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THE DOGS THAT DIDN'T BARK: POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND NATIONALISM IN SCOTLAND, WALES AND ENGLAND Nicholas Brooke A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2016 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8079 This item is protected by original copyright The Dogs That Didn't Bark: Political Violence and Nationalism in Scotland, Wales and England Nicholas Brooke This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 30th June 2015 1 Abstract The literature on terrorism and political violence covers in depth the reasons why some national minorities, such as the Irish, Basques and Tamils, have adopted violent methods as a means of achieving their political goals, but the study of why similar groups (such as the Scots and Welsh) remained non-violent, has been largely neglected. In isolation it is difficult to adequately assess the key variables behind why something did not happen, but when compared to a similar violent case, this form of academic exercise can be greatly beneficial. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying ‘negative cases’ - nationalist movements that abstain from political violence - particularly with regards to how the state should respond to minimise the likelihood of violent activity, as well as the interplay of societal factors in the initiation of violent revolt. This is achieved by considering the cases of Wales, England and Scotland, the latter of which recently underwent a referendum on independence from the United Kingdom (accomplished without the use of political violence) and comparing them with the national movement in Ireland, looking at both violent and non-violent manifestations of nationalism in both territories. I argue no single factor can determine whether or not a national movement will adopt violent methods, but that key to this outcome is the way in which national identity is constructed. Additionally, I suggest that states can decrease the likelihood that nationalist movements will turn to violence by ensuring non-violent means of political mobilisation are perceived as legitimate and viable alternatives, and that the absence of precipitating factors (such as an overly aggressive state response or an existing precedent for violent revolt) will further reduce the risk. 3 Acknowledgements I must convey my deep gratitude to a number of people without whom this entire endeavour would not have been possible. Firstly, I am indebted to my supervisor Professor Richard English for his encouragement, support, and advice over the last three years, and to my second supervisor Dr Tim Wilson for his wisdom, guidance and humour. I must also thank the CSTPV staff who have given me encouragement and advice along the road, but a special note of thanks must go to Gillian Duncan and Julie Middleton for looking after me over the last three years. I am also deeply grateful for the support and camaraderie of my fellow PhD students in the School of International Relations, but especially to Ed Burke, Kieran McConaghy, Dayyab Gillani and Jenna Sapiano. Finally, I must thank Professor English and CSTPV for providing funding for this project From outside St Andrews, I have also received excellent advice from Dr Wyn Thomas and Dr Bob Purdie who took an interest in my project, and from Professor Alvin Jackson and Dr Paul Gill who have engaged with specific aspects of my research. Additionally, I am grateful for the interest and advice from the staff and students of the Naval Postgraduate School, CA, especially Dr Maria Rasmussen, who discussed my research during a visit in 2013. I must also thank those individuals who took the time to meet with me and discuss their experiences with nationalism in Wales and Scotland: John Jenkins, Gethin ap Iestyn, Sian Ifan and Jim Sillars. Finally, the Staff at the National Library of Scotland, National Archives of Scotland and the University libraries in Edinburgh and St Andrews have been incredibly helpful. Finally, I need to thank my family and friends for their constant support and feigned interest in my project, especially Ed Burke and Sandy Pountain who provided valuable advice on improving my writing. This entire project would not have happened without my wife Jen, without whom life would be a lot less enjoyable. It is to all these individuals that this project is dedicated. 4 List of Acronyms APG - Army of the Provisional Government of Scotland BNP - British National Party CRA - Cornish Republican Army EDL - English Defence League FWA - Free Wales Army GUSNA - Glasgow University Student Nationalist Association IRA - Irish Republican Army IRB - Irish Republican Brotherhood MAC - Mudiad Amddiffyn Cymru (Movement for the Defence of Wales) MG - Meibion Glyndŵr (Sons of Glyndŵr) MK - Mebyon Kernow (Sons of Cornwall) NAVSR - National Association for the Vindication of Scottish Rights NICRA - The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NF - National Front NPS - National Party of Scotland PC - Plaid Cymru (Party of Wales) RUC - Royal Ulster Constabulary SDP - Social Democratic Party SHRA - Scottish Home Rule Association SLA - Scottish Liberation Army SNLA - Scottish National Liberation Army SNG - Siol nan Gaidheal (Seed of the Gael) SNP - Scottish National Party SRA - Scottish Republican Army SRSL - Scottish Republican Socialist League SP - Scottish Party UKIP - United Kingdom Independence Party WLS - Welsh Language Society (Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg) 5 Contents 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 7 Research Project and Parameters ......................................................................................... 12 Literature Review ................................................................................................................. 20 Additional Sources ............................................................................................................... 38 Chapter Outline .................................................................................................................... 39 2. Cultural Militancy - Welsh Nationalism and Political Violence ............................. 41 The Concept of Wales .......................................................................................................... 42 The Arrival of Plaid Cymru ................................................................................................. 48 Direct Action and Welsh Nationalism ................................................................................. 54 Cymdeithas yr Iaith .............................................................................................................. 56 Violent Nationalism in Wales .............................................................................................. 64 The Flooding of Tryweryn ................................................................................................... 65 The Investiture Campaign .................................................................................................... 68 The Cottage Arson Campaign .............................................................................................. 71 Mudiad Amddiffyn Cymru ................................................................................................... 74 The Free Wales Army .......................................................................................................... 80 Meibion Glyndŵr ................................................................................................................. 85 Welsh militancy: A success? ................................................................................................ 87 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 88 3. Tartan Terrorism? - Scottish Nationalism and Political Violence ........................... 91 The Concept of Scotland ...................................................................................................... 92 The Act of Union .................................................................................................................. 96 Empire and the First Nationalists ....................................................................................... 100 The Birth of the National Party .......................................................................................... 103 The Core Tenets of Political Scottish Nationalism ............................................................ 114 Non-Violent Direct Action ................................................................................................. 118 Violent Scottish Nationalism ............................................................................................. 121 The Emergence of the SNLA ............................................................................................. 130 The Impact of Violent Scottish Nationalism ...................................................................... 138 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 143 4. The bulldog that didn’t bark - England and Nationalism ....................................... 145 England and National Identity ...........................................................................................
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