DOCSLIB.ORG

Logograms in the DB.Docx

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Logograms in the DB.Docx Logograms in the DB In favour of easy readability, the first columns of this table have numbers instead of diacritics (e.g. DU3 instead of DÙ). In the last column and within the database we use the common transcription with diacritics (e.g. DÙ for DU3). sign(s) + meaning(s) other do NOT use example(s) and comments readings 1-lim lúGAL-1-lim Rab-līmi d1 use d60 d10 (Adad) Id10-NUMUN-DÙ Adad-zēru-ibni d10.A.ZU use dUMUN.A.ZU 15 (imittu) Id30-15 Sîn-imitti d15 (Ištar) fsi-lim-d15 Silim-Ištar d30 (Sîn) Id30-ŠEŠ-MU Sîn-ahu-iddin d50 (Enlil) Id50-KÁD Enlil-kāṣir d60 (Anu) d1 Id60-GIN-IBILA Anu-mukīn-apli A IA-a Aplāya (aplu) A.BA (mannu) IA.BA-d50-dar-ri Mannu-Enlil-dāri dA.E2 (Mār-bīti) IdA.É-LUGAL-a-nu Mār-bīti-šarrani A.IGI use IR2 A.RA.ZU (teslītu) ILUGAL-A.RA.ZU Šarru-teslītu A.TU.GAB.LIŠ use ASAL2 A.ZU (asû) lúA.ZU Asû A2.GAL2 IÁ.GAL-dŠÚ Ile’’i-Marduk (lē’û) let op IÁ.GÁL-e-a is NOT Lē’êa, but Ingallēa (see Wunsch 2014, p. 306) – this counts for: I/lúÁ.GÁL-(d)e-a, I/lúÁ.GÁL-li-e(-a), I/lúÁ.GÁL-dli-e, I/lúAN.GÁL- (li)-e-a, I/lúin-gal-(li)-e-a and I/lúú-GAL-(li)-e-a ABGAL (apkallu) NUN.ME IdAG-ABGAL-DINGIR.MEŠ Nabû-apkal-ilāni ABUL use KA2.GAL AD IAD-NU-ZU Abu-ul-idī (abu) AD.GUB5 use AD.KID AD.KID (atkuppu) AD.GUB5 lúAD.KID Atkuppu dAG (Nabû) dNA3 IdAG-MU Nabû-iddin AG2 (râmu) IdAG-ÁG-UN.MEŠ-šú Nabû-rā’im-nišīšu AM (rīmu) Id30-AM-DINGIR Sîn-rīm-ilī, IAM-DINGIR.MEŠ Rīm-ilāni AMA (rēmu, ummu) IdAG-AMA-GAR Nabû-rēmu-šukun, IAD-AMA-a-qar Abu-ummi-aqar dAMAR (Būru) IdAMAR-NUMUN-MU Būru-zēru-iddin dAMAR.UTU IDA-dAMAR.UTU Ile’’i-Marduk (Marduk) AN (šamû) IdAG-ina-AN-e-ni-bi Nabû-ina-šamê-nibi AN.ŠAR2 (Assur) dŠAR2 IAN.ŠÁR-DÙ-IBILA Assurbanipal A reading IAN.ŠÁR-... (Aššur-...) is likely in Assyrian texts and possibly also in the surrounding of the Aššur cult in Uruk – otherwise we use IdŠÁR-... (Iššar-...) Id APIN (erēšu) URU4 AG-APIN-eš Nabû-ēreš ARHUŠ (rēmu) IdAG-ARHUŠ-šu-kun Nabû-rēmu-šukun, IdAG-ARHUŠ-ni Nabû- rēmanni ARAD use IR3 ASAL2 (ṣarbatu) A.TU.GAB.LIŠ IÁSAL Ṣarbatu sign(s) + meaning(s) other do NOT use example(s) and comments readings dASAR.RI (Marduk) IÁ.GÁL-TI.LA-dASAR.RI Ile'i-bulluṭu-Marduk AŠ (ina, sometimes Iina-GIŠ.MI-dUR.IDIM Ina-ṣilli-Urdimmu also aplu, nadānu) let op A reading of AŠ as aplu or nadānu is rather uncommon in names – we only use it, if it was suggested in previous publications, and if we see no possibility to read ina or ēdu. So far, our only example is IdMAŠ-AŠ-ŠEŠ Ninurta-nādin-ahi, which might alternatively be rendered IdMAŠ-AŠ-ÙRU Ninurta-aplu- uṣur. (lu2)AŠ (ēdu) DIL, DILI IAŠ-SUR Ēdu-ēṭir (lu2)AŠGAB (aškāpu) lúAŠGAB Aškāpu (lu2)AZLAG TÚG.BABBAR lúAZLAG Ašlāku BA (qâšu) IBA-šá Iqīša d d d fd BA.BA6 (Bābu) ba-ba6, ba-ú, BA.BA6-e-ṭi-rat Bābu-ēṭirat dBA.Ú BAD IDIM BE IdAG-BAD-TIN-iṭ Nabû-mītu-uballiṭ (mītu, bēl) (kabtu) dIDIM BAD for bēl is rare, and used only without the determinative (Ea) DINGIR - no attestations yet in the database (but in Nbn 67: 18, EN 65: 23) dBAD use dIDIM in Babylonian texts BAD3 (dūru) IBÀD-A Dūr-apli BAHAR2 (pahāru) DUG.QA.BUR lúBÁHAR Pahāru BAL (enû) Išá-dAMAR.UTU-NU-BAL Ša-Marduk-ul-īni dBAR use dMAŠ BARA2 (parakku) BAR2 I.lúSANGA-BÁRA Šangû-parakki BE use BAD or IDIM BUR.GUL lúBUR.GUL Purkullu (purkullu) lú BURU14 Irregularly in BURU14 Išparu (MU.)DA IDA-dAMAR.UTU Ile’’i-Marduk, (le’û) IdEN-DA Bēl-lē’i DI see SILIM DI(.KU5) use DI(.KUD) DI(.KUD) (dīnu) DI(.KU5) IdAG-DI-DÙ-uš Nabû-dīnī-īpuš I d DI.KUD (dajjānu) DI.KU5 DI.KUD- AMAR.UTU Dayyān-Marduk d d Id DI.KUD DI.KU5 DI.KUD-EN-ÙRU Madānu-bēl-uṣur (Madānu) DIB (etēqu) IdEN-DIB-UD.DA Bēl-mušētiq-uddi lúDIL(I) use lúAŠ dDIL.BAD (Venus i.e. Iman-nu-ki-i-dDIL.BAD Mannu-kī-Ištar Ištar) DIM IdDIM-DÙ.A.BI-dEN Rikis-kalama-Bēl (riksu) DIM2 use ŠITIM DIN use TIN DINGIR (ilu) Id30-DINGIR Sîn-ilī DIŠ (ana) IDIŠ-pe-e-a(Ana-pêa DU GIN IdAG-DU-IGI Nabû-alik-pāni (alāku) (kânu), GUB.BA (izuzzu) DU3 (banû, būnu, IdEN-DÙ Bēl-ibni, IDÙ-a Ibnāya, but IDÙ-ia Bānia (Thissen epēšu, kalu) 2014, see p. 159 for a few exceptions), Let op: DÙ stands usually NOT for tabni, which is normally spelled syllabically; exceptions are well known family names like sign(s) + meaning(s) other do NOT use example(s) and comments readings Sîn-tabni, which is sometimes spelled Id30-DÙ. IdAG-DÙ-šu-tur Nabû-būnu-šutur, IdEN-DÙ-eš Bēl-īpuš, IdEN-DÙ-ib-ni Bēl-kalu-ibni DU3.A.BI IdDIM-DÙ.A.BI-dEN Rikis-kalama-Bēl, (kalama, kullatu) Id30-EN-DÙ.A.BI Sîn-bēl-kullati DUB (šapāku) IDUB-NUMUN Šāpik-zēri, Išá-DUB Šāpiku DUG.QA.BUR use BAHAR2 DUG3.GA IDÙG.GA-ia Ṭābia (ṭâbu) dDUMU.E2 (Mār-bīti) IdDUMU.É-iq-bi Mār-bīti-iqbi DUMU.SAL (mārtu) IDUMU.SAL-d30-eri-eš Mārat-Sîn-ēres DUMU.NITA2, DUMU.UŠ use IBILA DUNGU use IM.DIR E (qabû, qibītu) IdEN-TIN-su-E Bēl-balāssu-iqbi, IdEN-E-MU Bēl-qibītu-iddin(?) Eki (Babylon) lúSANGA-dINANNA-GAŠAN-Eki Šangû-Ištar-Bēlet-Bābili E2 (bītu) fa-na-É-šú Ana-bītišu E2.BAR (šangû) É.MAŠ lúÉ.BAR-dAG Šangû-Nabû E2.KUR (Ekur) IÉ.KUR-za-kir Ekur-zakir E2.MAŠ use E2.BAR E2.SAG.GIL2/IL2 IÉ.SAG.ÍL-MAN.SUM Esagil-amassu (Esagil) E3 (āṣû) UD.DU Ilu-È-a-na-ZÁLAG Lūṣi-ana-nūri dEDIN (Šēru, Šērū’a) IdEDIN-ŠEŠ-MU Šērū’a-ahu-iddin EDURU (aplu) IdUTU-EDURU-ÙRU Šamaš-aplu-uṣur EGIR(.ME/MEŠ) IEGIR-DINGIR.MEŠ Arkât-ilāni (arkû) EN (bēlu) IEN-šú-nu Bēlšunu EN.KASKAL.KUR see KASKAL.KUR dEN (Bēl) IdEN-DIB-UD.DA Bēl-mušētiq-uddi EN.NUN (maṣṣaru) lúEN.NUN-KÁ.GAL Maṣṣar-abulli ENSI2 (iššakku) lúÉNSI Iššakku ENŠADA use PA.KU ER2 use IR2 EŠ.BAR (purussû) IEŠ.BAR Purussû EZENxKASKAL use UBARA GAL (rabû) IAN-GAL-MU-ÙRU Anu-rabû-šumu-uṣur GAL.DU3 (rab banê) lúGAL.DÙ Rab-banê GAL.TUR3 (rab lúGAL.TÙR Rab-tarbaṣi tarbaṣi) GAL2 (bašû) IG IdAG-GÁL-ši Nabû-ušebši GAN2.DU3 lúGÁN-DÙ Rab-banê GAR (šakānu) IdEN-MU-GAR-un Bēl-šumu-iškun GAŠAN (bēltu) lúSANGA-dINANNA-GAŠAN-Eki Šangû-Ištar-Bēlet-Bābili GAZ.ŠÈ.DA lúGAZ.ŠÈ.DA Kaṣṣidakku GEME2 (amtu) fGÉME-ia Amtia, fGÉME-dNIN.LÍL Amat-Ninlil GI (šalāmu) IdEN-ŠEŠ-GI Bēl-ahu-ušallim, IGI-dAMAR.UTU Mušallim- Marduk GI.NA (kânu) IdAG-MU-GI.NA Nabû-šumu-ukīn d d Id GIBIL6 (Gibil) NE.GI GIBIL6-a-a Gibilāya GIM use ŠITIM sign(s) + meaning(s) other do NOT use example(s) and comments readings GIN (kânu) DU GUB IdAG-GIN-NUMUN Nabû-mukīn-zēri; (alāku) Let op: IGIN-a is Kīnāya (NOT IGIN-A Mukīn-apli), but IdAMAR.UTU-GIN-A is Marduk-mukīn-apli (the same counts for other deities) GIN7 use ŠITIM GIR2.LA2 GIR2.LAL lúGÍR.LÁ-ka-a-ri Ṭābih-kāri (ṭābihu) GIR2.LAL use GIR2.LA2 GIR3 (šēpu) IGÌR.2-DINGIR-ia Šēpē-ilia d d I d GIR4.KU3 (Nergal) GIR4. ÌR- GIR4.KÙ Arad-Nergal KUG GIŠ (ešēru) IdEN-MU-GIŠ Bēl-šumu-līšir GIŠ.GI6 use GIŠ.MI GISSU use GIŠ.MI lú GIŠ.MA2 (eleppu) EN.NUN-GIŠ.MÁ-U5.KU Maṣṣar-elep-rukūbi GIŠ.MI GIŠ.GI6, Iina-GIŠ.MI-dEN Ina-ṣilli-Bēl (ṣillu) GISSU d Id GIŠ.NU(11) (Šamaš) GIŠ.NU11-MU-GI.NA Šamaš-šumu-ukīn GIŠIMMAR see PA.GIŠIMMAR GU.ZA (kussû) Id60-a-na-GU.ZA-šú Anu-ana-kussêšu lú GU4 (alpu) GUD SIPA-GU4 Rē’i-alpi GUB use GIN GUB use GUB use GIN GUB use GIN GIN GUB.BA (izuzzu) IdAG-GUB.BA Nabû-šuzziz GUB.BA lúGUB.BA Mahhû GUD use GU4 GUR (târu) IŠEŠ.MEŠ-GUR Ahhē-utīr, IdMAŠ-mu-GUR-ŠU Ninurta-mutīr- gimilli GURUN (inbu) fGURUN-a Inbāya GURUŠ (eṭlu) KAL IdEN-GURUŠ-KAL Bēl-eṭlu-dannu aqāru, dannu; SIG15 damāqu HAL (bārû) lúHAL Bārû dHAR (Bunene) IÌR-dHAR Arad-Bunene HE2.NUN (nuhšu) Id30-HÉ.NUN-DINGIR.MEŠ Sîn-nuhši-ilāni HI.LI (kuzbu) IHI.LI-DINGIR.MEŠ Kuzub-ilāni dHUM.HUM LUM. IdHUM.HUM-ŠEŠ-MU Humhum-ahhē-iddin (Humhum) LUM HUN.GA2 (agru) lúHUN.GÁ Agru I (nâdu, tanittu?) IdAG-I Nabû-na’id, Nabonidus; a nominal use of I (tanittu?) might be attested in IdAG-I-na-šú Nabû-tanittu(?)-naši lú I3.DU8 Ì.DU8 Atû (atû) I3.SUR (ṣāhitu) lúÌ.SUR-GI.NA Ṣāhit-ginê; lúÌ.SUR Ṣāhitu dIB use dURAŠ IBILA (aplu) DUMU.NÍTA, Id60-GIN-IBILA Anu-mukīn-apli DUMU.UŠ IDIM IIDIM-ia Kabtia, IdAMAR.UTU-IDIM-DINGIR.MEŠ Marduk- (kabtu) kabti-ilāni dIDIM dBAD (Enlil) dIDIM-GI Ea-ušallim (Ea) sign(s) + meaning(s) other do NOT use example(s) and comments readings dBAD for Enlil is only used in Neo-Assyrian texts.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Early Dynastic Cuneiform Range: 12480–1254F
    Early Dynastic Cuneiform Range: 12480–1254F This file contains an excerpt from the character code tables and list of character names for The Unicode Standard, Version 14.0 This file may be changed at any time without notice to reflect errata or other updates to the Unicode Standard. See https://www.unicode.org/errata/ for an up-to-date list of errata. See https://www.unicode.org/charts/ for access to a complete list of the latest character code charts. See https://www.unicode.org/charts/PDF/Unicode-14.0/ for charts showing only the characters added in Unicode 14.0. See https://www.unicode.org/Public/14.0.0/charts/ for a complete archived file of character code charts for Unicode 14.0. Disclaimer These charts are provided as the online reference to the character contents of the Unicode Standard, Version 14.0 but do not provide all the information needed to fully support individual scripts using the Unicode Standard. For a complete understanding of the use of the characters contained in this file, please consult the appropriate sections of The Unicode Standard, Version 14.0, online at https://www.unicode.org/versions/Unicode14.0.0/, as well as Unicode Standard Annexes #9, #11, #14, #15, #24, #29, #31, #34, #38, #41, #42, #44, #45, and #50, the other Unicode Technical Reports and Standards, and the Unicode Character Database, which are available online. See https://www.unicode.org/ucd/ and https://www.unicode.org/reports/ A thorough understanding of the information contained in these additional sources is required for a successful implementation.
    [Show full text]
  • Nabu 2016-82 M. Jursa
    Nabu 2016-82 M. Jursa 82) Neo-Babylonian texts in CUSAS 15* — In NABU 2014/55, Victor Gysembergh offered significant improvements to the editions of several of the Neo- and Late Babylonian tablets published in CUSAS 15: nos. 14, 43, 48, 67 and 184. He observed that in two of these texts, 67 and 184, a certain Tattannu, son of Talīmu, appears as protagonist, and added that the same man is mentioned as addressee in the letter no. 69 (attributing this observation to J.-M. Durand). The purpose of the present note is to offer a new edition of the letter on the basis of the photo on CDLI (where the text has the number P270698) and of photographs kindly provided by David Owen and Elena Devecchi, to whom I am profoundly grateful. (Note that in the following edition, exclamation marks designate unorthodox sign forms; departures from the original edition are not indicated as such.) CUSAS 15, 69 1 im Idag-mu-mu a-na Ita-at-tan-nu šeš-iá ensic u dag šu-lum u tin šá šeš-ia liq-bu-ú 5 5 mu.an.nameš a-ga-a ul-tu muh-hi šá a-na-ku I ù gu-za-na a-na pa-ni-ku ! ni-il-lik 10-ta buru14 garim-ia ul tarta-re!-e ˹ši˺(partly overwritten by rev. 21) 10 ul šu-gar-ru-ú-a ú-gam!-me-<er>-ka iš-te-en-n[a] en-na a-mur Idag-numun-pab [u] ˹I˺mu-˹dag˺ dumu-˹šú˺ l.e.
    [Show full text]
  • Shaushka, the Traveling Goddess Graciela GESTOSO SINGER
    Shaushka, the Traveling Goddess Graciela GESTOSO SINGER Traveling gods and goddesses between courts was a well-known motif in the ancient Near East. Statues of gods and goddesses served as symbols of life, fertility, healing, prosperity, change, alliances and sometimes represented the “geographical” integration or the “ideological” legitimization of a territory. The Amarna Letters reveal the jour- ney of the goddess Shaushka to the Egyptian court of Amenhotep III. Akkadian, Hurrian, Hittite, and Ugaritic texts reveal the role played by this goddess in local pantheons, as well as in various foreign courts during the second millennium BCE. She was known as the goddess of war, fertility and healing and statues of the goddess were used in rituals performed before military actions, to heal diseases, to bless marriage alliances and assist births. This pa- per analyses the role of this traveling goddess in the Egyptian court of Amenhotep III. El viaje de estatuas de dioses y diosas entre cortes de grandes reyes fue un recurso conocido en el Cercano Oriente antiguo. En la Antigüedad, las estatuas de ciertos dioses y diosas fueron símbolos de vida, fertilidad, curación, prosperidad, cambio, alianzas y, en algunos casos, representaron la integración “geográfica” o la legiti- mación “ideológica” de un territorio. Las Cartas de El Amarna revelan el viaje de la estatua de la diosa Shaushka hacia la corte egipcia durante el reinado de Amenhotep III. Textos acadios, hurritas, hititas y ugaríticos indican el rol cumplido por esta diosa en panteones locales, así como en diversas cortes extranjeras durante el II milenio a.e. Fue reconocida como la diosa de la guerra, fertilidad y curación.
    [Show full text]
  • Amarna Period Down to the Opening of Sety I's Reign
    oi.uchicago.edu STUDIES IN ANCIENT ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION * NO.42 THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO Thomas A. Holland * Editor with the assistance of Thomas G. Urban oi.uchicago.edu oi.uchicago.edu Internet publication of this work was made possible with the generous support of Misty and Lewis Gruber THE ROAD TO KADESH A HISTORICAL INTERPRETATION OF THE BATTLE RELIEFS OF KING SETY I AT KARNAK SECOND EDITION REVISED WILLIAM J. MURNANE THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO STUDIES IN ANCIENT ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION . NO.42 CHICAGO * ILLINOIS oi.uchicago.edu Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 90-63725 ISBN: 0-918986-67-2 ISSN: 0081-7554 The Oriental Institute, Chicago © 1985, 1990 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. Published 1990. Printed in the United States of America. oi.uchicago.edu TABLE OF CONTENTS List of M aps ................................ ................................. ................................. vi Preface to the Second Edition ................................................................................................. vii Preface to the First Edition ................................................................................................. ix List of Bibliographic Abbreviations ..................................... ....................... xi Chapter 1. Egypt's Relations with Hatti From the Amarna Period Down to the Opening of Sety I's Reign ...................................................................... ......................... 1 The Clash of Empires
    [Show full text]
  • Published Version (PDF 152Kb)
    This may be the author’s version of a work that was submitted/accepted for publication in the following source: Walker, Geoffrey R. (2000) Evaluating MPPT converter topologies using a MATLAB PV model. In Australasian Universities Power Engineering Conference, AUPEC’00, 2000-09-24 - 2000-09-27. This file was downloaded from: https://eprints.qut.edu.au/63586/ c Copyright 2000 Please consult the author This work is covered by copyright. Unless the document is being made available under a Creative Commons Licence, you must assume that re-use is limited to personal use and that permission from the copyright owner must be obtained for all other uses. If the docu- ment is available under a Creative Commons License (or other specified license) then refer to the Licence for details of permitted re-use. It is a condition of access that users recog- nise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. If you believe that this work infringes copyright please provide details by email to [email protected] Notice: Please note that this document may not be the Version of Record (i.e. published version) of the work. Author manuscript versions (as Sub- mitted for peer review or as Accepted for publication after peer review) can be identified by an absence of publisher branding and/or typeset appear- ance. If there is any doubt, please refer to the published source. EVALUATING MPPT CONVERTER TOPOLOGIES USING A MATLAB PV MODEL Geoff Walker Dept of Computer Science and Electrical Engineering, University of Queensland, Australia. email: [email protected] Abstract An accurate PV module electrical model is presented based on the Shockley diode equation.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuneiform Sign List ⊭ ⅗⋼⊑∾ ⊭‸↪≿
    CUNEIFORM SIGN LIST ⊭ ⅗⋼⊑∾ ⊭‸↪≿ Kateřina Šašková Pilsen 2021 CONTENTS Cuneiform Sign List...........................................................................................................................3 References and Sources.................................................................................................................511 Abbreviations.................................................................................................................................513 2 CUNEIFORM SIGN LIST AŠ 001 001 U+12038 (ASH) (1, ANA , AS , AṢ , AŠ ‸ 3 3 3 ‸ (MesZL: see also U.DAR (nos. 670+183)), AŠA, AŠŠA, AZ3, DAL3, DEL, DELE, DEŠ2, DIL, DILI, DIŠ2, EŠ20, GE15, GEŠ4 (MesZL: perhaps to be erased, Deimel GEŠ), GUBRU2 (Labat; MesZL: GUBRU2 read LIRU2), ḪIL2 (Labat; MesZL: ḪIL2 missing), IN6 (MesZL: Labat IN3; Labat: IN6), INA, LIRI2 (MesZL: Labat GUBRU2), LIRU2 (MesZL: Labat GUBRU2), LIRUM2 (MesZL: Labat GUBRU2), MAKAŠ2, MAKKAŠ2, RAM2 (MesZL: ?), RIM5, RU3, RUM, SAGTAG, SAGTAK, SALUGUB, SANTA, SANTAG, SANTAK, SIMED (Labat: in index, in syllabary missing; 3 MesZL: SIMED missing), ŠUP2 (MesZL: Labat ŠUP3), ŠUP3 (Labat; MesZL: ŠUP2, ŠUP3 = ŠAB (no. 466)), TAL3, TIL4, ṬIL, UBU (Labat: in index, in syllabary missing; MesZL: UBU = GE23 (no. 575)), UTAK (Labat: in index, in syllabary missing; MesZL: UTAK = GE22 (no. 647))) (ePSD; Akkadian Dictionary) AŠ.DAR (MesZL: also AŠ.TAR2, old form of U.DAR (no. U+12038 & 670), see also U+1206F 001+183 001+114 (ASH & GE23.DAR (no. 575) ‸ ‸ DAR) and DIŠ.DAR (no. 748)) (ePSD; Akkadian Dictionary)
    [Show full text]
  • The {Amârnah Texts a Century After Flinders Petrie
    ANES 39 (2002) 44-75 The {Amârnah Texts a Century after Flinders Petrie Anson F. RAINEY International Visiting Research Scholar Centre for Classics and Archaeology University of Melbourne Victoria 3010 AUSTRALIA E-mail: [email protected] Abstract The ensuing remarks seek to elucidate some of the central issues in the study of the cuneiform texts discovered at Tell el-¨Amârnah in Egypt. Progress in the study of the language, the social structure of Canaan at that time and certain historical problems will be reviewed. After an accidental find by a village woman in 1887. Sir William Matthew Flinders Petrie was the first modern scholar to conduct archaeological excavations at the actual site. His work determined the probable spot where the tablets had been deposited when the ancient town was abandoned. Subsequently, Petrie articulated various interpretations of the evidence from the archaeological finds and also from the inscriptions. During the twentieth century, research was continued on all the many facets of these momentous discoveries. The focus in this paper is on the cuneiform epistles, the international and parochial correspondence that involved the Egyptian gov- ernment.* * The present article is an expansion of the ‘2002 Flinders Petrie Oration,’ delivered on behalf of the Australian Institute of Archaeology and the Archaeological Research Unit, The School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, Burwood, Victoria, Australia, on 30 August, 2002. A much shorter version had been presented under the title, ‘The ¨Amârnah Tablets — A Late Bronze Age Phenomenon,’ at the Joint Meeting of the Midwest Region of the Society of Biblical Literature, the Middle West Branch of the American Oriental Society and the American Schools of Oriental Research—Midwest, Wheaton, IL., 16-18 February, 1997.
    [Show full text]
  • The Epic of Gilgamesh
    Semantikon.com presents An Old Babylonian Version of the Gilgamesh Epic On the Basis of Recently Discovered Texts By Morris Jastrow Jr., Ph.D., LL.D. Professor of Semitic Languages, University of Pennsylvania And Albert T. Clay, Ph.D., LL.D., Litt.D. Professor of Assyriology and Babylonian Literature, Yale University In Memory of William Max Müller (1863-1919) Whose life was devoted to Egyptological research which he greatly enriched by many contributions PREFATORY NOTE The Introduction, the Commentary to the two tablets, and the Appendix, are by Professor Jastrow, and for these he assumes the sole responsibility. The text of the Yale tablet is by Professor Clay. The transliteration and the translation of the two tablets represent the joint work of the two authors. In the transliteration of the two tablets, C. E. Keiser's "System of Accentuation for Sumero-Akkadian signs" (Yale Oriental Researches--VOL. IX, Appendix, New Haven, 1919) has been followed. INTRODUCTION. I. The Gilgamesh Epic is the most notable literary product of Babylonia as yet discovered in the mounds of Mesopotamia. It recounts the exploits and adventures of a favorite hero, and in its final form covers twelve tablets, each tablet consisting of six columns (three on the obverse and three on the reverse) of about 50 lines for each column, or a total of about 3600 lines. Of this total, however, barely more than one-half has been found among the remains of the great collection of cuneiform tablets gathered by King Ashurbanapal (668-626 B.C.) in his palace at Nineveh, and discovered by Layard in 1854 [1] in the course of his excavations of the mound Kouyunjik (opposite Mosul).
    [Show full text]
  • Atra-Hasis: a Survey
    Grace Theological Journal 12.2 (Spring, 1971) 3-22 Copyright © 1971 by Grace Theological Seminary. Cited with permission from ATRA-HASIS: A SURVEY JAMES R. BATTENFIELD Teaching Fellow in Hebrew Grace Theological Seminary New discoveries continue to revive interest in the study of the ancient Near East. The recent collation and publication of the Atra-hasis Epic is a very significant example of the vigor of this field, especially as the ancient Near East is brought into comparison with the Old Testa- ment. The epic is a literary form of Sumero-Babylonian traditions about the creation and early history of man, and the Flood. It is a story that not only bears upon the famous Gilgamesh Epic, but also needs to be compared to the narrative of the Genesis Flood in the Old Testament. The implications inherent in the study of such an epic as Atra-hasis must certainly impinge on scholars' understanding of earth origins and geology. The advance in research that has been conducted relative to Atra- hasis is graphically apparent when one examines the (ca. 1955) rendering by Speiser1 in comparison with the present volume by Lambert and Millard.2 Although Atra-hasis deals with both creation and flood, the pre- sent writer has set out to give his attention to the flood material only. Literature on mythological genres is voluminous. Therefore the present writer will limit this study to a survey of the source material which underlies Atra-hasis, a discussion of its content and its relation to the Old Testament and the Gilgamesh Epic. James R.
    [Show full text]
  • Death in Sumerian Literary Texts
    Death in Sumerian Literary Texts Establishing the Existence of a Literary Tradition on How to Describe Death in the Ur III and Old Babylonian Periods Lisa van Oudheusden s1367250 Research Master Thesis Classics and Ancient Civilizations – Assyriology Leiden University, Faculty of Humanities 1 July 2019 Supervisor: Dr. J.G. Dercksen Second Reader: Dr. N.N. May Table of Content Introduction .................................................................................................................... 3 List of Abbreviations ...................................................................................................... 4 Chapter One: Introducing the Texts ............................................................................... 5 1.1 The Sources .......................................................................................................... 5 1.1.2 Main Sources ................................................................................................. 6 1.1.3 Secondary Sources ......................................................................................... 7 1.2 Problems with Date and Place .............................................................................. 8 1.3 History of Research ............................................................................................ 10 Chapter Two: The Nature of Death .............................................................................. 12 2.1 The God Dumuzi ...............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Yahweh in Hamath in the 8Th Century Bc: Cuneiform Material and Historical Deductions1
    YAHWEH IN HAMATH IN THE 8TH CENTURY BC: CUNEIFORM MATERIAL AND HISTORICAL DEDUCTIONS1 by STEPHANIE DALLEY Oxford Cuneiform clay tablets are a rich source of personal names, and they often give valuable details of location or nationality in precisely dated records. Because many names take the form of a phrase or short sentence which incorporates the name of a god or goddess, we can trace the popularity of deities at different times over a span of some two thousand years, and we can sometimes assign a person to a particular city-state on the basis of that divine element. In the case of Judah and Israel, we know from the Old Testament that the cult of Yahweh under that name was central to Hebrew worship in Jerusalem and Samaria, from some point early in the Iron Age. Therefore when a name compounded with Yahweh is written in a cuneiform text of the Iron Age, whether the man is based in Palestine or whether he is far from home, he is assumed to be an Israelite. J. H. Tigay's recent study2 of personal names from Palestine has shown clearly and convincingly that Judah and Israel were relatively monotheistic early in the Iron Age. In general the god name is the most easily recognized element; but in the case of the name Yahweh written in cuneiform there are some unusual possibilities for ambiguity.3 In 8th and 7th century names the element that may be interpreted as Yahweh is written 1 The author is grateful to Professor E. W. Nicholson and Dr J.
    [Show full text]
  • Tushratta's Murder in Shuppiluliuma's Letter To
    Abr-Nahrain 33 (1995) 116-118 TUSHRATTA’S MURDER IN SHUPPILULIUMA’S LETTER TO AKHENATEN (EA 43) BY NADAV NA}AMAN According to Petrie, letter EA 43 was discovered in a pit under the build- ing where most of the Amarna tablets were found.1 The tablet was copied and published by Sayce.2 Shortly afterwards it was transliterated and its origin discussed by Knudtzon,3 who in his edition of the Amarna tablets attributed the letter to a north Syrian king.4 Weber, on the other hand, analysed the historical background of the letter and suggested that it was sent by Shuppiluliuma to Akhenaten and referred to the episode of Tushratta’s murder and Shattiwaza’s escape to Hatti. He therefore concluded that “der Brief 43 vom Îatti-König selber stammt, der in ihm dem Pharao über die Vorgänge in Mitanni berichtet".5 Between the publication of Knudtzon’s edition and 1993 letter EA 43 remained virtually unnoticed. Kühne, for example, did not discuss it in his detailed work on the chronology of the international Amarna letters.6 Nor did Moran translate it in his new edition of the Amarna letters.7 This is because of the damage on the left of the tablet, where about half of every line is missing. It is clear, however, that letter EA 43 is a Hittite-Akkadian state letter, and that almost all the sign-shapes belong to the late “chan- cellery" stage of the Hittite empire.8 An attempt to reconstruct the obverse of EA 43 was recently published by Artzi.9 In his opinion, the letter was sent by a Hittite king to the 1 W.M.F.
    [Show full text]