthi, a

socio-religo-political organization, persisted, for we have records of these during the Licchavi

reign and they indeed still exist today. Thus, we can infer that much of the elements of

infrastructure established and maintained by the Licchavis persisted through the Thakuri; as

Slusser notes, "[m]erely because institutions were not recorded [during the Thakuri] does not

mean they had vanished."14 It was also during the Thakuri period that the Vajrayana, the

Buddhist school adhered to by the Newars, flourished.15 This was in no way, however, an

accidental occurrence, as the end of the Thakuri period (late 12th century) marks the

disappearance of Buddhism from India proper, and thus an influx of Indian Buddhists into the

Kathmandu Valley.16 It should also be noted that Nepali chronicles attribute the founding of

Bhaktapur to the Thakuri period. Levy (1992: 39) says that "Bhaktapur seems to have been

founded as a royal city by Ananda Deva, who is believed to have reigned from 1147 to 1156 AD.

According to two early chronicles..., Ananda Deva built a temple and royal palace in Bhaktapur."

12Ibid: 41. 13Slusser (1982: 42) notes that the term "Thakuri" is a derivation of the Sanskrit thakkura, meaning chief, and used to denote superior rank. Thus, it seems Thakuri was applied to the period erroneously, the © chroniclers1996 having misinterpreted Jake scribes' use of the term as a dynasticNorton. title. Slusser, as a result, prefers to assign the name "Transitional Period" to this era; however, for simplicity's sake, we will keep to the traditional "Thakuri". 14Ibid: 48. 15A more detailed explanation of this school - its history and philosophical tenets - follows. 16All Rights Reserved. As will be discussed later, the twelfth century was the time of fierce Muslim invasions in India. The invaders applied heavy persecution to the Buddhists, forcing many to flee to Nepal and Tibet. 5

The next period, Malla, is again somewhat misleading. During this period (1200-1769),

historical accounts point to a succession of numerous lines of kings. The term Malla, like the

Thakuri before it, is an honorific term assigned to a ruler; its concise meaning is "wrestler",

"athlete", or "victor". No solid ethnic or dynastic line within Nepal has been found to which the

name Malla applies.17 It seems that the first king of the Malla period, Arimalla I (1200-1216),

changed the traditional kingly designation from "Deva" to "Malla". Thus, as Slusser notes,

"...unlike the misleading designation Thakuri, applied centuries after the fact to a miscellany of

kings, the title malla was chosen and actually borne by the kings in question...[Hence,] Malla - a

label without ethnic or dynastic implications - therefore provides a convenient one with which to

tag the succession of kings who ruled [the Valley] between AD 1200 and 1769."18

The early Malla period (1200-1482) was marked by a succession of raids upon the

Kathmandu Valley by various minor kingdoms and principalities (Palpa, Khasa, et al.) which are

now part of modern Nepal. The Valley also suffered the onslaught of "Sultan Shams ud-din Ilyas

of Bengal [and his army who] in AD 1349 made one devastating week-long sweep across the

Valley from east to west, pillaging and plundering as they could."19 The stability of the Licchavis

and relative stability of the Thakuri faded from memory as Valley coherence disintegrated under

the force of raids and internal infighting.

The stability of the Valley was returned by the ascension to power by one Sthitimalla

(also Jayasthiti Malla) who held power from 1382-1395. Sthitimalla indeed assumed the role of

his nominal prefix "sthiti" which translates as stability, rules, regulations, or customs.20 It is said

that under his reign codifications of the caste system were made as well as enforcement of a

hierarchical division of labor. Again, in keeping with Nepali tradition, Sthitimalla, although

raised under the hand of Hindu orthodoxy, demonstrated tolerance and sectarianism. However,

© 171996 Jake Norton. Slusser (1982: 53) notes that a dynasty entitled "Malla" did indeed exist in North India at the time of the Buddha. However, "...in view of the antiquity of these Mallas, they can hardly be connected with the rulers of this period of Nepalese history." 18Ibid: 54. Emphasis in original. 19AllIbid: 57. Rights Reserved. 20Ibid: 59. 6

Sthitimalla's reign was short-lived, and his descendants succeeded in returning instability to the

Valley. By the end of King Yaksamalla's reign in 1482, the Kathmandu Valley "was started on a

course that would soon reduce it to the multiple mini-states and near anarchy that, except for the

preceding century [i.e. - Sthitimalla and his successors up to Yaksamalla], had characterized it

since the decline of the Licchavis."21

King Yaksamalla left the Valley to the joint-rule of his descendants. However, less than

three years after his death, one son, Ratnamalla, became dissatisfied with joint-rule and seized

control of the city of Kathmandu. (The modern practice of equating the Kathmandu Valley with

the city of Kathmandu is a misnomer; the Valley has traditionally been comprised of three main

cities - namely Kathmandu, Patan (Lalitpur), and Bhaktapur (Bhadgaon) - as well as various other

minor cities.) Bhaktapur soon followed suit, being taken over by the descendants of Yaksamalla's

eldest son, Rayamalla. Seeing the activities of the other two cities, the hereditary nobles of Patan,

the mahapatras, opted for emulation and established Patan as a third principality. The

mahapatras soon disavowed any allegiance to Malla suzerainty and established themselves as a

fully independent kingdom. However, Ratnamalla's descendent, Sivasimha, defeated the

mahapatras in 1597 and brought Patan back under Malla authority.

The period from Yaksamalla's death (1482) to the dissolution of the Malla dynasty in

1769 is one of chaotic politics in the Valley. Slusser (1982: 63) gives an excellent, albeit general,

description of these years:

In broad terms, the Malla "kingdoms" [i.e. - Kathmandu, Patan, and Bhaktapur] were actually minuscule city-states. Their principle holdings were squeezed into an area that may now be traversed on foot in a day. Each kingdom consisted of its capital city - Kathmandu, Patan, or Bhaktapur - together with the surrounding territory with its towns and villages. The exact limits of the kingdoms cannot be defined, for their borders were in constant flux as territory changed hands in the course of perpetual petty warfare. © 1996 Jake Norton.

The ensuing years were characterized by vicious fighting and backstabbing by the Three

Kingdoms. The rulers all claimed descent from Sthitimalla, and yet harbored no qualms about

raining attacks on their neighbors. 22 Out of the anarchic pell-mell of squabbling, a man named

Prithvi Narayan Shah invaded, conquered, and stabilized the Kathmandu Valley.

Prithvi Narayan Shah, commonly referred to as "the founder of modern Nepal", was in

fact not from the Valley at all. He was the king of the hill state of Gorkha23, but had laid eyes on

Kathmandu while still a prince and declared that someday it would be his. By 1768, Prithvi

Narayan Shah was close to his goal, having conquered the lands surrounding the Valley and

indeed many of the small towns within. However, Malla kings still sat upon their thrones in the

Three Kingdoms. The Gorkhali king was patient, and he sat with his armies on the hills

surrounding the Valley waiting for the right time. He chose the festival of Indra-jatra, equally

important to the Three Kingdoms, as the time of attack. In their festival-inspired drunkenness, the

guardians of Kathmandu's Durbar (Palace) Square were in no position to fend off the invaders,

and Prithvi assumed the throne with little trouble. The former king of Kathmandu, Jayaprakasa

fled to Patan; soon thereafter he and Tejnarasimha, King of Patan, fled to Bhaktapur, leaving only

one city for Prithvi to overtake. Finally, on November 13, 1769, Prithvi Narayan Shah and his

armies invaded Bhaktapur. By nightfall, he crowned himself king of the Three Kingdoms, and the

era of Malla rule came to an end.

As stated earlier, the Kathmandu Valley, situated in a fertile valley and on the trade

routes between India and Tibet, was a source of wealth and power. Thus, the new king found

himself in a position to expand his territory. Prithvi Narayan Shah's successors (he died in 1795)

maximized this opportunity, successfully unifying the Twenty-four Kingdoms of west Nepal and

embarking on territorial expansion expeditions into India and Tibet. They lost battles against the

© 221996Slusser (1982: 64) includes a transcriptionJake of a seventeenth centuryNorton. work, the thyasaphu, which describes the multitude of alliances and bickerings between the Three Kingdoms in the years 1698-1702 (Nepali Samvat 818-822). 23The name Gurkha is a British corruption of Gorkha. The Gurkhas are British mercenaries who come primarilyAll from Nepal Rightsand, more specifically, the Gorkha, Rai, andReserved. Limbu tribes. The contemporary, official language of Nepal, referred to as Nepali, is actually Gorkhali, the language introduced to the Kathmandu Valley by Prithvi Narayan Shah. 8

Chinese and Tibetans to the north, but succeeded in overtaking the Himalayan principality of

Sikkim, the region surrounding Darjeeling (in modern West Bengal), and small areas of modern

northwest India. However, these expansions eventually brought the Gorkhas into direct conflict

with the British East India Company and thus British military might.

Through the bravery of their troops and the assistance provided by the malarial jungles of

southern Nepal, the Gorkhas held their ground for some time against the British. However, the

Gorkhas lost a border war to the British in 1816, and were forced to surrender their newly

acquired territories, returning Nepal's borders to their contemporary position. They were also

forced to accept the presence of a British resident observer in Kathmandu. The most damaging

result, however, was Nepal's loss of control of the trans-Himalayan trade, as the British opened a

new route via Sikkim.24

According to pattern, the stability and success of Prithvi Narayan Shah and his successors

was followed by chaos and infighting at the court of Kathmandu. This culminated on September

14, 1846 when Jang Bahadur led a bloody coup d'état and took over the position of prime

minister of Nepal. He allowed the Shah monarchy to continue in name only while he and his

ministers controlled the state. Jang Bahadur "assumed the honorific title rana and ushered in

more than a century of hereditary autocratic rule by his descendants...Absolute power was vested

within the Rana oligarchy, and Nepal was administered as their private estate."25

Thus, the history of Nepal enters yet another dynastic period, that of the Ranas. The

Ranas held power for the next 104 years, keeping Nepal sealed off to any and all outsiders. They

fended off British imposition of a resident observer, seeing it as a direct threat to Nepal's

autonomy. As a result, the country remained somewhat of a feudal backwater, out of touch with

the colonial modernization taking place directly to the south. The Ranas themselves, however, © were1996 interested in Western culture,Jake educating themselves inNorton. Britain and constructing monolithic palaces in obvious emulation of Victorian style.

24AllSlusser 1982: 77. Rights Reserved. 25Ibid: 78. 9

The Rana regime ended abruptly, however, in 1951 when a descendant of Prithvi

Narayan Shah, Tribhuvan Vikram Shah26, wrested control from Rana hands and reinstated Malla

monarchy.

The political scene in contemporary Nepal is not a far cry from what we have outlined

above. The nation is still governed by a Hindu monarch27, King Sri Paanch Birendra Bir Bikram

Shah Dev, although the monarchy is coupled with a parliamentary system. The status of the

Valley itself with regard to the rest of the nation has changed little; Kathmandu is still the

principle political, economic, and social center of Nepal.

The three cities of the Valley - Kathmandu, Patan, and Bhaktapur - exist today, although

the dividing line between them is not as strong as in the past. Kathmandu and Patan now fade into

each other in a clustered maze of newly constructed buildings. These two cities have seen the

brunt of the Valley's modernization. However, as modernization in Nepal did not commence until

the fall of the Ranas in 1951, it has had a dizzying effect on the Valley. The old and the new

intermingle and overlap in a hectic way, creating a mosaic of ancient temples neighboring

modern shopping malls while taxis whiz past porters carrying filing cabinets on their backs.

Bhaktapur, in stark contrast to Kathmandu and Patan, has seen relatively little

modernization. Bhaktapur sits in the eastern corner of the Valley, separated from the other two

cities by roughly twelve kilometers. The contrast is seen immediately; Bhaktapur lacks the traffic,

choking smog, in short, the modern hustle of Kathmandu and Patan. Bhaktapur is the "old city",

the last outpost of traditional Nepali urban life in the Valley. Robert Levy (1992: 56), an

anthropologist who studied Bhaktapur in the 1970's, wrote a great description of the city which is

worth quoting at length:

26AllTribhuvan University, Rights the principal university of Nepal, is named Reserved. in his honor. 27Nepal is quite proud of its claim to being the only remaining Hindu monarchy in the world. 10

there are new buildings in modern styles, offices and houses for officials, modern houses for some rich merchants, schools, a hospital, a cinema. And everywhere are dirt and foul smells, the dust and wear of centuries, the feces of animals and children in the streets, of adults in the fields and at the riverside. There are houses cracked and fallen during the last of the series of earthquakes that regularly trouble the Kathmandu Valley. The fields and streets are full of scavenging emaciated dogs and of large carrion crows. Huge fruit bats hang in some seasons in the trees, and on clear nights jackals howl in the fields outside of the city and occasionally a predatory, hungry leopard snatches off the infant of an unwary farmer in a field bordering on the forest. All this is a reminder that Bhaktapur was and still is a clearing in a yet more ancient world.28

Contemporary Bhaktapur is also a city composed almost entirely of Newars.29 According

to Levy (1992: 59), less than sixty of the city's more than 6,000 households are non-Newar,

making the population of Bhaktapur roughly 99% Newar.

* * * * *

As we said before, the Nepalese people represent a very diverse group; the population of

twenty million is comprised of thirty-six different ethnic groups or tribes. For the most part, each

ethnic group has its own language, and numerous dialects therein. The Newars are one of these

ethnic groups.

The term Newar seems to have first come into usage during the Malla period. At that time

the colloquial language of the Valley was Newari, and was referred to as desa-bhasa or nepala-

bhasa ("the language of the country" and "the language of Nepal", respectively). "Colloquially it

became known as, and is still called, newa-bhay. By a kind of back-formation, 'Newa' or 'Newar'

came to denote those who spoke newa-bhay."30

The Newars themselves are commonly believed to be the first inhabitants of the

Kathmandu Valley. Their language is of Tibeto-Burman origin, and is thought to be one of the

most difficult in the world. Its difficulty is only augmented by the assimilation therein of various © Indo-Aryan1996 Sanskrit terms fromJake the time of the Licchavis Norton. onward. Ethnically, as P.R. Sharma

28Levy (1992: 58) also noted Bhaktapur's extraordinary population density. In Kathmandu, the urban density reaches 47,783 people per square mile, twice the density of New York City. Bhaktapur, even more unbelievably, attains population densities of 117,000 people per square mile. 29AllThe identity of Newars, Rights their history, and their position within Reserved.Nepal today will be discussed later. 30Gellner 1992: 17. 11

(from Levy 1992: 36) notes, "the Newars...are believed to be an intermixture of Aryan and

Mongoloid strains resulting from the unions between the Kiratas [the early, pre-historical rulers

of the Valley] and the Aryans migrating from the plains of India."

Chapter 2: The evolution of Buddhism: from Siddartha Gautama to Vajrayana

In keeping with the necessity of "setting the stage" before beginning the play, we cannot

begin to look at Newar Buddhism, which represents the final development in South Asian

Buddhism, without first detailing and understanding the philosophical evolution of pre-Vajrayana

Buddhism. As with any religion, Vajrayana is not a complete break from the preceding

philosophy, but rather an elaboration upon pre-existing notions and ideals that developed over the

course of several centuries. To reach the top of a staircase, one must start at the beginning; the

Buddhist staircase begins over 2500 years ago in ancient India.

The historical Buddha, Siddartha Gautama, was born a prince in 566 BC31 in the city of

Lumbini in south Nepal. It is said that the Brahmin priests present at his birth read the omens and

declared thus:

...[H]e is certain to be the perfectly Enlightened One, or a universal monarch if he takes pleasure in worldly affairs. Should he be a great, earthly sovereign, he will rule the entire world with courage and righteousness, leading all kings, as the light of the sun leads the lights of the world. If he seeks deliverance by living in a forest, he will acquire true wisdom and illumine the entire world, standing aloft like Mt. Meru, the king of mountains.32

Young Siddartha's father, a proud and upstanding member of the kshatriya (Nepali -

chhettri), or warrior, caste, deemed it fitting that his son become a great conqueror. Knowing that

if his son were to see the pain and suffering in the world he would become a thinker, Siddartha's

father surrounded his son with peace and happiness, making sure all traces of age, decay, © suffering,1996 pain, etc. were hidden Jake from the prince. Norton.

31There is some dispute as to the accurate dates for the important moments of the Buddha's life. A.K. WarderAll (1991: 44-45) Rights discusses this dispute and provides the datesReserved. used in this text. 32Taisho: 1c-2a, from de Bary 1972: 59. 13

However, one day the prince was outside of the palace with his guardians when a god

disguised himself as an old, decrepit man. Young Siddartha was astonished at the sight of this

man, stooped and crippled by the inevitable passage of time. The next day he saw a diseased man,

and the following day a corpse being transported to the ghat (funeral pyre). Having seen the pain

and suffering inherent in the world, Siddartha embarked upon the spiritual path in search of a

solution to the world's woes.

He began by going into solitary meditation beneath a tree near his home. Under this tree,

the Buddha meditated on the pain and suffering which he had recently seen. He soon was

confronted by a wandering mendicant; having never before seen such a person, Siddartha asked

the man who he was. The mendicant explained that he had given up all worldly pleasures and

desires in order that he might be freed from the bondage of earthly suffering. At that moment,

Siddartha knew that he must take up the ascetic life and find the solution to suffering.

The Buddha joined a group of renunciates and practiced extreme forms of asceticism,

depriving his body of nourishment, for six years. After these years, he found himself emaciated

and sick, and no closer to his goal of enlightenment than when he started. "...[T]ormenting his

body through such austerities availed nothing. [He thought:] 'This is not the way to achieve

passionlessness, enlightenment, liberation...Nor can that be attained by one who is weak...How

can it be reached by a man who is not calm and at ease, who is so exhausted by hunger and thirst

that his mind is unbalanced?'"33 The Buddha now realized that extreme asceticism proved

fruitless in the quest for liberation; a middle way was the only solution. Having come to this

realization, the Buddha sat in a meditative pose under the Bodhi tree (Tree of Enlightenment) and

made a vow: "Let my skin, sinews and bones become dry, and the flesh and blood in my body dry

up! But I will never stir from this seat without having realized supreme enlightenment."34 © Meditating1996 under the Bodhi treeJake for seven days, the Buddha Norton. found the Truth which he sought, the Four Noble Truths, the key to enlightenment, to liberation:

33AllTaisho daizikyo, fromRights de Bary 1972: 68. Reserved. 34Fox 1973: 32. 14

I To exist is to suffer (duhkha); II The root of all suffering is desire (tanha); III The key to ending suffering is the cessation of desire; IV The cessation of desire is attainable through the Eightfold Path.

The Buddha's Eightfold Path was a virtual instruction-book detailing the correct way to

live. The eight ideals are as follows: right understanding, right mindedness, right speech, right

action, right livelihood, right effort, right attentiveness, and right concentration.

To many, this "enlightened" philosophy seemed quite dismal, cynical, and depressing.

How can existence be suffering? Each day is marked by numerous pleasurable experiences;

certainly these do not cause us to suffer. However, the Buddha's philosophy did not deny the

existence of pleasure, of joy, of enjoyment. Rather, the Four Noble Truths emphasized the

transient nature (anicca) of all worldly entities and experiences. Certainly, joy and happiness are

found everywhere; however, they do not last forever and, when they end, this is suffering.

The Buddha's new-found philosophy presented a stark contrast to the tenets of the

dominant Hindu faith. Hindu theology presented the notion of varnasramadharma, or duty based

upon caste and stage in life. The ultimate goal of the third stage (grhastya, or "householder

stage"), is kama.35 Here the fulfillment of desires was to be sought out and life to be enjoyed.

This stage was to be followed by the renouncing stage in which one would renounce caste,

family, name, possessions and take up the life of a wandering ascetic seeking enlightenment. The

Buddha's philosophy contradicted this by denying the benefits of the third stage. He said this only

led to more suffering and thus was of no use in the quest for liberation.

Brandishing his new philosophy, the Buddha set out on a mission to spread his

knowledge of the path to liberation.36 His first teaching came at Deer Park near the sacred ghats

© 351996The four stages of life (caturasrama Jake) are: brahmacarya (studentship); Norton. grhastya (householder); vanaprasthya (withdrawer); and sannyasa (homeless ascetic). Each of the four stages carries with it a corresponding duty or ultimate goal; these are: dharma (law); artha (wealth/power); kama (pleasure); and moksa (liberation). 36AllWarder (1991: 50) notesRights that several early Buddhist texts say thatReserved. the Buddha was convinced to spread his doctrine by Brahma, the Hindu God of Creation. The "intention must have been to place the Buddha above Brahma by making the latter appear in the role of a suppliant." 15

of Varanasi (Benares). Here he met with five of his former ascetics and convinced them of the

wisdom of his new-found ways. The philosophy which the Buddha preached to his first disciples

became the focal point of the Theravada ("The Teaching of the Elders"), the first main surviving

tradition in Buddhist thought.

We have already established that the Buddha's first Noble Truth is that to exist is to

suffer, and that the meaning thereof is that everything has inherent transience. In his philosophy,

the Buddha delved deeper into the notion of transience. His idea of transience revolves around the

dharma37 analysis. By this analysis, the apparent stability and longevity of the tangible universe

is a misperception; the truth is that the universe is comprised of a seething mass of dharmas, or

point-instants in time. Each individual dharma is an amalgam of differing proportions of the five

skandhas: rupa (form and matter); vedana (sensation or feeling); samjna (perceptions or

sensations); samskara (tendencies); and vijnana (conscious thought).38 When we experience

some entity, we actually experience a mass of instantaneous dharmas which comprise the entity;

in fact, by the time we rationalize the experience of the entity, the skandhic proportions have

changed and thus the original entity no longer exists. "Change is the replacement of one dharma

by another, the former having utterly ceased to be, and the latter ceasing to be almost as soon as it

arises."39 This continuum of change proceeds ad infinitum, and the result is that all that can be

said to truly exist is the process of change itself.

37This term can lead to confusion, as it has various meanings. Fox (1973: 78) lists them as follows: 1. Tradition or teaching. Thus, one may speak of the Buddha's entire system of ideas as his dharma. 2. Duty. In India, to be a member of a particular caste has historically meant to have certain inescapable obligations - a dharma - the performance of which is righteousness, the non- © 1996 performance unrighteousness. Jake Norton. 3. Natural law. The order of the universe is its dharma. 4. Objects of perception: the data, at least believed to be authentic, of experience and observation. 5. A basic element of existence. 6. The one inclusive Reality: the Absolute. 38AllFor a more detailed, Rights in-depth description of the skandhas, see FoxReserved. 1973: 72-73. 39Fox 1973: 80. 16

The Buddha's philosophy challenged his contemporaries by asserting that not only was

the tangible realm effectively non-existent40, but the existence of the soul was also a

misperception. Hindu arguments against the Buddha's no-soul theory took a shape similar to

Descartes' "I think, therefore I am." Hindu philosophers proposed that even though the eye cannot

see the eye, the eye must nonetheless exist if something is seen. Likewise, they said, although the

self cannot see the self, the self must exist if something is seen. The Buddhist sage Nagasena, in a

conversation with King Menander, refuted this argument in a discussion worth quoting. It begins

by King Menander asking what he should call the sage. Nagasena replies that he is called

"Nagasena", but that it is a name only and implies no notion of a permanent individual. Menander

deems this response ridiculous and demands a justification. The sage responds:

'Your majesty, how did you come here - on foot or in a vehicle?' 'In a chariot.' 'Then tell me what is the chariot? Is the pole the chariot?' 'No, your Reverence.' 'Or the axle, wheels, frame, reins, yoke, spokes, or goad?' 'None of these things is the chariot.' 'Then all these separate parts taken together are the chariot?' 'No, your Reverence.' 'Then is the chariot something other than the separate parts?' 'No, your Reverence.' 'Then, for all my asking, your Majesty, I can find no chariot. The chariot is a mere sound. What then is the chariot? Surely what your Majesty has said is false! There is no chariot!'... 'What I said was not false,' replied the King. 'It's on account of all these various components, the pole, axle, wheels, and so on, that the vehicle is called a chariot. It's just a generally understood term, a practical designation.' 'Well said, your Majesty! You know what the word 'chariot' means! And it's just the same with me. It's on account of the various components of my being [nails, hair, teeth, bone, blood, mucus, etc.] that I'm known by the generally understood term, the practical designation Nagasena.'41

The Buddha's philosophy, although denying any longevity to the tangible world, did not © deny1996 its importance. In this way,Jake he was in keeping with HinduNorton. thought. Buddhism accepted the

40This is not to say that, at this point, Buddhist philosophy denied any actual existence to the tangible world. Rather, the philosophy asserted that the tangible world does exist, but, because of its inherent transience, any long-term experience of the tangible realm is rendered impossible. We experience a tangibleAll reality, but noRights longevity thereof. Reserved. 41Embree 1988: 106. 17

notion of samsara, the cycle of birth and re-birth. The Buddha also adopted the ideal of karma,

the distinction of actions as good or bad. Good karma leads one closer to moksa (release from

samsara) and hence nirvana, whereas bad karma causes one to remain in samsara and possibly

be subjected to a lower form of re-birth. However, inherent in this acceptance of life in the

physical world, a Buddhist must accept the ultimate reality embodied in the Four Noble Truths

and live by the Eightfold Path.

At the age of eighty, the Buddha died in a small village near Kusingara. His last forty-

five years had been marked by intense preaching, traveling, and the establishment of various

orders of monks and nuns. Having eaten some poisoned food for dinner, the Buddha gathered his

disciples together to give them his final sermon. Lying in the Lion's position42, the Buddha told

his followers where the four principle sites of Buddhist pilgrimage were to be: the Bodhi tree at

Bodh Gaya (where he attained enlightenment); the Deer Park at Benares (the site of the First

Sermon); his birthplace; and his place of death. The Buddha ended his sermon, and his life, with

the following words: "Now, then, O Monks, I tell you: transitory are all composite things; work

out your salvation with diligence."43 With that, the Buddha transcended the physical world and

proceeded into Nirvana.44

Before we make the transition to what occurs after the Buddha's death, perhaps we can

sum up the Buddha's teaching and, thus, what became the foundation for the Theravada, in the

following poem in the Visuddhi-magga:45

42Fox (1973: 35) notes that this position, lying on his side with his head supported by his right hand, is the position commonly used to represent Nirvana in Buddhist art. 43Ibid: 35. 44It should be noted that Buddhist philosophy divides enlightenment, the attainment of Nirvana, into two categories: upadi-sessanibbana and anupadi-sessanibbana. The former applied to the Buddha after he attained enlightenment under the Bodhi tree: he was indeed enlightened, but, due to karmic residue, he remained embodied. When the Buddha died, he attained the latter - true enlightenment without any karmic residue and subsequent embodiment. Here we should also note what the term Nirvana in fact means. © Nirvana1996 can be thought neither asJake a place or even as an entity whichNorton. exists, nor can it be said to be non- existent. The reality of Nirvana is that it cannot be described; any attempt on that line would prove futile. In fact, even the term Nirvana itself misses the point. Fox (1973: 86-87) notes a scripture which says: "'There is no measure to him who has gone to rest; he keeps nothing that could be named. When all dharmas are abolished, all paths of speech are also abolished.'...To attain Nirvana is not simply to know theAll Truth but to be theRights Truth." Reserved. 45From Radhakrishnan and Moore 1989: 289. 18

Misery only doth exist, none miserable, No doer is there; naught save the deed is found. Nirvana is, but not the man who seeks it. The Path exists, but not the traveler on it.

Although he traveled much and delivered countless sermons denoting the principles of

faith, the Buddha did not transcribe his philosophy and theological tenets. Hence, shortly after his

death, debate arose with regards to interpretation of fundamental doctrines. The Buddha had left

samghas, communities of monks, throughout India; however, without a supreme authority to

clarify the teachings and ward off schism, varying interpretations developed.

Several problems with early Buddhism presented themselves shortly after the Buddha's

death. Some philosophers noted a seeming paradox in the dharma analysis: How can entities

which are in a perpetual state of flux possibly attain the infinite, eternal stability which is

Nirvana? It was also noted that this early (Theravada) Buddhism was far too scholastic for the lay

follower: The Buddha preached enlightenment attainable to all, and yet a simple farmer had to

find the time to read the scriptures and understand the finer points of the dharma analysis,

skandhas, et al in order to attain enlightenment. Complaints of a more practical nature arose as

well. Whereas Hinduism offered the devotee 330 million gods46 in which he/she could become

lost in adoration and devotion (bhakti), Theravada Buddhism offered but ethereal, amorphous

ideals and concepts. And, finally, it was noted that Theravada monks were becoming far too

individualistic, busily seeking their own enlightenment with little regard for others. As a result of

these complaints and the lack of an authoritative answer, Mahayana Buddhism arose.47

Mahayana has often been referred to as a separate "school" of Buddhism, as opposed to

the Theravada.48 However, this designation as a school per se can be misleading, for within the

© 461996This, obviously, is not an accurate Jake number, but rather the common Norton. response concerning the number of deities in Hinduism. 47Mahayana means "Greater Vehicle" (Maha=Greater; Yana=Vehicle or Path) as opposed to their designation of Theravada as Hinayana, or "Lesser Vehicle". 48AllMahayana did fragment Rights into various sub-sects; however, these Reserved.tended not to differ in philosophical doctrine, but rather in the methods and means for attaining the ultimate. The first sub-sect was the Madhyamika, systematized by Nagarjuna in the second century AD. The Madhyamikas stressed logical 19

Mahayana numerous sects abound which share very little in terms of unifying features. Paul

Williams notes in Mahayana Buddhism: The Doctrinal Foundations (1989: 2-4) that the

identification of the Mahayana as a school is an "essentialist fallacy". He goes on to say that this

essentialist fallacy is something towards which "Buddhist philosophy from its inception

embodied a sustained criticism..." As we discussed above, the core of Buddhist philosophy asserts

that any apparent longevity, unity, etc. is but a misperception; the world is a transient mass of

dharmas. Likewise, "Mahayana is not, and never was, a single unitary phenomenon. It is not a

sect or school, but rather, perhaps a spiritual movement which initially gained its identity not by a

definition but by distinguishing itself from alternative spiritual movements or tendencies." Also,

the term Mahayana itself did not come into usage until well after the philosophical notions it is

applied to had developed. The term first appears in Indian inscriptions around the sixth century

CE, whereas the development of the Mahayana philosophy began as early as the first century

BCE.49

With that said, what is it that we can identify as common characteristics embodied in the

Mahayana? There are four basic notions we can identify here: the Doctrine of Emptiness

(Sunyata); the bodhisattva; the Trikaya; and the Perfection of Wisdom (Prajnaparamita). The

Doctrine of Emptiness stems from the Buddha's dharma analysis and notions of inherent

transience; it was most effectively argued by the first century AD philosopher, Nagarjuna.50

Nagarjuna argued that if some object is said to have inherent existence, this inherent existence

must be the result of some sort of causation. If I were to say that this table has inherent existence,

that it exists of its own right, its existence must of necessity be the result of some preceding

cause. However, Nagarjuna notes that this is illogical:

© 1996 Jake Norton. argument as the key to understanding and attaining the ultimate. The brothers Asanga and Vasubhandu established the Yogacara sect in the fourth century which emphasized meditation for salvation. The final sect, the Vajrayana, will be described at length below. 49Williams 1989: 28. 50All Rights Reserved. Nagarjuna was the principle philosopher of the Madhyamika school of the Mahayana. For a description of Nagarjuna's arguments against other theories of causation and existence, see Fox 1973: 90-91. 20

The origination of inherent existence from causes and conditions is illogical, since [if] inherent existence originated from causes and conditions [it] would thereby become contingent. How could there be contingent inherent existence, for inherent existence is not contingent, nor is it dependent on another being.51

The possibility of inherent existence having thus been eliminated, Nagarjuna asserts that

the ultimate reality of any and all things is emptiness. Whereas the Buddha postulated that the

universe had no enduring objective reality because of its inherent transience, Nagarjuna said that

not even a single dharma can be said to have any inherent existence, and thus there exists no self-

sustaining, independent objective reality whatsoever in the universe. The truth is that all is empty,

empty of inherent existence, and thus empty of reality.

A common criticism of Nagarjuna's philosophy was that it was a very pessimistic view of

the world. To these critics, Nagarjuna's philosophy, with its emphasis upon inherent emptiness of

all things, thereby represented a sort of nihilism in which all reality was denied. Nagarjuna,

however, rebutted this by noting that he was not saying that no reality existed. Rather, a reality,

Sunyata, does indeed exist, but its nature is such that, like Nirvana, it defies all description.

Sunyata is the reality of the universe, an entity of sorts of which everything is a part, but apart

from which nothing exists. To understand this concept, we can look at a similar argument raised

by a Hindu opponent of Buddhism, the eighth century sage Samkara.52 Samkara's ideas are

relevant in our discussion in that his goal in attacking Buddhism was not to disprove its tenets,

but rather to demonstrate, through re-interpretation of the sacred Hindu Upanisads, that Buddhist

philosophy was actually Hindu philosophy; the ideas were the same - the difference, for Samkara,

was in name only. For Samkara, the Buddha was to Hinduism as Martin Luther was to

Catholicism: a re-interpreter, a reformer, and not the founder of a new religion. If Samkara were

51Chapter 15 of Nagarjuna's Madhyamakarika, from Williams 1989: 60. 52Samkara, his ideas, and his monumental effect on Buddhism in India will be discussed in Chapter 4. 53All Rights Reserved. What follows is not a direct quotation from Samkara, but rather my own simplified version of his argument. For the argument in Samkara's own words, see Radhakrishnan and Moore 1989: 524-525. 21

'Look out at the ocean. What is it that you see?' 'I see waves, foam, bubbles, etc., Sir.' 'Is it true that these waves, the foam, the bubbles are in some way different from the ocean?' 'No, Sir, they are indeed but a part of the ocean itself.' 'Why, then, did you speak of them as separate entities?' 'I spoke as such because my perception leads me to believe that they are separate, when in fact they are but part of the whole of the ocean.' 'Similar is the nature of the universe. Our perception leads us to believe that there are many separate, distinct entities in the universe. However, the truth is that the many are no different than the waves, foam, and bubbles: they are but a part of the One.'54

Sunyata, then, became the ultimate truth of the universe for adherents of Mahayana. One

who has attained enlightenment has attained the knowledge that the apparent duality of the

universe is ineffectual, for all is empty. If Emptiness is the Reality, then it follows that the notion

of karma must also be empty, be sharing in the absolute. Through this notion, the Mahayana

developed an ideal that karmic influence can be transcended; all one has to do is arrive at the

Truth, and enlightenment will be attained.

With this development, it appeared that there could now be not one enlightened being, as

was the case for Theravada, but an infinite number at any given time. As noted above, a major

problem for the laity with regard to the Theravada was that it offered no deities in which they

could lose themselves in adoration. The Mahayana, at first, effected little change; it still attached

itself to amorphous, ethereal concepts. However, through the ideals of karmic transcendence,

Trikaya (The Three Bodies of the Buddha), and the bodhisattva (Enlightened Being), the

Mahayana found a solution.

The Trikaya was a way of reconciling the Buddha as a tangible being with his

manifestation as an expression of the Dharma. The Trikaya divided the Buddha into three bodies

or essences:

© 1996 Jake Norton. 54A criticism of such an ideal is that the infinite cannot at once be infinite and particular, for this presents a paradox. However, it must be noted that infinitude, by nature, must be devoid of finiteness; that is, it must transcend spatiality and temporality. As Fox (1973: 102-103) notes: "...[T]he infinite is not bound by space orAll time...Consequently Rights it can be you and I; it can be Tom Jones yesterdayReserved. and Tom Jones tomorrow - and all without change in its essence...Similarly, the separate moments of time now become the Absolute expressed temporally. A second is eternity without ceasing also to be that particular second." 22

(1) Dharmakaya (Body of Essence) is the essence of the Buddha which is Sunyata, Truth, the Ultimate Reality of the universe. When one attains enlightenment, they attain unity with Dharmakaya. (2) Sambhogakaya (Body of Bliss) represents a sort of cosmic continuum between the ultimate Dharmakaya and earthly manifestation. When one has a vision of Truth, but remains in the tangible realm, it is Sambhogakaya which they have come in contact with. (3) Nirmanakaya (Body of Form, or Magic Transformation) is the earthly manifestation of the Buddha as Siddartha Gautama. This body also represents the physical manifestation of the Absolute as any and all enlightened beings.55

In this way, the laity was enabled to envision a connection between the Absolute and the

tangible: Sambhogakaya and Nirmanakaya are both worldly manifestations of the Absolute, of

Dharmakaya. This notion was coupled and supported by the concept of the bodhisattva. The

bodhisattva is a being of extreme compassion (karuna) and utmost wisdom (prajna).

The bodhisattva is endowed with wisdom of a kind whereby he looks on all beings as though victims going to the slaughter. And immense compassion grips him...So he pours out his love and compassion upon all those beings, and attends to them, thinking, "I shall become the savior of all beings, and set them free from their sufferings."56

The bodhisattva, resulting from the two necessary qualities of karuna and prajna, is in an

interesting situation. As an enlightened being, he/she understands that the apparent duality of the

universe is inconsequential, for the many are but manifestations of the Absolute, Sunyata.

Simultaneously, however, the bodhisattva is the epitome of compassion, and thus cannot abandon

the dualistic universe until all sentient beings attain enlightenment. As Fox (1973: 202) says:

"...[A]s love [compassion] drives the bodhisattva to seek untiringly the salvation of all beings, his

transcendental wisdom (prajna) obliges him to know that there are [in fact] no beings in need of

salvation: that the Dharmakaya is all!" This seeming paradox is left as is by the Mahayana notion © that1996 such is the reality of the universe:Jake certain things are notNorton. only beyond the realm of description, but also of comprehension.

55AllSee Fox (1973: 190-194) Rights for a detailed analysis of the Trikaya .Reserved. 56Astasakasrika Prajnaparamita: 22.402-3, from de Bary 1972: 81-82. 23

The final Mahayana ideal is the Prajnaparamita, or Perfection (paramita) of Wisdom

(prajna). The notion of prajna was important in Theravada, but it took on new meaning in

Mahayana philosophy. The Theravada tradition focused on desire (trishna) as the root of

suffering, and thus cessation of desire became the goal. Conversely, for Mahayana, cessation of

desire became an impossible focus. Desire is not an element, a component, of our being, but

rather it is our being; it is the root cause of everything we do, for even desiring to cease desiring

is an assertion of desire. Thus, the Mahayana recognized the futility of cessation of desire, and

focused instead upon the breaking-down of the bonds of ignorance and, thus, the assertion of

wisdom. As Fox (1973: 135) says: "[T]he Mahayanist, although by no means repudiating the

need to attack trishna by various disciplines, conceived that the main thrust of our attack should

be against dualistic ignorance, for here is the error the elimination of which will overcome even

craving." In other words, the Mahayana realizes that desire is an omnipotent, all-pervasive force

in the universe, and thus an attack upon it is nearly impossible. However, if we focus our

attention and efforts upon prajna, we will overcome desire, for true prajna is the recognition of

Sunyata, and thus the recognition that desire is futility inherent. If we attain prajnaparamita, the

Perfection of Wisdom, we become the Truth, the non-dual reality of the universe, and desire, of

necessity, ceases to be.57

Poetry is often an excellent means of conveying messages which are not easily explained.

With that in mind, the following poem, written by the thirteenth century Japanese Zen Buddhist,

Dogen, may help convey the overall message of Mahayana:

57The importance of prajnaparamita to the Mahayana is evidenced by its later personified manifestation as a goddess. 58AllThe poem comes fromRights my class notes to Professor Fox's Buddhism Reserved. (Block 1, 1995). As I have not been able to find a translation in any book, I do not know if my copy of Dogen's poem is entirely correct. Nonetheless, the basic message is accurate. 24

In the early centuries after Christ, Buddhism spread rapidly through Asia. The Mahayana

took a northern route, spreading through the Himalaya to China and on to East Asia. Theravada

followed a southern path, manifesting itself throughout Southeast Asia. Buddhism also affected

the West. Evidence of Buddhist and Hindu mystic philosophies are apparent in the Sufi sect of

Islam59, and some scholars note that Buddhist thought is evident in Neo-Platonism, Gnosticism,

and Manichaeism. De Bary (1972: 110) notes that "[i]n the Eastern [Christian] churches the story

of the Buddha's abandonment of his home for a life of asceticism, "the Great Going-Forth," has

been adapted as a Christian legend, the name of its protagonist, St. Josaphat, being evidently a

corruption of the word bodhisattva."

During this time, a new form of Buddhism began to take form, one which corresponded

to movements in Hinduism. This new form became known as Tantrism, denoting its emphasis on

the tantras, scriptures which explained magical rites, powers, and spells. Tantric Buddhism is

known as Vajrayana, or "Vehicle of the Thunderbolt".60

Philosophically, tantric Buddhism presents no fundamental deviation from previous

doctrine. Rather, it is essentially Mahayana Buddhist philosophy embodied in a far more

ritualistic tradition. Again, we see a parallel to Hindu tantra, which also represented a pragmatic

manifestation of pre-existing metaphysical philosophy. The principle dividing line, then, between

Mahayana and Vajrayana (Tantric) Buddhism is the emphasis the latter places upon sadhana, or

religious practice, ritual.61 Agehananda Bharati, in his epic The Tantric Tradition, states that:

59Islam's first interaction with the Subcontinent came in the early eighth century AD in northwest India, which was predominantly Buddhist. At that time Islam tended to take from cultures more than it gave, and thus certainly absorbed aspects of Buddhist thought which it encountered. The Sufi sect, interestingly enough, seems to have originated in the mid-eighth century, shortly after this initial contact. 60The translation is literal, for the vajra is a tantric ritual instrument symbolizing the thunderbolt. The Vajrayana has, however, also been referred to as the "Diamond Vehicle", a name which implies its © supposed1996 superiority, for if the diamondJake is an indestructible mineral, Norton. then the Diamond Vehicle must be the strongest Vehicle. 61Locke (1980: 482) gives a more detailed definition of sadhana: Evocation, i.e. the envisaging and calling forth of a divinity, normally by means of a Allrecitation (japaRights) of the appropriate mantra [mystic formula Reserved. or spell] and by meditation (dhyana) upon his representation.

The [Mahayana] Madhyamikas teach and emphasize the complete identity of nirvana and samsara, i.e. of the absolute and phenomenal modes of existence; the Vajrayana Buddhists take this notion for granted - it is on the ritualistic or contemplatively methodical side that differences arise, and these are indeed fundamental...There is thus no difference between tantric and non-tantric philosophy, as speculative eclecticism is pervasive; there is all the difference in the practical, the sadhana-part of tantrism...What distinguishes tantric from other Hindu and Buddhist teaching is its systematic emphasis on the identity of the absolute (paramartha) and the phenomenal (vyavahara) world when filtered through the exercise of sadhana. Tantric literature is not of the philosophical genre; the stress is on sadhana. (1965: 17-18)62

Whereas general metaphysical hypotheses are the same for Mahayanists and

Vajrayanists, the phenomenal practice of these principles differs greatly. This difference is

evident in nearly all tantric art, iconography, and ritual, as it seems to go against the grain of

accepted Buddhist practice: tantric deities are often depicted in erotic, sexual poses; alcohol,

meat, and other "taboo" substances are prevalent in tantric ritual. The obvious question is: How is

this blatant deviation from the norm still in keeping with Buddhist philosophy?

The tantrists believe that their mode of faith is a better, more powerful, more complete

form than that of their predecessors. Whereas Thervadin and Mahayanist thought postulated that

the road to enlightenment was a long one, the tantric ideal is that, through recitation of mantras

and intense meditation, tantric practitioners attain enlightened states now. Thus, the tantrist attains

a level of power and knowledge above and beyond his fellow Buddhists. "It was believed that

once the adept had reached a certain degree of spiritual attainment the normal rules of moral

behavior were no longer valid for him, and that their deliberate breach, if done in an odor of

sanctity, would actually help him on the upward path."63 The state of the tantric practitioner can

thus be seen as similar to that of the bodhisattva: once he has attained the ultimate wisdom © (prajna1996), the tantrist can transcend Jake common modes of conduct, Norton. for he knows that the phenomenal

62Dasgupta (1974: 1) has a similar, albeit more simplistic, explanation. "The primary concern of the Buddhist Tantras is not to establish a definite system of metaphysical thought...The main object of the Tantra literature is to indicate and explain the practical method for realizing the truth, and so, the abstract metaphysicalAll speculations Rights could never find any prominence in it."Reserved. 63de Bary 1972: 114. 26

world is, in actuality, Emptiness. As long as he knows this, he acknowledges that conventional

morality is also Empty; a deliberate breach, then, can be seen as an assertion of the tantrist's

prajna.

The erotic emphasis in much of tantric Buddhism finds a philosophic basis in tantric

thought. As was said, tantrism proposes direct interaction, through ritual, with the physical world

for spiritual attainment. In tantric thought, the phenomenal world is upaya, a masculine noun

meaning "means"; wisdom (prajna), is, in turn, a feminine noun. "Final bliss [is] to be obtained

by the union of the phenomenal Means with the noumenal Wisdom, and the most vivid symbol of

such union [is] sexual intercourse."64

An interesting aspect of the tantric tradition is its secrecy. Tantric rites, ritual, mantras,

etc. are all esoteric, magical, and thus carry with them vast amounts of power. With this in mind,

it is understandable that these magic rites be confined to a select group, for their power could

cause unknowable harm in the wrong hands. Thus, tantric practitioners became a select group

who went through secret initiation ceremonies, and many of the more important rites were held in

secret chambers. This level of secrecy is still prevalent today, making research of tantric

Buddhism difficult at best.

The development of tantric Buddhism represents the final stage of Buddhist development

in the Indian subcontinent. It is tantric Buddhism, specifically the Vajrayana school thereof, to

which the majority of Newar Buddhists adhere, and thus we now must look at how it is manifest

within Newar society.

Chapter 3: Vajrayana Buddhism in the Newar social context

The manifestation of Vajrayana within the Newar social context is important to our

discussion in two ways. First, it will show how Newar practice of Vajrayana, although in many

ways quite different from "traditional" Buddhism, nonetheless follows standard Buddhist practice

albeit in a very "Newarized" fashion. This "Newarization" of Buddhism led many scholars to

form hasty conclusions about Newar Buddhism. Henry Oldfield, a British observer living in the

Valley in the late 1800's, remarked that Newar Buddhism is "wholly and disgustingly corrupt"

and, more recently, David Snellgrove deems Newar Buddhism "Hinduism in all but name".65

Other scholars have passed a less critical (albeit no more accurate) judgement, deeming Newar

Buddhism a syncretic tradition. In light of this, Chapter Three will also demonstrate how

interpretations of this sort are actually misinterpretations of Newar Buddhism based upon a lack

of understanding of the society in which the religion is manifest. To understand the structure of

Newar society and its interplay with Vajrayana is to understand how Newar Buddhism's apparent

idiosyncrasies are reconciled within the overall Buddhist scheme.

Before we look at Newar Buddhism, we must first detail and understand the overall

structure of Newar society, from both historical and contemporary perspectives. Most scholars

agree that the Newars are the original inhabitants of the Kathmandu Valley. Having been in the

geo-political center of Nepal, their society has developed a complex dynamic unlike any other in

Nepal. Whereas ethnic groups in the Nepalese periphery have developed as predominantly Hindu

or Buddhist, the Newars have been subjected to strong influence from both sides. Thus, theirs is a

society of complex interaction and interweaving of the two "religions".66 © 1996 In keeping with the Jaketradition of the subcontinent, Norton. Newar society is caste oriented. Although it is officially outlawed, caste remains the most important determinant in Newar

65From Gellner 1992: 41. 66All Rights Reserved. I put "religions" in quotes for the idea that Hinduism and Buddhism are really separate religions is the subject of much debate. This notion will be investigated later. 28

society, especially with regard to religion; as the adage goes: "Old habits die hard." The Newars,

in keeping with the complexity of their language, have two terms for caste: jat and thar. The

latter, being polite and honorific, is most common.67 The Newar caste system is quite unique in

that it is separated between Buddhist and Hindu, each group having its own caste structure and

hierarchy.68 As Gellner (1992: 43) says:

From the Indian perspective the single most striking fact about this hierarchy is that it is twin-headed. There are two competing priestly or religious castes, the Rajopadhyaya Brahmins69 on the one side, and on the other, the Vajracarya- Sakya70 caste. Just as the Brahmins are the guardians, propagators, and indeed embodiment of Hinduism, so too are the Vajracaryas and Sakyas of traditional Buddhism in the Kathmandu Valley. Only Brahmins, Sakyas, Vajracaryas, kings, monks, and revered ascetics are addressed with the honorific auxiliary bijyaye.

The caste system is indeed an all-pervading force within Newar society. Pragmatically, it

can be looked at as a simple, ladder-type hierarchy, denoting respective rank and corresponding

duties and work.71 However, the caste structure can also be looked at symbolically. In this sense,

the caste structure relates to the tantric mandala, or sacred diagram. In a mandala, the center is the

most sacred and holy, with sanctity decreasing as one moves to the periphery. Traditionally,

Newar cities and temples are designed according to a mandalic structure. For cities, the palace is

at the center72 along with the most important shrines and temples; as one proceeds outward from

the center, households decrease correspondingly in caste rank. Likewise, for temples themselves,

the most sacred sections, those which hold the secret tantric deities (aga dyah), are at the center

67As Gellner (1992: 64) notes: "The former [jat] is the more basic and general, the latter is honorific. Thus, in asking a Newar their caste, it is polite to ask for their thar, blunt and crude to ask for their jat." 68See Appendix B for caste hierarchy and corresponding duties. 69The term Rajopadhyaya denotes traditional Newari-speaking Brahmins as opposed to Parbatiya (meaning "hill people"), those Brahmins who are of non-Newar descent and speak Nepali. The Parbatiyas came to the Valley with Prithvi Narayan Shah and the Gorkhas. © 701996 Jake Norton. These are two separate Buddhist castes, Vajracarya and Sakya (pronounced "Bajracharya" and "Shakya".) 71Gellner (1992: 45) notes that: "Ladder-type symbolism is a native [to Nepal and to the Newars], and not just an anthropological, construction." 72All Rights Reserved. Although kings are not members of the highest caste, they rank highest by default because of their ultimate societal importance. 29

and are accessible only to tantric initiates. Again, as one proceeds outward from the center, caste

accessibility moves downward correspondingly.

How, then, does one make distinctions between Buddhist and Hindu with regard to caste

and religious affiliation? Theoretically, the distinction is simple: any Newar with a Rajopadhyaya

Brahmin as his or her family priest (purohit) is sivamargi ("follower of Siva", i.e. - Hindu); those

who have a Vajracarya as a family priest are buddhamargi ("follower of Buddha", i.e. -

Buddhist). As it is not possible to have more than one family priest, it should be a simple matter

to define Newars as either the former or the latter.73 Unfortunately, this is not the case. As noted

above, the traditional holders of power in the Kathmandu Valley have been Hindus. Although

these Hindu monarchs have not always been hostile towards their Buddhist subjects, it has

nonetheless been the case that it is politically (and sometimes socially) beneficial to be Hindu.

Thus, it is not (and has not been) uncommon for buddhamargi Newars to officially register

themselves as sivamargi. Generally speaking, only the lower buddhamargi castes (i.e. - those

under Vajracarya and Sakya) would think of doing this. Gellner (1992: 54) cites a Nepali proverb

which reinforces this notion: Jasko sakti usko bhakti, which translates: "[People tend to adopt] the

devotional style of whoever holds power."

For upper-caste Newars, religious demarcation is straightforward; it is very rare for a

Vajracarya or Sakya to claim they are Hindu, and never have I heard of a Brahmin claiming to be

a Buddhist. However, the dividing line becomes hazy at best beneath these upper castes, leading

to the hasty observation noted above that Newar religion is "syncretic". In Bhaktapur, I asked a

Maharajan man if he was a Hindu or Buddhist. He replied: "I am both buddhamargi and

sivamargi. My purohit is a Vajracarya, but I still give puja [religious offerings] to Ganes and

celebrate Hindu festivals. It is not bad to worship both sides, because then you make everyone © happy!"1996 David Gellner (1992: Jake69) elaborates upon this notion: Norton.

73Identity as either buddhamargi or sivamargi is also shown by symbols painted over doorways to a Newar'sAll house. Gellner Rights (1992: 53) says: "Those who are buddhamargi Reserved. have the Five Buddhas (pancabuddha); sivamargi Newars have the Hindu trinity (trimurti: Brahma, Visnu, Mahesvara) with Mahesvara (Siva) in the centre [sic], and flanked on the outside by Ganes and Kumar, Siva's sons." 30

As one goes down the caste hierarchy it is less and less realistic to force an answer to the either/or question. The Maharajans all have Vajracarya priests in Lalitpur [Patan, where Gellner based his work]. But they too return 'Hindu' on the census form. They can distinguish between Hindu and Buddhist deities and know that high castes identify themselves as Hindu or Buddhist. But they insist on being both. Most of them are simple farmers who are extremely uncomfortable with theoretical questions. For them at least it is certainly true that religion is a matter of action, not belief; and those actions - rituals, festivals, and music- making - which were good enough for their forbears are good enough for most of them: speech-making, confessions of faith, and soteriology are left to the high castes.

With that said, it is important now to look at the three possible divisions of religious

devotion among the Newars and how these divisions correspond to religious demarcation.

Without this contextual division and analysis, one is apt to incorrectly interpret Newar religion as

Snellgrove and Oldfield did, for religious affiliation among the Newar takes on different

meanings and intensities depending upon which of the three divisions is in practice. Gellner

(1992: 5-6) terms these divisions: soteriology; social religion; and instrumental religion. Briefly,

these mean the following:

(1) Soteriology - The aspect of religion which is principally concerned with salvation, with transcendence of worldly existence. This is the philosophical and theological side of religion. (2) Social Religion - Social religion includes calendrical events such as festivals, life-cycle rites, and the like. (3) Instrumental Religion - Ritual, rites, and similar activities are included in this group. For Newar Buddhists, tantric rituals fall under the heading of instrumental religion; as the name implies, these are this-worldly actions which serve a specific purpose or goal.

Newars tend to view religion mainly as a set of practices, of rituals, and thus abstract

philosophy plays a minor part. Therefore, soteriology takes a backseat compared to the Newar © emphasis1996 upon social and instrumental Jake forms of religion. 74 Norton.

74Gellner (1992: 68-70) divides social religion into two camps: traditional and modern social contexts. The traditionalAll context is describedRights below. The modern context relates Reserved. to contemporary politically influenced views of religion. As Gellner states: "[In contemporary context] Buddhism is often associated in the minds of high-caste Hindu Newars with educational backwardness, obscurantism, and low social prestige." 31

On the soteriological side of things, religious affiliation is evident. Soteriology is mainly

the concern of the high castes75, and they rarely, if ever, vary between allegiances. A Vajracarya

unequivocally adheres to Buddhist notions of soteriology, and a Brahmin to Hindu modes. For

social religious functions, religious allegiance is evident as well. However, "caste and context

must be cited too."76 Take, for example, the Newar festival of Karunamaya/Matsyendranath.77

This festival is celebrated by all Newars, regardless of religious affiliation. However, the identity

of this deity is interesting, for Buddhists tend to call him Karunamaya78, and identify him with

the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, whereas Hindus refer to him as Matsyendranath and identify him

with Siva and Krisna. To confuse matters, however, a lower caste member may refer to him as

either Karunamaya, Matsyendranath, or as Bugadyah - a term designating no specific religion per

se - depending upon context (i.e. - depending upon whether he/she is talking to a Hindu,

Buddhist, or another low-caste member to whom religious affiliation is irrelevant).79

In the realm of instrumental religion, designations of "Hindu" and "Buddhist" are

somewhat irrelevant. "When Newars seek an urgent cure for some worldly ill, they usually do not

stop to consider whether it is [a] Hindu or Buddhist [solution, cure, rite, etc.]."80 The upper

castes, principally concerned with soteriology, take little interest in instrumental religion aside

from overseeing the various rites. It is primarily the lower castes which seek out practitioners for

instrumental rites, and thus it follows that the religious affiliation of the practitioner is of little

importance.

75By high caste I am referring to Vajracaryas and Sakyas, and will continue to do so unless otherwise noted. Low caste, then, will refer to those castes below Vajracarya and Sakya (i.e. Maharajan, et al.). 76Gellner 1992: 66. 77 The festival takes place in all three Valley cities. During the festival, Karunamaya/Matsyendranath is placed upon an enormous chariot (some forty feet tall) and paraded around the city along the proscribed © festival1996 route. The festival lasts severalJake days, and, when finished, Norton.the deity is returned to his resting place in Buga. For elaboration on this festival, see Locke 1980 - by far the most detailed account of this unique Newar celebration. 78Karunamaya means, in Nepali and Newari, "embodiment of compassion". 79The term Bugadyah, literally translated, means the god (dyah) of Buga, the village where KarunamayaAll/Matsyendranath Rights is housed for most of the year. Reserved. 80Gellner 1992: 68. 32

The "either/or" issue is also evident within the Newar pantheon.81 Here again we see a

distinct demarcation for the upper castes while the lower castes tend not to worry about the camp

to which a certain deity belongs. The morning puja in Bhaktapur demonstrates this perfectly; the

upper castes pay homage to the deities of their respective religion, while I saw most lower caste

Newars giving puja to the Buddha, Siva, Ganes, etc. with equal fervor and devotion.82

Thus, we see that the Newar pantheon corresponds to the structure of the Newar caste

system. Here again the inner/outer-Tantric/non-Tantric distinction shows itself. It has been noted

that upper caste Newars are the tantric initiates and tend to have distinct religious affiliations

whereas the low caste, non-tantric initiates disregard religious affiliation. Likewise, in the Newar

pantheon, the highest gods and goddesses (below the absolute) are tantric, are visited only by

(high-caste) tantric initiates, and can be designated as either Hindu or Buddhist. Conversely, the

lower deities are primarily non-tantric, are worshipped by all castes, and cannot be said to be the

property of one religion or the other. As Michael Allen writes:

A number of informants, both Hindu and Buddhist, stressed the importance of the distinction between guhya and bahira ["inner" and "outer", respectively]. Guhya refers to all that is inner or secret while bahira connotes all things that are outer or open. The dichotomy is fundamental not only to all forms of Tantricism but to the very fabric of Newar social life. Group membership is commonly defined by ritual initiation and social boundaries are maintained by secrecy and closure...For a Newar Buddhist the most basic inner/outer dichotomy is that between tantric and non-tantric.83

Thus, we see that Newar society, and the religions which go hand-in-hand with it, is

remarkably complex. It is a caste-based society which is twin-headed with identifiable religious

affiliation at the top and a more hazy, blurred spectrum as one proceeds down the caste hierarchy. © Newar1996 Buddhism itself is no lessJake surprising and complex thanNorton. the society in which it is manifest.

81For the structure of the Newar pantheon, see Appendix C. 82Ganes, who is commonly associated with the Hindu pantheon, takes on a different context within the sphere of Newar religion. Here he is the revered by both religions equally, and generally regardless of caste.All This will be discussedRights again later. Reserved. 83Allen 1987: 56-57. 33

The Newars view Vajrayana Buddhism as divided into three distinct Ways (yanas).

These are:84

(1) Sravakayana (The Way of the Disciples) - This path is characterized by emphasis upon monasticism, ascetic rules, and devout worship of the Buddha. The Sravakayana is embodied by the Theravada tradition. (2) Mahayana (The Great Way) - As above noted, Mahayana is characterized by the worship of the Buddha and all bodhisattvas, the fulfillment of householder duties, and striving for the bodhisattva's moral perfections. (3) Vajrayana (The Diamond Way) - The Vajrayana stresses worship of the various Tantric deities, the taking of Tantric initiation (for the Vajracarya), and the attainment of magical powers and advanced mental states through strict, ritualistic devotional practices.85

As we will see, the Three Ways are woven into Newar society; as one moves up the

social hierarchy (from low to high caste), each of the yanas is passed through. For the Newar

Buddhist, the epitome of devotional practice is embodied in the Vajracarya member who follows

not one, but all three, yanas. This person simultaneously pursues the monastic life, the duties of a

householder, and the esoteric practices and principles of a Vajrayana tantric priest.86 The Newar

Buddhist pantheon can be segmented to correspond to the Three Ways, as can the architectural

structure of Newar monasteries. For the pantheon, the Buddha represents the Sravakayana, all the

bodhisattvas (Karunamaya/Avalokitesvara, Manjusri, etc.) correspond to the Mahayana, and

Vajrasattva (the "Great Buddha") represents the Vajrayana. "Similarly the architecture of the

[Newar] Buddhist monastery, with its three shrines, to Sakyamuni [the Buddha], to the

bodhisattva Amoghapasa Lokesvara, and the Tantric shrine...[reflects] the same hierarchy."87

And, finally, the Three Ways are manifest within the Newar caste hierarchy: all castes pursue the

Mahayana; Vajracaryas and Sakyas are seen as hereditary inheritors of the monastic tradition

(Sravakayana); and Vajracaryas specifically strive to become tantric priests. Having outlined the

84Adapted from Gellner 1992: 114. © 851996 Jake Norton. Gellner (1992: 112) lists two additional yanas: the Sahajayana (Way of the Innate), and the Pratyekabuddhayana (Way of the Solitary Buddhas). However, the functions and notions of these two yanas are known only to very learned Vajracaryas and Sakyas; thus, since they play a small role in everyday Newar life, they are omitted here. 86AllFor the book on thisRights subject, see Gellner 1992. Reserved. 87Gellner 1992: 113. 34

abstract application of Vajrayana Buddhism within Newar society, we must now look at the

individual applications of Vajrayana philosophy and methodology within contemporary Newar

social confines.

Devotional practice for the lower Newar castes is composed primarily of instrumental

and social forms. Traditionally, and to some extent contemporarily, the low castes represented the

uneducated, manual laborers of society; attachment to soteriological concepts was beyond both

their comprehension and interest. Thus, the lower castes adhere principally to the householder

and basic devotional aspects of the Mahayana.

The activities entailed therein are seen daily in the Valley. Early morning finds the

viharas ringing with devotees giving puja to the deities. These devotees generally follow the

traditional Five Offerings (pancopacara puja) for morning puja, offering the following to the

deities: marigold petals, incense, light (usually a candle), red vermilion powder, and occasionally

food or water. Other devotees make a more simplistic offering by simply bowing the head.

Although exotic and strange to the outsider, these actions are no different to the Newar than a

devout Christian going to Church every Sunday; daily pujas are done methodically and out of

habit, with little thought given to why it is done. At Kwa Baha in Patan, I spoke to a farmer one

morning about religion and religious devotion. Eventually, I asked him why he came and did his

puja every morning. With a bewildered look, he said:

I come here and make offerings because it is my duty to do it, because it is my religion. If we make offerings, the gods are happy with us, and they take care of us. What more reason do I need?

For more elaborate and intricate rituals, a Vajracarya priest is often called upon to

officiate. Such occasions meriting this are birth, marriage, death, and other similar life-cycle rites. © However,1996 again this is done mainlyJake through force of habit Norton.rather than philosophical justification. All Rights Reserved. 35

In all, the religious life of the lower castes entails belief in Mahayana ideals, adherence to

Buddhist codes of conduct, and participation in various tantric rites.88

As one moves up the social hierarchy, individual practice of Vajrayana becomes

increasingly elaborate and intricate. At the lower levels, devotional practice means simple day-to-

day ritual activities, whereas the religious life of Vajracaryas and Sakyas is far more complex.

Here we see the devotional aspects of the Three Ways interwoven into the fabric of upper-caste

Newar life.

The Sakyas and Vajracaryas are known collectively as Bare, meaning inheritors of the

monastic tradition. It is worth noting here how the monastic tradition is manifest within Newar

society. Traditionally, Buddhist monasticism is qualified by the prefix "celibate". However, as

was noted, upper caste Newars (Bare) are both householders and monks, thus rendering

impossible any celibate practice. When and how the tradition of celibate monasticism changed in

Newar society is still unknown, although many scholars look to Jyasthiti Malla's fourteenth

century codification of the caste system (and the subsequent incorporation of Newar Buddhists

into this system) as a reason. Under this system, the status of the Bare was equivalent to that of

high-caste Hindus, a dramatic change from the traditional low-status of Buddhists within the

Hindu caste system.89 However, continued adherence to celibate monasticism, seen as backward

and silly by many Hindus, may have provoked discrimination, leading to the abandonment of

celibacy by the Buddhist elite.

Regardless of this apparent discrepancy, the Bare continue to refer to themselves as

monks. As a member of the Vajracarya and Sakya castes, each male must also be a member of a

samgha, or Monastic Community. Each samgha stems from one of the many monasteries (baha

© 881996Participation in tantric rites is limited,Jake as noted above, by the inner/outerNorton. dichotomy inherent in Vajrayana. One's position within the social hierarchy coincides directly with his/her level of involvement in the rites: the higher one sits within the social scheme, the greater his/her access to the center. 89Jyasthiti Malla's caste codification was in place for nearly four hundred years. However, the Ranas imposedAll a striking changeRights in the system with their Law Code of Reserved.1854, a strict caste hierarchy which reflected Parbatiya dominance. This hierarchy lowered Vajracarya and Sakya status to Non-enslavable aclohol-drinkers, eleven castes below the top. See Appendix D. 36

or bahi; Sanskrit: vihara) of the Valley.90 To become a member, a Sakya or Vajracarya boy must

undergo the Monastic Initiation ritual in his baha.91 (The Monastic Initiation is called Bare

Chyuyegu, as opposed to Vajracarya priestly initiation [Aca Luyegu], which will be detailed

later.) Although each monastery performs the Monastic Initiation with its own variations, much is

common ground, and, although the rite "preserves many features of the ancient Buddhist

ordination rite,...it places them in a Mahayana and Vajrayana framework which changes their

import."92

The Initiation rite is open only to sons of members of the particular samgha in question,

and the Initiation must take place in that baha. Traditionally, standard initiation age was ten years

old, and certainly before puberty. However, as Locke (1980: 42) notes, "[i]nitiation ceremonies

are lengthy and expensive; hence especially in the smaller bahas, initiations are held at irregular

intervals whenever there are enough candidates to share the expenses. Jana Baha in Kathmandu

had an initiation ceremony in February of 1975, the first in ten years. At that ceremony twenty-

five boys, ranging in age from six months to eleven years were initiated."

One week before the initiation, the candidates present the samgha elders with gifts and

ask for the pravrajya initiation. Pravrajya is the traditional Sanskrit term designating the

initiation rite for a layman to become a Buddhist monk.93 If accepted, the boy returns again one

day before the four-day initiation begins to learn the guru mandala rite. This rite honors the great

tantric deity Vajrasattva and is the most important rite, being performed before each and every

Vajrayana puja; the candidate will perform the guru mandala the following day. Before he

90In Newari, monasteries are referred to as bahas and bahis. The distinction between these two terms is complicated. At the most basic level, bahis are remnants of the oldest Valley monasteries and samghas. Their members are referred to as brahmacarya bhiksus (celibate monks). Conversely, members of baha samghas are referred to simply as Sakyas; thus, many believe that the bahis are both older than bahas and © clung1996 to the celibate tradition longer Jake than their baha counterparts. Norton. For an in-depth investigation of these two terms, see Locke 1980: 13-19. For the sake of brevity, I will refer generically to monasteries as bahas, but will use the appropriate term when speaking of a specific baha or bahi. 91The following description of the Monastic Initiation rite is quite brief. For an in-depth description thereof, see Locke 1975: 1-23; and Locke 1980: 39-47. 92AllGellner 1992: 163. Rights Reserved. 93Locke 1980: 42. 37

leaves, the head of the samgha ties a gold ring into a tuft of the boy's hair in preparation for the

shaving of the head.

On the first day of the initiation, the boys perform the guru mandala rite in turn. Then, in

keeping with traditional monastic initiation, they proclaim that they take refuge in the Buddha,

the Dharma, and the Samgha, and are read the panca sila, the five rules of monastic discipline.

The candidates' heads are then shaved, leaving only the top knot (cuda), and they are given a

loincloth.94 The boys are then asked to reaffirm their desire to become monks; the rite has taken

them to the point of initiated householders, and they must give consent for the rite to continue.

Once their consent is given, the boys begin the pravrajya rite itself. They are brought in

front of the kwapa dyah (guardian deity of the baha, usually the Buddha or a prominent

bodhisattva) shrine. Here the head of the samgha cuts off the top knot and the loincloth, and

pours sacred water over the boy's head. "The cutting of the top knot and shedding of the loin cloth

symbolize the renunciation of the status of householder and the rejection of all caste status by the

bhiksu [monk]."95 The candidates are subsequently presented with the utensils of a bhiksu: a red

or yellow robe, a begging bowl, a staff, and a ritual umbrella.

Having done this, the head of the samgha gives the candidates a new name, again

symbolizing their renunciation of householder and caste status. Next comes the puja of the three

jewels: the Buddha mandala, Dharma mandala, and the Samgha mandala; this is followed by the

dasa sila, the ten rules of discipline for the bhiksu. At the close of the rite, the following prayer is

recited:

May all those who have undergone this rite of pravrajya in the presence of the Buddha, ever be victorious by the favour [sic] of the gods and the power of fire, water, sky, and the vital spirit, as long a Mt. Meru stands, as long as the Ganga flows, as long as the earth, the sun, and the moon remain constant.96 © 1996 Jake Norton.

94Interestingly, although perhaps not coincidentally, the head shaving ceremony is exactly the same as the householder initiation for caste Hindus. See Locke 1980: 43. 95AllLocke 1980: 44. Rights Reserved. 96Ibid: 44-45. 38

As initiated members of the samgha, the boys are now permitted to enter the shrine of the

kwapa dyah where they are presented with a golden kalasa (ritual water vessel). As they are now

bhiksus, the boys must begin to beg for their food, and thus the next initiatory step is a ritual

alms-giving. The conclusion of the rite is a procession of the new bhiksus around the city.

For the next four days, the boys must wholeheartedly live the life of a monk, eating but

one meal a day (before noon), begging for food, keeping the rules of discipline, etc. After four

days, the boys return to the baha for the civara kote vidhi, or "laying aside of the monks robes".97

The boys are taken to the baha's secret puja room (agam) for this rite; here they have the

following conversation with a priest:

'Oh, guru, oh, upadhyaya, we find that it is too difficult to spend our whole life like this as sramanas.' 'If you find it too difficult to live as sramanas, then live as householders. If you want heaven (savarga) you can obtain it by being a householder, but do not indulge in violence, do not tell lies, do not covet another's wife. If you avoid these things, you will obtain heaven.'98

The boys are now all officially initiated members of the Bare caste, and also members of

their samgha. As such, they are entitled to participation in tantric rites, festivals, and the like.

Their membership also entails certain duties, such as attending the shrine of the kwapa dyah. For

Sakya boys, the initiation process ends here; however, Vajracarya boys have one more step to

take: the initiation of the Vajracarya.99

This rite is known in Newari as aca luyegu (making of an acarya) and in Sanskrit as

panchaybhiseka (the five consecrations). The eldest Vajracarya of the baha performs this rite,

which consists of five tantric consecrations known collectively as abhiseka: the kalasabhiseka

(water flask consecration); mukutabhiseka (crown consecration); vajrabhiseka (vajra or diamond

© 971996 Jake Norton. In Sanskrit, this is vratamoksana, or "release from the vows." See Locke 1980: 46. 98Ibid: 46. 99As noted above, Vajracaryas and Sakyas are known collectively as Bare. Initiated Vajracaryas are generallyAll referred to withRights the honorific title gubhaju. As Locke (1980:Reserved. 10ff) notes: "Gubhaju is a contraction of guru-bhaju. The Sanskrit term guru [teacher] is a common term of address for the Vajracaryas to this day. Bhaju is a Newari term of respect similar to the Sanskrit Sriman." 39

consecration); ghantabhiseka (bell consecration); and guhyabhiseka (secret consecration).100 The

first four implements are all ritual objects the Vajracarya will need to perform his priestly

functions. The secret consecration leads back to the fundamentals of tantric thought, that of the

symbolic union of prajna and upaya (wisdom and means). In the rite, a tantric Yogi (usually

Herukacakrasamvara) representing prajna is symbolically united with his consort, who in turn

represents upaya.

After the consecrations, the boy is presented with a new mantra, and sworn to secrecy

about details of the initiation process, especially anything pertaining to the content of the mantra.

With this completed, the boy is now an initiated Vajracarya.101 Again, this carries with it

privileges and duties. As a Vajracarya priest, the boy is entitled to full participation in secret

tantric rites from which all others are excluded; he is also entitled to perform initiation rites. The

Vajracarya also may take on jajmans, or religious clients. The priest will perform religious duties

for his jajmans and receive payment in return.

Thus, we see that as one moves up the Newar social hierarchy, one moves through each

of the Three Ways of Buddhism. As Locke (1980: 46) writes:

From the viewpoint of the Vajracarya, the initiated passes through successively higher forms of Buddhism. Starting as a totally uninitiated boy, he is first initiated as a householder (upasaka), i.e. a Buddhist layman. Then he becomes a Hinayana monk through the pravrajya. With the "laying aside of the robes" he embraces the Mahayana stage, and, if he is a Vajracarya, he [is] further initiated into the mysteries of the Vajrayana, i.e. the adamantine way, the highest and most powerful of the Buddhist ways of attaining enlightenment.

The lower castes, then, are the embodiment of the Mahayana way as it applies to a

householder. To some extent these householders also partake in the Vajrayana, albeit to a small

degree resulting from the inner/outer dichotomy. The Sakyas are the societal manifestation of the © first1996 two Ways, that of the householderJake and the Hinayana (Norton.sravakayana) monk. Again, they, too,

100Ibid: 47. 101AllYet another Vajracarya Rights initiation exists which one may or mayReserved. not take, depending on preference. It is called dekkha in Newari (Sanskrit - diksa), and is rarely implemented today. See Locke 1980: 50-55 for a description. 40

play a role in Vajrayana rites, but are not fully initiated members therein. Finally, the Vajracaryas

represent the synthesis of all three Ways, for they are at once householders, monks, and

Vajrayana priests.

The societal interplay of the Three Ways is no less evident today than it was in the past.

Monastic and Vajracarya initiations continue, and the principle bahas of the Valley continue to

ring with devotional fervor. However, some additional notes on everyday Newar practice of

Vajrayana Buddhism, with specific attention to Bhaktapur, are necessary in order to explain and

understand the apparent idiosyncrasies of Newar Buddhist practice.

Again, Bhaktapur is the "old-city" of Kathmandu. Walking its streets is a virtual back-

step in time: cobblestone and brick streets are choked with cows, pigs, goats, and children.

Traditional architecture abounds here. Ancient brick buildings rise several stories, their dusty red

facades accented by intricately carved wooden windows in the traditional Newari fashion.102 The

intense religiosity of Bhaktapur is emphasized by the abundance of temples and shrines therein:

on each and every street numerous shrines are found, outposts of devotion to the Newar pantheon.

The bahas of Bhaktapur, although notably weaker than those of Kathmandu and Patan,

are nonetheless active.103 I visited many of the bahas of Bhaktapur, watched their morning pujas,

and spoke to many visitors. Of these bahas, two are worthy of specific attention here. First is

Tadichen Baha (also called Caturbrahma Mahavihara) near Layaku Tole (see map). This

elaborate baha presents the visitor with several interesting aspects of Newar Buddhism. The

earliest inscription found in the baha, and thus the best date that can be given for its founding, is

Nepal Samvat 610 (AD 1489). The structure of the baha is standard style: a low entryway -

marked by a large, gold torana depicting the bodhisattva Sahasrabhaju Lokesvara - leads into a

© 1996 Jake Norton. 102The Newars, especially those in Bhaktapur, are renowned for their woodworking. Perhaps the finest example of Newar woodwork is the famous "Peacock Window" near the Dattatraya Square. 103Locke 1985 is the only comprehensive survey of the bahas and bahis of the Kathmandu Valley. AlthoughAll other works, Rights such as Gellner 1992, detail specific monasteries, Reserved. Locke's is the only work which identifies and presents a brief history of every identifiable baha and bahi (or remnant thereof) in the Valley. 41

central courtyard pockmarked by various shrines. The courtyard, in keeping with tradition, is

surrounded by the residences of the samgha.

Immediately to right of the entryway is a shrine housing an icon of Ganes. Directly

across the courtyard from these icons is the kwapa dyah shrine to Padmapani Lokesvara. The

kwapa dyah shrine is flanked by rows of prayer wheels, while the courtyard is accented by a

small caitya (stupa, or Buddhist shrine; literally, stupa means "heap" or "mound") on the ground

and one perched atop a pillar.

During morning puja, many devotees from all castes visited the baha to make their

offerings. The majority of the devotees were Newar Buddhists, although several Hindus also gave

puja. Every visitor unconditionally made offerings first to Ganes and then continued their duties.

I asked one man why Ganes was given puja in a Buddhist baha, and also why his puja came

before all others. The man, Ram Prasad Sakya, responded thus:

Ganes is both Hindu and Buddhist; he is everyone's god and no one's god. We give him puja when going and coming to make him happy. If we don't do this, Ganes will be angry and will not take care of us. He won't come back and our ceremonies won't be good any more. Ganes is very important to us all.

The practice of worshipping Ganes is not unique to Tadichen Baha; in fact, Ganes is

worshipped first in nearly all Newar rituals, be them Hindu or Buddhist. Gellner (1992: 83-84)

notes that this is often done by simply lighting a symbolic oil-lamp. Regardless, it is commonly

believed that worship of Ganes before any undertaking will remove all potential pitfalls therein.

Gellner goes on to cite a local myth which explains how Ganes attained this privilege in Buddhist

devotion:

[T]he figure of Ganes...represents the local incarnation of Ganes...,Jala Vinayaka (Kwenadyah), who caused problems for the spiritual exercises of Oddiyanacarya [Padmasambhava104] because the latter had not invited him along with all the © 1996other gods. To appease Jake his anger Oddiyanacarya Norton.laid down that Jala Vinayaka should be worshipped before any undertaking.105

104AllPadmasambhava isRights the famed bodhisattva who brought Buddhism Reserved. to Tibet. 105Gellner 1992: 84. 42

Lum Baha (Lumbavarna Mahavihara) in Sukul Dhoka presents another interesting picture

of Newar Buddhism in practice. Here we find an old baha structure which now houses a shrine to

the Hindu god, Bhimsen. Within the baha complex are large images of the Buddha; a small caitya

sits directly in front of the Bhimsen shrine, and an icon of Ganes graces the entryway. Bhimsen

himself is flanked by Ganes and Kumar, Ganes' brother. Locke (1985: 436) notes that the

Bhimsen shrine was established in 1592 and gradually overtook the baha. The morning puja at

Lum Baha consisted mainly of Hindus, although a few Buddhist Maharajans did appear. Every

devotee first made offerings to Ganes, then proceeded to each of the four Buddha-images on the

caitya, and finally gave puja to Bhimsen. Many visitors also paid homage to a large Buddha

image in the far corner.

In both cases, we see practices in contemporary Bhaktapur which, in the past, led

observers to the conclusion that Newar Buddhism is syncretic.106 This hasty conclusion is

understandable, especially when viewed from a Western mindset - i.e. one which sees different

religions as mutually exclusive. For the Western interpreter, the God or gods of one religion

cannot be the shared property of another. Sylvain Levi wrote:

As inheritors of Greek logic and Jewish monotheism we instinctively apply the principle of contradiction to religious beliefs; for us gods and worshippers are classified in closed sets, which we consider exclusive to the point of antagonism. Statisticians, processing in a laughably literal-minded manner, calculate the total number of Buddhists, Confucians, or Shintoists. An Indian (Hindou) a Chinaman, or a Japanese would be incapable of understanding them.107

106Gellner (1992: 41) cites another common example which leads to the premature judgment that Newar religion is syncretic. "The story is often told of the foreigner visiting the Kathmandu Valley who asks a Newar whether he is a Hindu or a Buddhist, and he gets the simple but confusing reply 'Yes'." © 1071996Levi, Sylvain. 1905. Le Nepal: Jake etude historique d'un royaume Norton.hindou. Paris: Leroux. Volume I, p. 317. From: Gellner 1992: 41. During an interview with me, Father John Locke offered the following insight on Newar "syncretism": "Many people apply the term syncretic to Newar religion because we look at it with the presupposition that different religions must remain different. Newar's don't see it that way. And to say thatAll their religion is syncreticRights implies that somewhere along the lineReserved. some sort of compromise between the two faiths [Hinduism and Buddhism] was reached. Neither a Newar Hindu nor a Newar Buddhist would agree with this." 43

On the same note, David Gellner, in Monk, Householder, and Tantric Priest, relegates the

inadequacy of these judgments (i.e. Oldfield's, Snellgrove's, and those who label Newar

Buddhism "syncretic") to two categories: empirical and theoretical. "Empirically, Newar

Buddhism has been described without any reference to Newar Buddhists' own values and beliefs;

theoretically, such descriptions presuppose a Judaeo-Christian [sic] definition of religion and

religious allegiance which hinders comprehension of Asian realities."108

In Newar society, no deity is considered the sole property of any single faith, especially

at the lower levels of the social hierarchy. Gellner (1992: 80-83) notes that this sharing of deities

within the Newar religious scheme represents a "multivalency of symbols". That is, many deities,

rites, festivals, and symbols are indeed the common property of both Hinduism and Buddhism,

but the way in which they are manifest within the respective faith differs.

Karunamaya/Matsyendranath is a prime example of the multivalency of symbols: Hindus

generally refer to him as Matsyendranath and equate his identity with Siva or Krisna; Buddhists,

on the other hand, call him Karunamaya and identify him with Avolakitesvara. And finally, low-

caste Newars call him Bugadyah, and worship him as Siva, Krisna, or Avalokitesvara, depending

upon context.

The multivalence of symbols is also evident in the worship of the goddess Kumari.109

Kumari is a virgin goddess in human form worshipped throughout the Kathmandu Valley by

Hindu and Buddhist Newars alike. She is always referred to as Kumari, but Buddhists identify her

with the tantric deity Vajradevi, while Hindus equate her with Taleju, Laksmi (the Goddess of

Wealth), and Durga (the Goddess of Destruction). Interestingly, all Kumaris must be daughters of

Vajracarya or Sakya goldsmiths, again demonstrating the multivalence of symbols in that a

Buddhist girl is worshipped as Kumari by Hindus, although they transfer her identity to the Hindu © pantheon.1996 Jake Norton.

108AllGellner 1992: 41-42. Rights Reserved. 109See Allen 1987. 44

Gellner (1992: 79-80) cites another example of the multivalency of symbols within the

Newar pantheon. He pulls this example from the (Newar) Hindu pilgrimage text, the Nepala

Mahatmya, which:

recommends that pilgrims visit [the Buddhist tantric deity] Vajrayogini, who is described as a form of Parvati, and Svayambhu. Svayambhu is described simply as a Buddhist site, with no attempt to pretend it is 'really' Hindu...; elsewhere, however, the text says that to worship the Buddha is to worship Siva and that the Buddha is a form of Visnu...Pratap Malla, King of Kathmandu between 1641 and 1674, recorded publicly that he worshipped Svayambhu as a form of Siva...A Brahman [sic] told me that underneath Svayambhu's stupa there is actually a linga (the rounded cylindrical cult object which is the most common representation of Siva). This clearly shows...that different actors evaluate that pantheon in different ways. The hierarchy illustrated in Figure 12 [see Appendix C] is not rigid: there is plenty of room for debate about who is the highest god and how other gods are related to him or her.

This multivalency of symbols, the interplay and interweaving of faiths within Newar

society, often puzzles and befuddles the outside observer. Thus, Newar Buddhism has had several

wrongful judgments passed against it. When viewed in light of the multivalency of symbols

within Newar society, the structure of the Newar pantheon, and pragmatic interpretation of

Buddhism by Newars, these criticisms and interpretations dissipate. The strangeness of Newar

Buddhism also dissipates when looked upon with regard to what is known of the religious

situation in India during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It is here that we can begin to draw

conclusions and see correlations between contemporary Bhaktapur and ancient India, and realize

the relative truth of Levi's assertion that the Kathmandu Valley is indeed a laboratory detailing

CHAPTER 4: "India in the making..."

The Brahmans [sic] carried out a flanking movement against the Buddha; unable to topple their adversary, they resigned themselves to accepting him in order to absorb him.110

Buddhism was born in India111 nearly 2500 years ago. Since then, it has demonstrated

incredible dynamism, quickly adapting itself to new surroundings as it spread across Asia. From

Theravada to Vajrayana, Pure Land to Zen, Buddhism found a niche everywhere it went.

However, it failed to accomplish this in the place where it would be most expected: in its home,

its birthplace, in India. Why Buddhism failed to survive in its homeland is the topic of much

debate, and one to which concrete answers will probably never be found. However, we do know

certain aspects of Indian society contributed to the overall weakening of Buddhist appeal, and this

weakening culminated in the late-twelfth century Muslim invasions into India and subsequent

persecution of Buddhists therein. Investigation of all the possible reasons for Buddhism's fall is

clearly beyond the scope (and point) of this thesis, and thus only critical aspects thereof (i.e.-

those which correlate to contemporary Bhaktapur) will be discussed.

The first and foremost in this list is the hazy dividing line between faiths, especially at the

lower social levels. Although Buddhist theology and philosophy postulated strict adherence to

Buddhist codes of conduct, it, even at the beginning, did not necessarily discourage patronage by

the laity of traditional deities and allegiances. As Conze (1980: 39) points out:

He [a Buddhist layman] must have devotion for the Three Treasures [i.e. the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Samgha]...and faith is the virtue apposite to a householder's state of life. But this faith is not an exclusive one and does not entail a rejection of his ancestral beliefs and of the Brahmanic religious usages of © 1996his social environment. Jake The Triple Jewel is notNorton. a jealous God and is not displeased by the worship of the deities of a man's country or caste.

110Levi, Sylvain. 1905. Le Nepal: etude historique d'un royaume hindou. Paris: Leroux. Volume I, pp. 371- 2. From: Gellner 1992: 73. 111All Rights Reserved. Although Lumbini, where Siddartha Gautama was born, is in contemporary Nepal, it was, in the Buddha's time, part of India proper. 46

From the beginning, life for the Buddhist laity in India was similar to that of the Newar

Buddhist laity in contemporary Bhaktapur. Strict recognition of theological demarcation was not

encouraged, and thus the laity, although philosophically and theologically Buddhist, continued

their traditional devotional adherence to Hinduism.

Even when Buddhism was strongest in India, theistic Hinduism continued to thrive and

develop. The six orthodox schools of Hinduism (Nyaya, Vaisesika, Samkhya, Yoga, Purva

Mimamsa, and Vedanta112) persisted and developed with little resistance posed by Buddhism.

The relative strength of Hinduism was reinforced in the eighth century by the sage Samkara.

Samkara's work, based upon reinterpretation of the sacred Upanisads, provided the

philosophic basis for the Advaita Vedanta school of Hinduism.113 Essentially, Samkara's

philosophy was a direct rebuttal of any claim that Buddhism was a separate philosophical system

from Hinduism. Through his commentaries on the Upanisads, Samkara developed a convincing

argument showing that the main tenets of Buddhist thought were actually contained in these

ancient texts. His philosophy was non-dualist. Samkara asserted that the tangible, dualistic world

was nothing more than an illusion based upon the combined forces of ignorance and perception.

The ultimate reality of the universe, for Samkara, was Brahman, the theoretical equivalent of

Mahayana Sunyata.114 By popularizing this philosophical system, clearly demonstrating its

doctrinal and theoretical compatibility with Buddhism, and tying it to the Upanisads (which pre-

date Buddhism), Samkara developed the Hindu potential to lure many Buddhists back into the

Hindu fold.

© 1121996See Radhakrishnan and Moore Jake 1989. Norton. 113Samkara's work is actually a continuation and popularization of that done by his mentor, Gaudapada. See Fox 1993. There are three principle Vedanta schools; Samkara's is given the prefix Advaita to denote its non-dual stance. 114AllHowever, Samkara's Rights Brahman was a slightly more positive (albeitReserved. only semantically) notion than the Sunyata of Buddhism in that Brahman is best described as a state of "unconscious consciousness" as compared to the "Emptiness" or "Void" of Sunyata. 47

As noted above, Samkara used the analogy of the ocean to demonstrate his non-dual

philosophy. We see different parts of the ocean (i.e. waves, foam, bubbles, spray, etc.) and

perceive them as different; however, upon further investigation, we realize that all these things

are no different than the ocean itself. This analogy presents a striking comparison to a Mahayana

analogy using clay:

All...views [of duality] do not pass beyond name and form. Just as the clay is one thing, but makes many kinds of vessels, some called potsherds and some called pots. The potsherds are broken up and become a pot; the pot is broken up and becomes potsherds, and afterwards it returns to being clay. As a potsherd, nothing is lost, and as a pot nothing is gained. The difference is only in designation.115

Samkara went on to establish a pragmatic parallel to Buddhism through his four Yogas,

or "ways to union with Brahman". The four Yogas are: Karma, right action; Bhakti, right

devotion; Jnana, pure discrimination or intellect; and Raja, right meditation. Another pragmatic

development by Samkara was the advent of a Hindu monastic tradition; by his death at age thirty-

two, Samkara has established ten Advaita Vedanta monastic orders. In all, Samkara provided the

Buddhist laity with a compatible system within the bounds of classical Hindu tradition.

Conze (1980: 100) notes another factor contributing to Buddhist decline in India. For a

religion to continue as a strong force in any society, it generally needs dynamic, creative impulse.

Buddhism began, of course, with a tremendous creative impulse in the form of Siddartha

Gautama. One hundred and forty years after his death, creativity again asserted itself in the

collectivization of his teachings and the development of Theravada. The Mahayana and its

various sub-systems represent another dynamic transition in Indian Buddhism. However, after

1000 AD, "the Buddhists had nothing new to say any more...[A] new outburst of creative activity © was1996 due in the eleventh [century Jake], and was necessary to theNorton. rejuvenation of the religion. It failed to take place."116

115AllRobinson 1967: 188.Rights Reserved. 116Conze 1980: 100. 48

To put all these pieces together, we see that, from the start, no clear dividing line between

faiths ever existed for the laity. Although many professed their Buddhist faith, patronage to

various aspects of classical Hinduism continued virtually unhindered. "Outside the monastic

order those who looked upon themselves as exclusively Buddhist were at all times [in ancient

India] probably comparatively few."117 When Samkara came along in the eighth century, he

provided the philosophical, theological, and pragmatic basis for reincorporation of Buddhists into

Hinduism. However, no great impetus existed at this point for Indian Buddhists to make this

transition: it was of little consequence to them whether they were official Hindus or Buddhists.

The Muslim invasions of the twelfth century provided this impetus. Storming into India

with the fervor of jihad (Muslim holy war), the Muslims began intense persecution of all who

refused conversion to Islam; they enacted their persecution upon Hindus and Buddhists alike.

However, Buddhism, unlike its counterparts, was not in a position to hold its ground against the

onslaught. As an "other-worldly" religion, Buddhism relies upon the monastic tradition for

stability and guidance. The monasteries are the physical embodiment of the Dharma, establishing

a recognizable path to Nirvana through the deceitful jungle of the physical world, and, without

them, the religion loses its direction and coherence: the laity no longer have the guidance

provided by the monasteries nor the philosophical erudition to find the path themselves. Thus,

when the Muslim invaders rained attacks upon the monasteries, killing all those monks who didn't

convert or flee, the critical bolt was removed from the machine of Indian Buddhism. As "the

Buddhist laity [had] never formed a corporate social entity, or a homogenous group living apart

from the followers of the Brahminical sects, and it had throughout conformed to the Brahminical

caste system and followed Brahminical [life-cycle] rites...[the Muslim-inspired] weakening of the

monasteries... automatically [led] to the absorption of the lay followers into the closely knit social © structure1996 of Brahminism."118 Jake Norton.

117Allde Bary 1972: 111. Rights Reserved. 118Conze 1980: 100. 49

Thus, we see that several internal factors set the stage for the ultimate catalyst in

Buddhism's collapse in India - the twelfth century Muslim invasions. Conze (1980: 100-101)

provides an excellent summation of the process:

What had of course happened [in India] was that in the course of 1,700 years of co-existence the Hindus had taken over a great deal from the Buddhists and the Buddhists likewise from the Hindus. In consequence the division between them had increasingly diminished and it was no great thing for a Buddhist to be absorbed into the largely Buddhified Hindu fold. The Buddha119 and some Buddhist deities were incorporated into the Hindu pantheon. The philosophy of Nagarjuna had been absorbed into the Vedanta by Gaudapada, Sankara's [sic] teacher...The separate existence of Buddhism no longer served a useful purpose. Its disappearance thus was no loss to anyone.

Newar Buddhism in the Kathmandu Valley in many ways resembles the condition of

Buddhism in late-twelfth century India. As Gellner and Quigley (1995:3) note:

[T]he Newars' social system is, in South Asian terms, archaic. That is to say, it represents in its broad outlines a type of urban living, with forms of organization and culture, that goes back to the pre-Muslim period in north India...The most obvious example of the cultural conservatism of the Kathmandu Valley is the presence of Buddhism, which has long since died out...in the rest of the mainland subcontinent.

To some extent correlations are seen in all three cities of the Valley; however, it is

demonstrated most clearly in Bhaktapur for two reasons. First, Bhaktapur is the most traditional

and undeveloped of the three, and thus is closest in social mindset and modernity to ancient India.

Second, Bhaktapur, like India, is and always has been a principally Hindu city with the majority

of its population adhering to the Brahminical tradition.

We have already seen that the Newar Buddhist laity (i.e. low caste) do not present a

definite affinity for either Hinduism or Buddhism. Although they may officially claim adherence © to1996 one or the other, and generally Jake utilize priests from a specific Norton. faith, they are mostly unconcerned

with doctrinal demarcation at the social and instrumental levels. Thus, as in India, the Newar laity

cannot be said to have strict, uncompromising devotion to Buddhism.

The notion which Samkara developed and popularized - that Buddhism is merely a

branch of Hinduism - is also present in Bhaktapur. This is, in fact, the official view of the

Nepalese government. It is also clearly reasserted at various temples and shrines throughout the

Valley. At Pasupatinath (the most sacred place for Nepalese Hindus), for example, signs above

the main temple complex read: "Hindus only". However, numerous Buddhists - Newar, Tibetan,

et al - enter this complex every day. "This view...is institutionalized at certain important shrines,

such as Vajrayogini in Sankhu, Cagu Narayana, Pasupati, and Guhyesvari: Muslims,

Untouchables, and all Westerners are excluded, but Buddhists, including Tibetan Buddhists, are

admitted. The notices say 'Hindus only' and never refer to Buddhists."120

Newar Buddhism also embodies the need for doctrinal innovation and creative impulse.

Before the twelfth century, a flow of ideas spread from India to Nepal and vice versa via the

Himalayan trade routes; Newar Buddhism was thus constantly infused with new innovations

arising in India. During the Muslim persecution in India, many of the monks fled to Nepal,

bringing with them the philosophic and theologic developments of the day. However, by the end

of the twelfth century, Buddhism in India had disappeared, leaving the Buddhists of Nepal cut off

from their roots.121 Hence, as noted above, contemporary Newar Buddhism is, and has been for

some time, strictly ritualistic with little evidence of doctrinal innovation. As Father Locke

remarked to me in an interview:

Any attempt to find true philosophy or, rather, philosophic practice, within Newar Buddhism, is like finding the proverbial needle in a haystack; if it exists at all it is both rare and obscure. The closest Newars come to philosophy in the religious sphere is the ritualistic recitation of Sanskrit scriptures. And even then it

© 1201996Gellner 1992: 54. Gellner (1992: Jake 351n.21) also notes that Tibetan Norton. pilgrimage routes take devotees to all the above mentioned "Hindu" shrines. 121As Newar Buddhists practice traditional Indian Buddhism, using Sanskrit scriptures and texts, their roots are indeed in India. Buddhism in Tibet was indeed a nearby presence, but cross-contact between NewarAll and Tibetan BuddhistsRights was rare. Gellner (1992: 352n.35) Reserved.notes that much of the interaction "was confined either to individuals or to relatively superficial borrowings (e.g. prayer wheels)...Vajracarya priests seem never to have incorporated Tibetan practice into the Newar tradition." 51

is difficult to call this philosophy per se since often the person doing the reading does not understand Sanskrit!

Buddhism in Bhaktapur demonstrates as well the give-and-take between Hinduism and

Buddhism which Conze spoke of above. In The Buddhist Tradition, de Bary (1972: 115) notes

that "[b]y the time of the Guptas [an Indian dynasty, circa fourth century AD] we find the Buddha

worshipped in his shrines as a Hindu god, with all the ritual of puja, and Buddhist monks and

Hindu priests joined in the same processions." The manifestation of this within Newar society has

already been mentioned. Newar religion is full of multivalent symbols, and the pantheon is

largely the property of both religions.

Although no longer celibate, Vajracaryas and Sakyas are still nonetheless Buddhist

monks, both in their own view and as viewed by the lower castes. Thus, in contemporary

Bhaktapur, the Bare represent the foundation and guiding force for the samgha as the celibate

monks did in ancient India. Nepal, except for the one-week attack noted in Chapter 1, was spared

the onslaught of the Muslim invasions. Thus, Buddhism in the Valley did not meet the same fate

as its southern brother. In traditional Nepali and Newari society, a relativist spirit has

predominated, providing for little discrimination by the Hindu majority against the Buddhist

minority. This is yet another factor contributing to Buddhism's survival in the Kathmandu Valley.

However, there are two principle ways in which these correlations between ancient India

and contemporary Bhaktapur could lead to the decline of Buddhism in the latter as the Muslim

invasions, coupled with other extenuating circumstances, did in the former. The first problem

deals directly with the Bare. Two factors inherent in the Bare could prove problematic for Newar

Buddhist survival. First, the Bare are the inheritors of celibate monasticism, but they are no

longer celibate monks. This loss of celibacy apparently led to the development of a popular © Newar1996 myth regarding Samkara. Jake In the myth, Samkara Norton.came to the Kathmandu Valley and defeated the buddhamargis, who had been persecuting the Hindus. After their defeat, the Sakyas andAll Vajracaryas wereRights forced by Samkara to reject Reserved. celibate monasticism and become 52

householders.122 The creation of this myth and its placement of blame for the loss of celibacy

upon Samkara demonstrates possible insecurity amongst the Newars for this aspect of their

Buddhist practice.

Just as Indian Buddhism was in dire need for creative impulse by the twelfth century, so,

too, could Newar Buddhism need a dynamic push. It has now been nearly eight hundred years

since the last great influx of innovation into Newar Buddhism, and thus it may be stagnating.

Gellner (1992: 62) says:

local Buddhism [has] been isolated from substantial external Buddhist influence for hundreds of years. Hinduism by contrast is partly defined by the fact that it derives its legitimacy from the Great Tradition to the south. Hindu linguistic usage, the greater emphasis which Hindus put on hierarchy, and the gods and practices which they prefer - all these factors weaken the ties of Hindus to Newar culture and, for them, devalue the purely local. Paradoxically, Buddhism, supposedly the more universalist religion, turned in on itself. This precluded the rise of new cults under external influence.

Thus, whereas Hindu Newars have been recharged and influenced by Hinduism in the

subcontinent, Newar Buddhism has been left in stagnation since the twelfth century. As in India,

the Newar Buddhists "have nothing new to say anymore." The Malla-era myths of Samkara noted

above, and their popularity amongst the lower castes, already show possible insecurity amongst

the laity for the Bare. The thriving dynamism of Hinduism compared to the relative stagnation of

Newar Buddhism could lead to further insecurities within the lay population.

This insecurity is already evident in Bhaktapur. Many of the bahas are now crumbling,

their samghas having abandoned them long ago. Tadichen Baha, in fact, "is the only example of a

complete baha structure left in Bhaktapur."123 Although there are many other bahas in the city,

most are in various stages of disrepair or, like Lum Baha, have been abandoned completely and

© 1996 Jake Norton. 122Gellner (1992: 86) notes that this story proves itself to be a creation of the Malla era rather than fact, for it continues to say that Samkara went to Tibet after Nepal and was defeated there by the Dalai Lama. However, this is impossible, because during the eighth century (the time of Samkara), "Tibet had barely been converted to Buddhism, and certainly did not yet represent, as it eventually came to do, a stronghold ofAll Buddhist learning andRights spiritual attainment." Reserved. 123Locke 1985: 447. 53

taken over by Hindus. The samghas on Bhaktapur are also in poor condition with few elders and

dwindling memberships.

The second major factor that threatens to undermine Buddhist stability in Bhaktapur is

prevalent among the younger generation. Gellner (1992: 92-93) calls this trend Hindu and

Buddhist "modernism". Essentially, modernism is the adoption of a mutually exclusive view of

religion whereby the relativist spirit of Newar religion (i.e. multivalent symbols, shared pantheon,

etc.) is scowled at. Buddhist modernists, for example, reject incorporation of Hindu ways in the

Buddhist scheme, and despise the notion that Buddhism is a branch of Hinduism. The Buddhist

modernists want to be strict Buddhists in every way, without exception.

The spirit of modernism could be the catalyst for Buddhist decline in Nepal that the

Muslim invasions were for India. Since Nepal is a Hindu kingdom, there are definite advantages

to being Hindu. This can be seen by the relatively high number of Buddhists, especially in the

lower castes, identifying themselves in the census and other official records as Hindus. When a

relativist spirit prevails, this is not a major issue; one can officially claim "Hindu" on the census

and still adhere to his/her Buddhist preferences. However, as animosity grows through the

modernist rejection of the relativist spirit, intolerance for any quasi-syncretism also grows. In

other words, anyone who is "officially" Hindu must also be unequivocally Hindu in practice; one

who is "officially" Buddhist must be Buddhist in all ways.

If this scenario plays out in the Valley, the lower castes will begin to lose faith in the

Bare. The distinction between Hindu and Buddhist is somewhat unimportant for them and, if

Buddhist allegiance becomes problematic because of modernist-bred animosity, the lower castes

could easily - and without great doctrinal compromise - switch allegiances. Thus, the Vajracaryas

and Sakyas would be left with a dwindling samgha, a weak foundation to stand upon, and the © Vajracaryas1996 would no longer haveJake the income provided by theirNorton. jajmans. Fortunately, for Newar Buddhism in particular and for the preservation of Newar culture inAll general, it seems Rights that the above noted scenarios mayReserved. not play out. In terms of doctrinal 54

innovation, there is a recent influx, albeit a slow one, of "new" ideas.124 Since the 1930's, several

orders of Theravada monks have established themselves within the Valley. Gellner (1992: 322)

notes that many low caste members have taken a distinct interest in Theravada while still

adhering to traditional Vajrayana ways. In Bhaktapur, Muni Baha (also Dharma Uttara

Mahavihara or Munivarna Mahavihara) in Inaco Tole is now a Theravada vihara (monastery).

The Theravadins came to the baha in Vikram Samvat 2009 (AD 1942). The vihara now has a

samgha of many bhiksus and is frequented by Newar Buddhists daily.

Another recent external influence on Newar Buddhism is that of Tibetan Buddhism. After

the Chinese occupation of Tibet in 1954 and subsequent persecution of Buddhists therein, hordes

of Tibetan refugees poured into Nepal and India. Throughout the Valley are Tibetan refugee

camps, and Newar stupas such as Bodhanath, Svayambhunath, and Kwa Baha see numerous

Tibetans daily. Although Tibetan Buddhism follows the Vajrayana genre as well, it nonetheless

has many doctrinal and ritualistic differences from Newar Buddhism, all of which are potential

providers of new thoughts, ideas, and innovations in the latter.

The rebuttal and possible defeating factor for the modernist conundrum comes from

within Newar society itself. Modernist tendencies are manifest principally in the younger

generation who are influenced by the Western ideas prevalent in contemporary Kathmandu.

These young Newars tend to reject the relativist spirit embodied by their elders in favor of the

individualist, "this-is-mine-and-not-yours" spirit of the modern world. However, they are still the

younger generation and, as such, fall under the influence of their elders who are largely intolerant

of the modernist stance. Gellner (1992:93) cites a perfect example of this older-generation

rejection of modernist tendencies. He notes that, in 1984, a Hindu musical group (Krisna Bhajan)

joined in the procession of Buddha Jayanti (the celebration commemorating the Buddha's © enlightenment.1996 Buddhist modernists Jake were outraged at theNorton. presence of a Hindu bhajan at this Buddhist festival and deemed it a plot by the Nepalese government aimed at spreading the

government view that Buddhism is a branch of Hinduism. The Newar Brahman and poet Madan

Mohan Mishra replied thus in a letter to the editor of the Nepali periodical Inap:125

Among Nepalese who call themselves Buddhist some worship Kumari, others honour [sic] Siva himself as their chosen deity (istadevata). During Gula the [Buddhist] Jnanmala Bhajan group comes and plays at the [Hindu] Narayana Bhajan group's [home]. Are the Jnanmala group now going to seize the Harinam people [i.e. Hindus] as soon as they say 'Taremam' [i.e. 'hello' in Buddhist idiom] and drag them off to the police station?...In the articles which have appeared in [the journals] Inap and Santi Vijaya I see a plot to set Newars against each other...Those who go round making distinctions between Srestha-gods [i.e. Hindu gods] (syaso dyah) and Vajracarya-and-Sakya-gods (bare dyah) flatly contradict the teaching both of Bhagavan Buddha and of the Vedas...If we fight among ourselves it is the Christians who will take advantage: Buddhists must keep up the Buddha's teachings, the Hindus what is Hindu...Among the many monasteries made for him [the Buddha] is Bu Baha, Laksmivarna-samskarita Yasodhara Mahavihara, and even today there is still a guthi [Newar socio- religious organization] in which Vajracaryas and Brahmans sit side by side and eat together. If this is not Hindu-Buddhist unity, what is? For so many years there has been no controversy. How is it that only now these new-style Buddhists have dug it up? If the Jnanmala Bhajan is joined by other bhajan groups on Buddha Jayanti, and if they sing 'Hare Ram', there is no need to be surprised. If Bhagavan Buddha, who brought joy to the hearts of the good (sadhu) and put in motion a river of wisdom, is praised with the epithet 'Ram', so what? 'Ram' was not only the name of the son of King Dasaratha, but is also used of Bhagavan Tathagata himself, Yours etc.

Perhaps, then, the modernist opposition to traditional Newar relativism can be halted

through the efforts of spokesmen like Mishra. It seems that through the preservation of the

relativist spirit, Newar Buddhism can avoid the above mentioned pitfall and thus avoid as well the

fate of Buddhism in India. After all, as Mishra noted in a later interview: "There is not one sun

just for Buddhists and another just for the followers of Siva's way, rising to the west. The sun

125Inap, 2, 21 (1983) p. 3, from Gellner 1992: 93. As Gellner notes, Mishra's reply is worth quoting at length "because the traditional, relativist view is rarely articulated in print, whereas the modern anti- relativistAll one can be seenRights any day of the week..." Reserved. 126Santi Vijaya 13:54, from Gellner 1992: 355n.30. 56

CONCLUSION

The anthropologist Nigel Barley wrote in The Innocent Anthropologist that "...most

research starts off with a vague apprehension of interest in a certain area of study and rare indeed

is the man who knows what his thesis is about before he has written it." This thesis is no

different; it began with a vague but poignant interest in Nepal and the Newars accompanied by

little else. Any thesis must of necessity begin with a hypothesis, with a question or series of

questions yearning for answers. In keeping with this premise, several underlying questions have

been pursued and investigated throughout. They are as follows:

(1) How has Newar Buddhism, and the society in which it is manifest, evolved over the centuries into the complex, hierarchical system we see in contemporary Bhaktapur? (2) Over the past one hundred and fifty years, Western interpreters of Newar Buddhism have passed somewhat critical judgments upon Newar Buddhism. Is Newar Buddhism corrupt, as Oldfield put it? Is it Hinduism in all but name, as deemed by David Snellgrove? Is it even syncretic as many other scholars have concluded? (3) Nepal, often called the "Hermit Kingdom", embodies many facets of archaic South Asian society and culture. Is there any inherent truth to Sylvain Levi's assertion that the Kathmandu Valley is a laboratory in which we can find the answers to the decline and fall of Buddhism in twelfth century India? Is the Kathmandu Valley really "India in the making"?

As any hypothesis demands an investigation and longs for answers, so, too, these

questions have been addressed and answers found. We have seen that Newar Buddhism, although

in many ways different from "normal" Buddhism, nonetheless represents an elaboration and

adaptation of Buddhist ways, means, and philosophies. Chapter Two provided the philosophic

basis for Newar Buddhism, and by so doing it also established the understanding necessary to © comprehend1996 the manifestation Jake of Vajrayana within the NewarNorton. social context. Western scholars have noted several eccentricities of Newar Buddhism in an attempt to assert that it is in some way

a corrupt version of the overall Buddhist tradition. However, Chapter Three demonstrated how

theseAll judgments areRights incorrect and based upon misinterpretations Reserved. of Newar society and religion. 57

The supposed syncretism of Newar religion, a common criticism thereof, is actually a

misconstrued interpretation of the multivalence of symbols which pervades Newar theology.

Although certain deities and festivals are worshipped equally by both Newar Hindus and

Buddhists, the religious identity of these changes with regard to religious affiliation. Tejeswar

Babu Gongah, a Newar Hindu and cultural specialist, noted this very point during an interview

with me:

Simply because [Newar] Hindus and Buddhists worship the same deities, share the same festivals, and adhere to similar beliefs does not mean that they are the same or that they fall short of their true purposes; to believe this would be like saying that because Judaism and Christianity share the same holy books, point of origin, and many tenets of faith that they, too, are the same or that they fall short of their true purposes in some way. This is simply not true.

The loss of celibate monasticism within Newar Buddhism, often cited as evidence of its

corruption, does not present a breach of Buddhist tradition as many scholars have proposed. As

we saw, the Bare are seen by themselves and by low caste Newars as inheritors of the monastic

tradition. They undergo traditional monastic initiation (Bare Chyuyegu), although their practice

culminates in abandonment of complete monasticism. Nonetheless, the Bare are indeed the

guiding force for Newar Buddhism as the monks are for "traditional" Buddhism; they oversee

rites and festivals and govern the bahas. The Vajracaryas, through the Aca Luyegu (priestly

initiation), lead the samgha further through their duty as tantric priests acting for their jajmans.

Williams (1989: 24) notes that, throughout the Buddhist tradition, the separation between the

monks and the laity is minimal:

...[I]t should not be thought that there is a great divide between monks and laity in Buddhism, as has sometimes been the case in the West. It is always possible for a fully ordained monk to return to the lay life, or for a lay person to become a © 1996monk for a short period. Jake Norton.

The monastic tradition is indeed important to Buddhism, but it is not as paramount as it is oftenAll believed to beRights by Westerners. This is especially true Reserved.of Mahayana and Vajrayana which, as 58

noted in Chapter Two, attempted to minimize the individualism and elitism of Theravada by

emphasizing the importance of the laity. Gellner (1992: 59-60) writes:

There is a tendency [especially in the West]...to see the difference between Buddhism and Hinduism purely in terms of the monk-householder distinction. Anything which householders do is not really Buddhism, in this view, but a second best, a capitulation to Hinduism (or whatever is locally defined as the other religion)...[I]t is important to realize how strongly the monastic ideal exists...as a part of Mahayana and Vajrayana Buddhism, which stress the equal validity or superiority of being a Buddhist householder. Jog Maya [one of Gellner's principal informants] told me that being a householder was, from the religious point of view, no less ('kam ma ju') than being a monks or nun, and she meant, I think, that in many ways it was a harder path: not only difficult ritual obligations but also lifelong family responsibilities to be fulfilled. It is therefore wrong to make the equation monasticism = Buddhism. It is wrong even for the Buddhism depicted in the Pali canon and a fortiori it is wrong for Mahayana and Vajrayana Buddhism. Whereas in Theravada Buddhism celibate monasticism is the highest religious role and debate centers on how ascetic monks should be, within Mahayana Buddhism there are many opposing views...In Newar Buddhism celibate monasticism, while authentically Buddhist, is a first step toward higher statuses.

Thus, neither accusations of Newar religion being syncretic nor of it being corrupt

withstand scrutiny. Both are proven to be misinterpretations and misperceptions of Newar

realities formed through Western biases and, hence, Western worldviews.

Finally, Chapter Four demonstrated the relative truth inherent in Sylvain Levi's notion of

Kathmandu being a laboratory of ancient India. Indeed, we see throughout the Valley, and

especially in the "old city" of Bhaktapur, the inter-cultural catalysts present in twelfth century

India which led eventually to the decline and fall of Buddhism therein. As Robert Levy writes in

Mesocosm: "Bhaktapur seems to us to be representative of the kinds of places Islam tried to

transform in India, having held out for still a few more centuries against the new kind of world

that Islam represented."127 © 1996 Bhaktapur, and the BuddhismJake practiced there, is indeedNorton. representative of ancient India. However, the logical question arises: If it is a laboratory, if it is the contemporary embodiment of

factors which led to the elimination of Buddhism in India, won't Buddhism eventually meet the

same fate? Chapter Four noted the factors which could lead to this: Newar Buddhism in

Bhaktapur exists in a precarious balance within the dominant Hindu framework; it is in need of

doctrinal innovation to revive itself; insecurities amongst the laity are growing; and, finally,

modernist tendencies threaten to undermine the traditional relativist spirit of Newar religion and

society which have allowed for the continuation of Buddhism within this context. However,

several factors in Chapter Four were also noted which could save Newar Buddhism from a fate

similar to that of Buddhism in India. Doctrinal innovation via Theravada and Tibetan Buddhist

presence within the Valley has been provided, and may resuscitate the laity's confidence in the

Bare and, hence, in Newar Buddhism. Modernism, although a potent and threatening force, is

strongly combated by the intense relativist spirit of the older generation.

Thus, our laboratory is like any other: it provides an environment in which similar

circumstances and variables are present, but no definite results are guaranteed. Bhaktapur allows

us a laboratory in which to study a scenario similar to that of ancient India, but we must not

assume that similarity in environments necessarily breeds similarity in results. In the introduction

to Buddhist Monasteries of Nepal, Father John Locke writes the following, which is a relevant

ending to our discussion:

[Newar Buddhists] are the custodians of what is probably the oldest unbroken tradition of the practice of the Buddha's Dharma - a tradition that has undergone many changes as a result of the social, cultural, economic and political influences the community has experienced over the last 2000 years. Like the traditional Nepali masked dancers, Buddhism in the Valley has worn many faces over the ages and danced to different rhythms. Today a new face is emerging and life has a new rhythm. Yet the tune is the same, that of the Four Noble Truths, and there is little doubt that the Dharma will continue to be the life force of the community as it has for over twenty centuries.128

Although our present experiment has come to its conclusion, there is no need for the

the laboratory continues to thrive with pulse of archaic South Asian cultural dynamics.

APPENDIX A:

Dates in Nepal are often confusing at best, for three calendrical systems are used. The

most common system is the Vikram Samvat (V.S.), which began in 57 BCE. Newars commonly

use the Nepal Samvat (N.S.) system, which began in October, 879 CE.129 Thus, 1996 corresponds

to Vikram Samvat 2053 and Nepal Samvat 1117.130

The monthly cycle in Nepal consists of twelve months as in the Gregorian system. The

first month, Vaisakh, begins in April. (The other months, in Sanskrit, are as follows: Jyesth,

Asadh, Sravan, Bhadra, Asvin, Karttik, Marga, Paus, Magh, Phagun, and Caitra. In Newari, the

twelve months are: Bacha, Tacha, Dil, Gun, Yan, Kau, Kacha, Thin, Pohe, Sil, Cil, and Cau.) The

months are calculated according to both the solar and lunar cycles, and thus only partial overlap is

possible. Thus, the solar calendar may still be in Karttik after Marga has begun in the lunar cycle.

All government and official events are determined based upon the solar cycle whereas the lunar

cycle is used for all religious purposes. Newars denote the lunar months by adding the suffix la to

the name of the month. Thus, Bacha (Sanskrit - Vaisakh) in the lunar cycle becomes Bachala.

The lunar cycle is additionally divided into light and dark halves (thwa and ga, respectively, in

Newari; sukla and krisna in Sanskrit); these terms become additional suffixes in the Newari

system. Hence, the light half of Bacha becomes Bachalathwa and the dark half becomes

Bachalaga. The date, then, for a religious event, is given as the month, the half, and the day.131

129Locke (1980: xvi) notes two other systems which are rarely used. First is the Saka Samvat (S.S.) which began in 78 CE; second is the Buddha Samvat which began in 544 BCE, the Sri Lankan date for the uddha's death. © 1301996I have been unable to find any Jakeconcrete evidence as to the significance Norton. of the beginnings of each dating system. However, it is interesting to note that the Nepal Samvat system begins in 879 AD, the date of the fall of the Licchavi Dynasty and beginning of the Thakuri period. As the Thakuri was a time of relative chaos within the Valley, this date (AD 879) was perhaps held on to because it marked the end of stability for over three hundred years in the Valley. 131All Rights Reserved. For further elaboration on the calendrical systems, see Slusser 1982: 381-391; Gellner 1992: 39-40; Levy 1992: 403-405; and Locke 1980: xv-xvi. 61

APPENDIX B:

THE NEWAR CASTE SYSTEM:132

CLEAN CASTES:

****************************************************************************** **** * RAJOPADHYAYA (Brahmu, * VAJRACARYA (Gubhaju), Buddhist * * Dyahbhaju) * priests, and * ****************************************** SAKYA (Bare), goldsmiths, artisans, * * SRESTHA (Sesyah) including Josi - * and shopkeepers * * astrologers - Karmacarya - Saivite * * * tantric priests - (both wear the sacred ***************************************** * thread), and Rajbhandari, Amatya, * * and Sresthas (who do not wear the sacred thread) * * * *------* * Pacthariya Sresthas * ****************************************************************************** **** * MAHARAJAN (Jyapu), Dagol, and Awale: * TAMRAKAR (Tamah, Tamot), * * farmers, potters, latterly masons, * copperworkers; Silpakar, stone- * * carpenters, and many other trades * masons and carpenters; Barahi * * * Kasthakar, or Hasthakar, carpenters;* * * Rajkarnikar, sweetmakers * ****************************************************************************** **** * TANDUKAR (Khusah): * VYANJANKAR (Tepay): * NAPIT (Naul): * * farmers, musicians * market gardeners * barbers * * * * * ****************************************************************************** ****

************************************************************* WATER- * KHAGDI (Nay): butchers, milk sellers, drummers * UNACCEPTABLE © 1996************************************************************* Jake Norton. CASTES: * KAPALI (Jogi): musicians, tailors, death specialists *

*************************************************************

UNTOUCHABLES: * DYAHLA (Pwah, Pwarhya): sweepers, fishermen *

*************************************************************

APPENDIX C:

THE HINDU/BUDDHIST PANTHEON:133

A'134 B' Krisna, Narayana, Mahadeva, Agnimatha: Vajrasattva, Cackrasamvara, and other Buddhist served only by Rajopadhyaya Brahmans tantric deities: served only by Vajracaryas

A" B" Hindu tantric deities: served by Rajopadhyaya Sakyamuni and other monastic deities or Karmacarya (Karunamaya, Svyambhu): served by Vajracarya or Sakya **************************************** C Guhyesvari, Vajrayogini, Bijesvari, Hariti: goddesses served by Karmacarya, Vajracarya, or Sakya ****************************************

D135 Taleju, Bhagavati (Durga): served by Brahman, Karmacarya, and (occasionally) Vajracarya

E136 Ganes, Purnacandi, and other goddess shrines inside the city: served by Maharajan and Dagol Bhimsen, Bagalamukhi: served by Kapali (Jogi) Mother Goddess and Bhairava temples outside the city: served by Dyahla

© 1331996Adapted from Gellner 1992: 75.Jake Note the obvious correlation betweenNorton. the Newar caste structure and the structure of the pantheon. 134Deities falling under categories A', B', A", B", and C do not accept blood sacrifice. 135Deities of category D accept blood sacrifice, and are thus not accepted as truly Buddhist by many non- Newar (non-tantric) Buddhists. 136All Rights Reserved. Deities in category E are worshipped by Brahman, Karmacarya, and Vajracarya priests only on a monthly basis. 64

APPENDIX D: All-Nepal caste hierarchy: the Law Code of 1854137 Ethnicity: (P = Parbatiya; N = Newar) Wearers of the sacred thread Upadhyaya Brahmin (Bahun) P Thakuri (nobility) P Jaisi Brahmin P Chetri (ksatriya) P Rajopadhyaya Brahmin (Deva Bhaju) N Indian Brahmins other Ascetics P 'Lower' Jaisi Brahmins P Certain high Srestha groups (e.g. Josi) N Non-enslavable alcohol-drinkers Non-threadwearing Srestha N Vajracarya/Sakya/Uray-Tuladhar N Maharajan (Jyapu) N Misc. Newar service castes N Hill tribes (Magar, Gurung, Sherpa, et al.) other Enslavable alcohol-drinkers Tibetans (including Tamang); some small tribes; Tharu other Impure but 'touchable' castes Khagdi (Butchers, Milk-sellers) N Kapali (Death specialists, Musicians) N Rajaka (Washermen) N Carmakar (Drum-makers) N Muslims (Bangle-sellers) other Westerners (mlecch) other Untouchables Various Parbatiya castes P © 1996Dyahla (Sweepers) Jake Norton. N Cyamkhalah (Sweepers, Scavengers) N

137AllAdapted from Hofer, Rights A. 1979. The Caste Hierarchy and the StateReserved. in Nepal: A Study of the Muluki Ain of 1854. Innsbruck: Universitatsverlag Wagner, Khumbu Himal series, 13/2: 25-240. From: Gellner and Quigley 1995: 11. 65

Glossary of commonly used terms:138

Aga dyah - (N) The secret deity of a Vajrayana vihara. Baha - (N) (also bahal) Monastic complex in Newar Buddhism. A baha houses the shrines, tantric and non-tantric, for Newar Buddhists and consists of a central courtyard surrounded by the residences of samgha members. Baha members are known as Sakyas. Bahi - (N) Believed to be the oldest and most-traditional Newar monastic institutions. Bahi members are known as Brahmacarya Bhiksus. Bare - (N) Literally means "inheritors of the monastic tradition". In a caste context, bare refers to the top two Buddhist castes, the Vajracarya and Sakya. Bhiksu - Mendicant or monk in traditional Buddhism; used to refer to initiated member of a samgha in Newar Buddhism. Bodhisattva - An enlightened being who is the embodiment of karuna (utmost compassion) and prajna (utmost wisdom). A bodhisattva remains earthbound until all sentient beings attain enlightenment. Caitya - Another word for stupa. Dharma - The term denoting one of the following six definitions (from Fox 1973: 78): tradition or teaching; duty; natural law; objects of perception; a basic element of existence; the Absolute. Dyah - (N) Deity. Jajman - (Np) The religious client of a Vajracarya priest. Kwapa dyah - (N) The guardian deity of a baha; usually Sakyamuni Buddha. Mandala - Tantric diagram with various symbolic associations. Newar pantheon, caste structure, city layout, and religious architecture corresponds to mandalic organization. Mantra - Mystical formula or spell which is recited and/or meditated upon for a desired result. Prajna - Wisdom, the female counterpart to upaya. The symbolic union of prajna and upaya represents final enlightenment in Vajrayana. © Pravrajya1996 - The monastic initiationJake rite. Norton. Puja - Generally an act of offering to a deity, but used also generically to mean any act of worship. All Rights Reserved. 138All entries are in Sanskrit unless otherwise noted: N = Newari; Np = Nepali. 66

Sadhana - Tantric evocation of a deity usually through recitation of a mantra. Samgha - Buddhist monastic community. Skandha - The five components of a dharma (meaning, in this context, a basic element of existence). The five skandhas are: rupa (form and matter); vedana (sensation or feeling); samjna (perceptions or sensations); samskara (tendencies); and vijnana (conscious thought). Stupa - Literally "mound" or "heap", a stupa is a Buddhist temple or shrine which is generally shaped like a large, circular mound. Sunyata - Literally "emptiness", sunyata is the ultimate reality of the universe for the Mahayana. Sutra - A scripture which was supposedly handed down by the Buddha himself or one of the many bodhisattvas. Torana - A semi-circular emblem placed over a doorway, usually depicting deities. Upaya - Means, the male counterpart to prajna. The symbolic union of prajna and upaya represents final enlightenment in Vajrayana. Vihara - The traditional (Sanskrit) term for a monastery, used in Newar Buddhism to denote and entire monastic complex.

Taleju Temple, Taumadhi Tole, Bhaktapur

Typical street scene, Bhaktapur

Caitya at Kwa Baha, Patan Note Ganes alcove behind and to left of caitya

Closeup of Ganes icon after morning puja at Kwa Baha, Patan

Caitya in front of Bhimsen temple, Lum Baha (Lumbavarna Mahavihara), Sukul Dhoka, Bhaktapur

Elaborate temple complex at Indravarta Mahavihara, Inaco Tole, Bhaktapur

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

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