Gabrovsky !1 Rethinking Britain: An English identity Crisis in the Era of Devolution Regardless of one’s political leanings, it is a recognized fact that the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK) is undergoing a constitutional crisis1. But, if we can find a common denominator amongst all the political upsets that have occurred this decade, from the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum and the 2015 UK General Election, to the 2016 “Brexit" Referendum, what we are actually witnessing is a war between two nationalisms. This paper will focus on the two largest nations of the UK and divide the two nationalist movements by political party and the referenda associated with their cause. The first, the Scottish nationalist movement, represented by the Scottish National Party, and epitomized by the Scottish Independence Referendum of 2014, can be considered a “civic” nationalist movement—that is, non-ethnic. The second movement is not as straightforward. The English nationalist movement, best represented by the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), and embodied by the “Brexit” Referendum of 2016, argues for “Britain First” policies but simultaneously champions a “voice for England.”2 The rhetoric of this movement—where England and Britain are used interchangeably can be confusing to an outsider, especially when a post-Brexit Great Britain is referred to as Little England by opponents of Brexit.3 This suggests that the referendum was an English nationalist movement at its culmination. The line where 1 Albeit, without an actual written constitution. 2 http://www.ukip.org/nigel_farage_a_voice_for_england 3 http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21589420-country-faces-choice-between-comfortable- isolation-and-bracing-openness-go Gabrovsky !2 Britishness begins and Englishness ends has been continuously moved forward, and it is only being challenged now that there is a serious divide between nations on matters such as the EU. What is unique about this nationalist political climate is that the majority nation, England, and largest of the minority nations, Scotland, are both currently vying for increased sovereignty via referenda. Under current conditions, sovereignty, which is the political right to rule within one’s own borders without interference, is a zero-sum game when it comes to multi-national states such as the UK. For example, Scotland’s devolved autonomy has given rise to the “West Lothian” question in that Scottish MPs have had the ability to vote on bills that mainly effect England, and yet Scotland retains autonomy over devolved matters. England’s desire to reinstate full sovereignty over its trade and immigration policies by leaving the European Union denies Scotland its perceived right to remain in the EU. Whenever one of these nations exercises its autonomy, it impedes the other’s sovereignty. As will be explained shortly, the two nationalist movements feed off of one another. We must first understand the context surrounding the dueling nationalisms. The nations that make up the UK each possess their own distinct territory, history, and language. The Scottish and Welsh in particular have had active nationalist movements—whether towards independence in Scotland’s case, or simply for more ethnic recognition and cultural autonomy, as was the case with the Welsh advocacy for language equality. In 1997, the British Government under Prime Minister Tony Blair began the process of devolution. Devolution is essentially the delegating of authority to the local or regional level and it is a calculated move towards federalization. The Northern Irish, Welsh, and Cornish were all granted councils or assemblies that would legislate Gabrovsky !3 devolved matters within their territory, and the Scottish were able to re-establish their Parliament which had been dissolved in 1707.4 Originally, these nations were all defined by common ethnic roots. The Scottish were from Scotland and the English were from England. This concept of an “ethno-geographic” national identity, while convenient, has not withstood the test of time, especially in Scotland. When surveyed, 83% of ethnic minorities living in Scotland (that is, non-Whites and their British-born children) claimed “Scottish” as one of their national identities, 20% of which claimed Scottish as their sole national identity.5 While at first this may seem a small percentage, it must be considered alongside the fact that Scotland’s immigrant population has doubled within this decade.6 The University of Manchester report “Who Feels Scottish” concludes: “The census results clearly suggest that Scottish national identity is currently more ethnically inclusive in Scotland than is English in England.”7 Just as the UK is a multi-nation state, each nation within the UK is multi-ethnic—and ethnicity does not necessarily determine national identity in the modern day. Even after England and Scotland merged parliaments, Scotland still remained a distinct territory, separate from England. This was more than just ceremonial sovereignty; Scotland has 4 Thus, the Scottish were granted a significant amount of national autonomy in comparison to the other Celtic minorities. 5 Study: Dynamics Of Diversity: Evidence From the 2011 Census. ESRC Centre on Dynamics of Ethnicity (CoDE). University of Manchester. August 2014. http://www.ethnicity.ac.uk/medialibrary/briefings/dynamicsofdiversity/code-census-briefing-national- identity-scotland.pdf 6 http://www.workpermit.com/news/scotlands-immigrant-population-doubles-decade-20131216 7 It should be noted, however, that England is “catching up.” http://www.economist.com/news/britain/ 21578435-minorities-embrace-englishness-even-metropolitan-whites-shun-it-identity-parade Gabrovsky !4 kept a separate Church, a separate education system, and a separate legal system. It is this distinctive civic sovereignty that has helped maintain a national identity separate from the rest of the UK. This moderate autonomy and distinct nationality is perhaps the justification for many for Scottish separatism. Nevertheless, after nearly 300 years of union, it was the politics of the last half of the 20th century that instigated the modern Scottish separatist movement. In particular, it was the economic policies and perceived attitude of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher that created a collective sense of victimization,8 regardless of ethnicity in Scotland. Thatcher’s administration shut down and cut subsidies to mines, steel plants, and ship- building factories as an attempt to move Britain away from the centrally planned economy. This was particularly devastating to Scotland, which had little other industry at the time. Another example, the infamous Poll Tax, protested all across the UK, was introduced into Scotland one year prior to its implementation in England and Wales. It was a policy that many Scottish felt, and still feel, was a deliberate punishment for their left-leaning politics. 9 Within her first two years in power, one in six Scots became unemployed and Scotland lost 20% of its workforce. The current Scottish minister for health has claimed that it was Thatcher’s policies of shutting down entire industries without offering new avenues of employment that led to a 60% rise in deaths of Scottish working age men, due to alcoholism and suicide.10 Whether or not these damaging statistics can be directly attributed to Mrs Thatcher has 8 http://www.thestar.com/news/world/2014/09/14/ scotlands_separatist_movement_influenced_by_margaret_thatcher.html 9 http://www.bigissue.com/features/3823/poll-tax-the-battle-that-divided-britain 10 http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/10613091/SNP-Health-Minister-Margaret-Thatcher-to-blame- for-Scotlands-drinking.html Gabrovsky !5 yet to be confirmed scientifically, however, it is a prime example of the Scottish collective memory regarding the late Prime Minister. Thatcher’s policies helped foster an “us versus them” mentality between the Scots and English. Perhaps the former First Minister of Scotland, Alex Salmond, said it best, when he spoke of her unintended role as “the handmaiden for a return to Scottish democracy.”11 The Scottish Parliament has 129 seats and was granted powers to legislate on matters such as tourism, education, health, agriculture, and justice. “Reserved matters,” that being everything else, are still determined by Westminster. With the creation of the Scottish Parliament, the SNP, which had previously been seen as a regional fringe party, gained a considerable amount of authority as the second largest party in Scotland. Then in the 2011 Scottish election, the SNP won a clear majority and with the majority government formed, they were finally able to introduce a mandate to hold an independence referendum in 2014. Having now considered some of the seminal events that reinforced the Scottish political identity and sense of nationalism, we must consider the referendum for Scottish independence in 2014. The campaign was divided into two groups: the Yes campaign12 was in favor of independence and the No campaign, or Better Together, was in favor of Scotland staying in the United Kingdom. The No campaign warned Scottish voters of unintended consequences should 11 https://www.thestar.com/news/world/2014/09/14/ scotlands_separatist_movement_influenced_by_margaret_thatcher.html 12 The Yes campaign was a conglomeration of many different political and ethnic groups. There existed groups such as “English Scots for Yes”—that would be English ex-pats that were pro-independence—, and “Asian Scots for Yes.” These