doi: 10.2143/AWE.12.0.2994441 AWE 12 (2013) 1-15

THREE LUWIAN HIEROGLYPHIC LATE INSCRIPTIONS

F.C. WOUDHUIZEN

Abstract In this contribution, three reasonably short Luwian hieroglyphic Late Bronze Age texts are discussed, one on a seal-ring from a private collection and two on stone monuments. It will be argued that as far as dating is concerned, the text on the seal-ring may be assigned to an early stage of the Late Bronze Age and as such constitutes the earliest Luwian hieroglyphic inscription of some length, whereas the ones on stone monuments may safely be attributed to the reigns of the Hittite Great Kings Tudhaliyas IV and Suppiluliumas II, respectively, in the final stage of the Late Bronze Age.

1. The Legend of Seal Borowski No. 26 The seal-ring of silver and bronze catalogued as Borowski no. 26 presents us with the largest extant Luwian hieroglyphic Late Bronze Age inscription preserved up to this date for glyptic sources. The inscription on the ring has been discussed in detail by Massimo Poetto in his editio princeps of the text,1 whilst some attention is also paid to it by Clelia Mora in her catalogue of seals inscribed with a Luwian hiero- glyphic legend.2 The Luwian hieroglyphic legend of the seal consists of two parts, one positioned in the centre and the other in the outer ring. On the basis of the excellent photo- graphs of the seal and its imprint as reproduced by Poetto (his Tav. XXVI; our Fig. 1), I suggest the following improvements of the reading of the text in the outer ring, which starts with the A(m/f) sg. of the demonstrative pronoun i-na (L 376-35) at a little to the right of the top side:3 (1) in between the symbol of lightning in third position (L 199) and just before the instance of L 29 ta are clearly visible the contours of L 411 nà, which therefore takes the fourth position; (2) the sign in ninth position consists of an instance of L 39 ta; (3) the sign in sixteenth position, which is also present in the legend of the centre, where it appears in second position, reads L 462 pá instead of L 461;

1 Poetto and Salvatori 1981, 31–34. 2 Mora 1987, 205, discussion of VIII 11.1. 3 Numbering of the signs according to Laroche 1960.

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Fig. 1: Seal Borowski no. 26 (after Poetto and Salvatori 1981).

(4) the sign in thirtieth position can, on the basis of the ‘thorn’ at its right side, positively be identified as L 389 ta+r; (5) the sign in thirty-first position in its ductus bears the closest resemblance to L 285 WATA, zú.

If we plug in these improvements as to the reading, we arrive at the following transliteration in numbers (for the grouping of the signs in combinations, see lin- guistic commentary):

centre 360-462 370-79 414-175-214-370 79-370

outer ring 376-35 199-411-29 17+383, 2 79 39-391-103 45* 384-175 360-462-35 215-100-19-110-90-209-225 370+383, 2-90 376-175 389-285-228

By next substituting the respective values for the given numbers, this leads us to the following phonetic reading:

centre MASANApá<+r+tì> hi-la-ná-su ASU-WANATI

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outer ring i-na TARHUNT-nà-ta HANTAWAT+r WANATI ta-mi-rú infansƒ TÚWA-la MASANA UMINA UTNA pá<+r+tì>-na ha-ta4-a-ma-ti-a su+r-ti i-la ta+r-zú

which in turn may be translated as follows:

centre ‘The god Pá(rtì) of the gate; good lady.’

outer ring ‘With respect to this (god): Tarhunata, lady on behalf of the king, second daughter (of) Tamirus, with respect to the god Pártì in the town (of) of the fief, in abundance favorable (to) the land (of) Tarsos.’

This translation takes as its starting point that the seventeenth sign L 35 na functions as the A(m/f) sg. ending of the preceding deity name which in an undeclined variant is also present in the text of the centre. If this is correct, we happen to be confronted with the following evidence of declension (or otherwise relevant linguistic features) in what for the absence of a verbal form are to be taken for noun phrases: (1) i-na: A(m/f) sg. in -na of the demonstrative pronoun i-; (2) HANTAWAT+r: Abl. sg. in +r of the noun HANTAWAT- ‘king’; (3) TÚWA-la: ordinal in -la of the numeral TÚWA- ‘2’; (4) MASANApá<+r+tì>-na: A(m/f) sg. in -na of the deity name MASANApá<+r+tì>-;4 UMINA UMINA (5) ha-ta4-a-ma-ti-a : Loc. sg. in -tia of the place-name ha-ta4-a-ma- ; (6) su+r-ti: Abl. sg. in -ti of the noun su+r- ‘abundance’.

In order to underpin the given translation in more detail, in addition to the given evidence of declension (or otherwise relevant linguistic features), the following lin- guistic comments are in order: (1) the deity name MASANApá- is known from the Late Bronze Age Emirgazi texts (E §§ 27, 30, 37 and 39), and can, thanks to a suggestion by Václav Blazek, be identified as an abbreviation of what in the Early Iron Age text Malatya 5 reads MASANApá+r+tì in full – a reflex of PIE *bhrent- for the stag-god;5

4 Note that the indication of the A(m/f) sg. in -na in the nominal declension is exceptional for texts in Late Bronze Age scribal tradition, according to which it is usually omitted (see Woudhuizen 2004b, 12). 5 Woudhuizen 2004b, 29, n. 1. Note that this divine name also occurs in variant writing L 334 pa as deducible from the association of this latter sign with the image of a stag on a seal from Aleppo (Mora 1987, IX 5.4), probably to be attributed to the Aleppian king Halpazitis for the plausible read- ing of the name of the owner as the hypercoristicon L 215-175-66-376 ha-la-pi-zi/i.

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(2) in the apposition to the name of the deity, L 414 represents nothing but a variant of L 413 hi, so that we arrive at the reading hi-la-na-su, an adjectival formation in -s- of the root hilana- ‘gate’;6 (3) the form of the demonstrative, i-na, refers back to the name of the deity as mentioned in the part of the text in the centre, and as such confronts us with an accusativus respec- tus in exactly the same way as we found this on a clay bar inscribed with the Cretan variant of Luwian hieroglyphic;7 (4) the name of the owner of the seal, TARHUNT-nà-ta, is of the type Tarhundapiya-, Tar- hundaradu-, Tarhundawara-, Tarhundazalma-, Tarhundaziti-, which, however, are all male, the only female example being provided by dU-ma-na-wa-;8 (5) it is of interest to observe that the owner of the seal in the first place addresses herself to have been raised to the rank of ‘lady’ by the king and only after this presents her genealogy, according to which she was the second (with ordinal in -l- as paralleled for Etruscan esl- or zal ‘first’ and cial- ‘third’)9 daughter of Tamirús – no doubt a reflex of the Cilician priestly name Tamírav as reported for the founding father of the Tamirádai, a priestly family responsible for the cult of Paphian Aphrodite in Cyprus;

(6) for the root of the indication of place, ha-ta4-a-ma-, cf. HATAMAha-tà-ma- or ha-ta4-ma- ‘fief’ as recorded for Early Iron Age texts from Karkamis (K-A2/3, § 11) and Kululu (Kl-1, § 2),10 so that it may safely be inferred that we are not dealing with a place-name in sensu stricto, but only the more generic reference ‘town of the fief’; (7) for the form su+r-ti, cf. SURNA-ti ‘in plenty, abundance’ as attested for the Late Bronze Age Yalburt text (Y, §§ 18, 40), which is based on the root (+R)su+r(a)- ‘abun- dance’ as recorded for the Early Iron Age text (Kt, §§ 6, 36);11 (8) for i-la, cf. i-la ‘favourably, lavishly, faithfully’ from the Late Bronze Age Südburg text (S, §§ 6, 7, 10); (9) for the variant of the place-name ta+r-zú ‘Tarsos’, which in Hittite text occurs as URUtarsa, with [z], cf. Ba‘al Tarz (= Santas)12 as recorded for coins from Tarsos dating from

6 Note that the F3 stag-god, variously addressed as (Ku)runt- (Woudhuizen 2010b), for the latter’s association with the adjective apárasa [embrasa] ‘of the field’ (cf. Luwian immara- and Hittite gimras < PIE *gheym-/ghim- ‘winter, snow’, see Woudhuizen 2011, 399–400; 411), is worshipped in the open field, and that the gate forms the connection between the urban center on the one hand and the open field on the other. Moreover, in the Hittite tradition images of deities were indeed sometimes exposed at the gates (a case in point is the ‘King’s gate’ at Bogaz- köy/Hattusa). 7 Woudhuizen 2009, 91–95. 8 Laroche 1966, s.v. 9 Woudhuizen 2008, 177–78. 10 Woudhuizen 2004b, Early Iron Age index, s.v. 11 Woudhuizen 2004b, indexes, s.v. 12 No doubt to be identified with the F3 hunting-god in Louvre 20.138 (see Woudhuizen 2006– 07 and cf. Woudhuizen 2010b), and as such a hypostase of the stag-god Pártì- or (Ku)runt-.

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the Iron Age;13 note that the a/u-vowel change is paralleled for hilanásu (expect hilanasa)14 and Tamirús (expect Tamiras).

Insofar as the dating of the seal-ring under discussion is concerned, it deserves attention that a king of the land of , in other words of , to which reference appears to be made in its legend, cannot possibly be situated after the reign of Sunas- sura II, who was a contemporary of the Hittite Great King Tudhaliyas II. It seems, therefore, that the reign of this particular king of Kizzuwatna, which is assigned by Jacques Freu to the last quarter of the 15th century BC, serves as a terminus post quem non.15 But it should be realised that such a date in actual fact only provides for a terminus ante quem, and that the seal-ring of the lady Tarhunata may just as well belong to the period of the reign of some earlier king of Kizzuwatna, even one from before the period of the interlude of Hittite annexation of this realm during the reign of Tudhaliyas I. The successful campaign of Tudhaliyas I against Aleppo in north Syria, which, as cogently argued by Freu, again, probably antedates Tuthmosis III’s activities in the region of 1447 BC,16 was celebrated by one of his lower officials with the dedication of a silver bowl, presently exhibited in the Museum of Anatolian Civilisa- tions at , with the earliest Luwian hieroglyphic inscription of non-glyptic nature and of some length known up to this date.17 If the seal-ring Borowski no. 26 should indeed be assigned to the period before the Hittite interlude, such as the reign of Sunassura I or even one of his predecessors, we would as such be dealing with the earliest Luwian hieroglyphic inscription of some length, albeit this time of glyptic nature. However this may be, one thing is clear: our seal-ring does not belong to the 13th century BC, as Mora wants to have it, but, in like manner as the other seals with hieroglyphs in the outer ring, to the general period of the 15th or even the 16th century BC!

2. The Luwian Hieroglyphic Inscription from Karakuyu The Luwian hieroglyphic inscription from Karakuyu was discovered in 1931 by H.H. von der Osten,18 but still lacks a proper elucidation of its contents in its entirety. A good photograph of the monument is presented by Bedrich Hrozny in his Les Inscriptions Hieroglyphiques of 1937, pl. XC, as well as by Hatice

13 Haider 2006, 43, Abb. 1. 14 Woudhuizen 2004b, Early Iron Age index, s.v. HILANA-lá-nà-sá-a- ‘of the gate’ as attested for a text from Karkamis (K-A11b/c, § 34). 15 Freu 2001, 31. 16 Freu 2003, 46–47. 17 Woudhuizen 2004a, 121–23. 18 Cf. Delaporte 1931, especially pl. 17.2.

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Fig. 2: The Luwian hieroglyphic inscription from Karakuyu (after Hawkins 2006, 75, fig. 11).

Gonnet in her Catalogue des documents royaux hittites du IIe millénaire avant J.-C. of 1975, pl. XII, no. 47, who also presented an overview of the relevant literature up to that date.19 The most recent drawing is that by John David Hawkins, pre- sented in his contribution to the 2006 Festschrift de Roos (Fig. 2).20 Finally, it deserves our attention that the text is included by Piero Meriggi in his corpus as nos. 95–9621 of his third series and illustrated in the upper section of his Tav. XIV in the same series. From the given numbering it is clear that the text, as duly stressed already by Ignace Gelb,22 originally consisted of more than one section, a part of it (Meriggi’s section II) being added to the right, but this had never been properly finished. As far as the archaeological context is concerned, it is important to note that the inscriptions are associated with ‘una diga costruita per formare un bacino di raccolta d’acqua’, i.e. a basin for the collection of water. As far as the contents of the main section (i.c. I) of the text are concerned (the unfinished section II being too fragmentarily preserved to be of any use in this con- nection), it was already clear to Hrozny23 that it starts in line 1 with the aedicula of Great King Tudhaliyas and his genealogy, the latter being only rudimentarily indi- cated by a patronym to the left. As the name of the father reads HÁ(TI)+li, the normal hieroglyphic rendering of Hattusilis, there can be no doubt that the dedicator of the monument is Tudhaliyas IV, who ruled from 1239 to 1209 BC. Furthermore, it has

19 Add Bittel and Güterbock 1935, Taf. 26, Nr. 11 (drawing), as referred to by Gelb 1939, 32–33. 20 Hawkins 2006, 75, fig. 11, reproduced here as our Fig. 2. 21 Meriggi 1975, 315–16. 22 Gelb 1939, 32–33, nos. 34–35; pls. LI–LII. 23 Hrozny 1937, 432–34.

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already been duly observed that in the second line, which runs boustrophedon-wise from left to right, mention is made of three mountain names and that it further contains a reference to the capital of the Hittites, Hattusa (present-day Bogazköy). Of the given mountains, the one in third position reads MASANA+WANTIsu-na+r and has been positively equated with cuneiform Hittite ÎUR.SAG su-un-na-ra ‘mount Sunnara’,24 which in turn is identified with the present-day Uzun Yayla in the neighbourhood of Karakuyu, in between Kayseri and Malatya.25 Next, the moun- tain in first position is rightly connected with the recurrence of the combination of signs in the Emirgazi text, and accordingly identified with Hittite cuneiform ÎUR. SAG sa-ar-pa ‘mount Sarpa’,26 which is associated with the cult of the goddess Îuwassana of Îupisna (= classical Kybistra, present-day Eregli) and therefore prob- ably entails a reference to the present-day Hasandag near Emirgazi.27 For the identification of the third mountain it is in my opinion relevant to take into consideration the nature of the combination L 109-285 which directly follows the enumeration of mountain names. This combination further occurs in Yalburt § 3, the Emirgazi fragment VI, and, during the earliest phase of the Early Iron Age, Kızıldag 4, § 3. Furthermore, it serves as an onomastic element in the recently discovered Late Bronze Age text from Afyon (see Section 3 below). Now, in my discussion of the Yalburt text, I have argued that the combination in question is not yet another titular expression referring to the Great King, as Hawkins wants to have it,28 but a reference to the monument with which the inscription is associated, a sacred pool.29 As a precondition for this identification, it needs to be observed that the sign L 285 is polyphonic and, notwithstanding its current use for the value zú in glyptic evidence (as, for example, in the legend of seal Borowski no. 26: see Section 1 above), expresses the value WATA in the geographic name KATA-WATA- naUTNA ‘Kizzuwatna’ as attested for Fraktin § 3.30 The validity of this argument is further enhanced by the archaeological find-context of Yalburt and Karakuyu, both inscriptions being associated with a water-basin, and by the fact that wata- is the Luwian reflex of Anatolian *watar/n- ‘water’. Hence: MALIA-WATA ‘sacred pool’. Now, against this backdrop, it is of interest to note that the second mountain reads MASANA+WANTItí-wa-tá (with L 416 tí – not L 417 as Hawkins wants to have it – as a

24 Note that I transcribe cuneiform Hittite geographic names with Ì as they occur in del Monte and Tischler 1978 and del Monte 1992, but stick to the transliteration of Anatolian Ì by h for Luwian hieroglyphic forms and unitalicised Hittite names. 25 del Monte and Tischler 1978, s.v.; Hawkins 2006, 61–62. 26 Hawkins 2006, 61. 27 del Monte 1992, s.v. Sarpa; cf. Freu 2006, 236. 28 Especially Hawkins 2006, ‘the hunter’. 29 Woudhuizen 2004a, 37–38. 30 Woudhuizen 2004a, 70–71.

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31 correction of my earlier assumption that it expresses the value ta7) and corresponds to cuneiform Hittite ÎUR.SAG ti-wa-ta-as-sa, ‘mount Tiwatassa’. This latter mountain, then, is associated with the country names and Hapala, as well as the Arzawan general Alantallis and his colleagues, and therefore most plausibly to be situated to the west of Emirgazi, somewhere nearer to the borders with Arzawa and Hapala. If so, it becomes highly attractive to identify mount Tiwatassa – notwithstanding its location in the Lower Land near the Hulaya river by Freu32 – with the mountain to the north of Yalburt and north-east of Çavu≥cu Gölü,33 not only because this place is situated to the north-west of Emirgazi, closer to Arzawa and Hapalla, but also because the given identification allows for the comprehensive explanation of all three monuments associated with a mountain name, viz. Karakuyu, Emirgazi and Yalburt, as having been set up in commemoration of Tudhaliyas IV’s Lycian campaign!34 For our understanding of the contents of the text, it further is of relevance to note that the element expressed by the sign L 19 á in front of the first mountain name does not belong to this name, but, just like in the Emirgazi text – where it appears following the indication of a mountain, as in §§ 2, 31, as well as unassociated with this latter, as in §§ 26, 28 – constitutes a logographic rendering, viz. Á, of the verb a(ia)- ‘to make, do’.35 In accordance with this analysis, the first phrase informs us that Great King Tudhaliyas Á ‘has made’ MALIA-WATA ‘the sacred pool(s)’ belonging to or associated with the three holy mountains enumerated in between indications of the verb and the object. Note also in this context that the first mountain name reads MASANA+WANTIASATAR ‘divine mountain throne’ and therefore likely bears reference to a sanctuary associated with mount Sarpa instead of rendering a mountain name per se. This phrase is subsequently followed by a second one, governed by the verbal form

HWA-sa5-a (note that the penultimate sign appears to be a rounded variant of L 327), an iterative in -s- of third person sg. of the subjunctive of the present/future in -a of

31 As per Woudhuizen 2010a ad Tell Ahmar 6, § 5. 32 Freu 2006, 231. 33 On the name of the mountain to the north of Yalburt, Massimo Poetto (pers. comm. July 4th 2010) has informed me that he never asked any local inhabitant/shepherd about it. However, he does know the name of the rise at the lower left slope of which the basin is placed, namely Gölcük Dagı. Even on the very detailed maps provided by Forlanini, Poetto further informs me, the mountain to the north of Yalburt, which rises to 1516 m in height, goes un-named, but it turns out to belong to a mountain range that, beginning exactly with the rise itself, extends for 25 km north to west and bears the name of Gölcük Dagları. There can be no doubt, Poetto concludes, that the waters feeding the Yalburt basin could come only from the anonymous rise, forming a part of the Gölcuk Dagları. 34 Cf. Woudhuizen 2004a, 48–49. Note that the sacred pools in all three cases are situated (Kar- akuyu, Yalburt) or likely to be situated (Emirgazi) at the foot of the mountains in question, and obviously designed for the collection of water coming from these mountains with which the respective valleys could be irrigated. 35 Woudhuizen 2004a, 53.

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root HWA- ‘to incise’ (cf. hù-i- ‘to incise’, HWA-i- ‘to sculpt’ in Early Iron Age texts)36 in the expected final position (note that this is the only form in the entire text of which the ending is explicitly indicated). This second phrase, then, further contains the personal name of the scribe responsible for the redaction of the inscriptions in question, to be variously read as either TARHUNT-KUMI-ASU or TÉSUP-SUPI-ASU (the polyphonic L 322 determines the nature of the second syllable; the identification of the final sign in this sequence as L 417, a variant of L 370 ASU, [as], su, we owe to the merit of Hawkins), but in any case formed after the pattern of cuneiform mdU-

SIG5-us ‘Tarhuntassus’, as well as the latter’s hometown or residence, HÁ(TI) UMINA+MASANA+WANTITU(THALIA) ‘the Hatti-town (of) Tudhaliyas’, a circumscription of the Hittite capital Hattusa. In sum, this leads us to the following transliteration and interpretation of the Karakuyu-text:

1. sol suus URA+HANTAWAT la+PÁRNA ‘His Majesty, Great King, á-ya MASANA+WANTITU(THALIA) la+PÁRNA labarnas, hero, Tudhaliyas, labarnas, Great King, hero, URA+HANTAWAT á-ya HÁ (TI)+li Á (son of) Hattusilis, has MASANA+WANTIASATAR MASANA+WANTItí-wa-tá made the sacred pool(s) MASANA+WANTI su-na+r MALIA-WATA (of) the divine mountain throne (= the holy mount Sarpa), the holy mount Tiwatassa, (and) the holy mount Sunnara.’

2. HÁ(TI)UMINA+MASANA+WANTITU(THALIA) ‘(In) the Hatti-town (of) TARHUNT-KUMI-ASU/TÉSUP-SUPI-ASU Tudhaliyas: may Tarkum- assus/Tesupassus (have) HWA-sa -a 5 inscribe(d) forever!’

3. The Luwian Hieroglyphic Stele from Afyon In 2003, Seracettin ≤ahin and Recai Tekoglu published a stele with a Luwian hier- oglyphic inscription which had come to light four years before as a result of illegal digging in the province of Afyon.37 The hieroglyphic inscription on this stele, currently exhibited in the museum of Afyon, runs boustrophedon from top to bot- tom over five clearly indicated lines (see Fig. 3). It consists of two phrases in sum, governed by a verb-form lacking a proper ending, in like manner, as happens to be

36 See Woudhuizen 2004b, Early Iron Age index, s.v. 37 ≤ahin and Tekoglu 2003; cf. Ehringhaus 2005, 48–49.

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Fig. 3: Stele from Afyon (after Ehringhaus 2005, 48, Abb. 90).

the case, for the Südburg text from an advanced stage of the reign of the last known Hittite Great King, Suppiluliumas II (1205–1190? BC).38 Nevertheless, owing to the use of the dative of the enclitic pronoun of the first person singular, -mi, it may safely be deduced that the endingless verbal forms render the first person singular of the past tense in -ha. Contrary to the opinion of the editors of the text, however, I do not think that the given form of the enclitic pronoun is used for the expression of the nominative, as such a use is (apart from an example in a Luwianising inscription on a seal from Cyprus dated to the 15th century BC, reading mi WALWA-á ‘I (am) Walwas’)39 only attested for related forms 40 in the later Luwian dialects Etruscan (mi ‘I’), Lydian (-m ‘I’) and Sidetic (m1i ‘I’). It is a characteristic feature of the inscription under discussion, namely, that the

38 Hawkins 1995; Woudhuizen 2004a, 76–90. 39 Woudhuizen 2009, 205–06. 40 Woudhuizen 2008, 389; +2010–11, 209; 1984–85, 121–22.

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enclitic pronoun -mi occurs twice in a coordinative phrase directly associated with the GN Tarhunt, thanks to whom the accomplishment of phrase 1 is achieved and to whom the monument is dedicated in the second phrase. In this manner, the dedicator of the monument wants to express that the accomplishment of phrase 1 also results from his own involvement, and that the dedication of phrase 2 also has a bearing on himself, while at the same time, by using a chain of enclitics, he is trying to avoid the impression of being presumptuous. Another salient point concerns the region mentioned in the first phrase in which the warpa- or royal power (as expressed by the ‘uraeus’-sign L 273)41 is either rein- forced or to which it is extended. With a view to the find-spot of the stele, it has been reasonably argued by the editors of the text that reference may well be made here to the region of Kuwaliya, the annex to the realm of Mira with its capital Apasa, ‘Ephesos’ in Hittite texts, and therefore likely situated inland of the latter realm, which means precisely in the region of Afyon. In my opinion, the first sign

of the geographic name in question is not L 286 wa7, as the editors want to have it, but L 329, (4), also catalogued as L 460 and, redundantly, L 508,42 consisting of a helmet with cheek-piece and expressing the value HWÁ. If we add to this that the sign below it is likely to be analysed as a ligature of L 278 li with L 450 à, we arrive as a lenited variant Hwaliya of the geographic name Kuwaliya! If we allow for the foregoing adjustments, we arrive at the following translitera- tion (in the system of my series on Luwian hieroglyphic)43 and translation:

1. 1sol suus MASANATARHUNT ‘(On behalf of) his majesty, -wa -mi -ha 2TARPA-MALIA-WATA (thanks to) Tarhunt as well as by my (own effort), (I), infansm+HANTAWAT Tarpamaliawatas, prince, 3TASHUWAR+WÁSU HWÁ-li+àUMINA (have) extend(ed) the WARPA warpa- (into) the blessed land (of the town of) Kuwaliya.’

2. à-wa 4i scalprumWANA MASANATARHUNT ‘And this inscribed stele -wa -mi -ha 5TARPA-MALIA-WATA (I), Tarpamaliawatas, prince, (have) erecte(d for) infansm+HANTAWAT TUWA Tarhunt as well as for my(self).’

41 On which, see Woudhuizen 2007, 717. 42 Numbering according to Hawkins 2000, 24, tabl. 1. 43 Woudhuizen 2004a–b; 2005.

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Two remaining points are of relevance to elaborate on: the date of the inscription and the nature of the personal name of its dedicator. To start with the dating, I am inclined to ascribe this text to an advanced stage of the reign of the last Hittite Great King, Suppiluliumas II. In any case, the use of the winged sun-disc (L 190) at the start of the text suggests that it dates to the Hittite Empire period (it seems unlikely that the realm of Great King Hartapus, the Early Iron Age successor of the ‘Sekundogenitur’ in Tarhuntassa, included the region of Afyon), whereas we have already noted that the lack of verbal endings is a characteristic feature of the Südburg text, dating from an advanced stage of Suppiluliumas II’s reign. But what in my view really tips the balance in favour of this latter dating is the fact that the region of Afyon entails a border zone located precisely in between the provinces of Pala44 and Walma on the one hand, men- tioned in the Südburg texts as being under a governor ‘serving well’, and the more westerly regions of Wiyanawanda, Lukka, and Masa on the other hand, against which Suppiluliumas II’s military actions as commemorated in the Südburg text are directed (see Fig. 4). It seems highly conceivable, therefore, that one of Suppiluliumas II’s subordinates, in this case a prince, had been engaged in some sort of preparatory actions in the given border zone (either of a consolidating or of an extending nature) in order to pave the way for the Great King’s military interventions further to the west. Finally, about the name of the dedicator, it might, considering the fact that the first element tarpa- means ‘to trample’,45 whereas the further elements malia-wata- refer to ‘sacred water, pool’,46 at first sight be frowned upon as an incompatible compound. But it should be borne in mind in this connection that the mythical horse Pegasos, whose name originates from the Luwian epithet of the storm-god, pihassassi-,47 caused springs to well up wherever one of his hooves trampled upon the earth.

Additional Note The map of reproduced here in our Fig. 4 is an improved version of the one presented as fig. 2 in Woudhuizen 2012. Apart from the inclusion of Kuwaliya in the region of Afyon as based on the text of the stele discussed in the above, I have added Apawiya in the region of the Marsyas as based on Freu’s identification48 of the associ- ated place-names Iyalanda, and indirectly, Atriya and Utima, with classical ,

44 Woudhuizen 2012, fig. 2: in the region to the east of the upper Sangarios. 45 Woudhuizen 2004b, indexes s.v. 46 Woudhuizen 2004a, 37-38.The titular expression on seal Mora 1990, XII 2.64 from Mersin, as referred to by Hawkins 2006, fig. 10, does not concern the combination under discussion, but correctly reads, as is especially clear for the variant on side b, MALIA-L 509 ‘sacred lancer’. 47 Haas 1994, 78. 48 Freu 2008, 112–13; 2010, 135.

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Idrias and Iduma, respectively.49 Finally, I have also included the sealing from ≤arhöyük-Dorylaion (region of Eski≥ehir) as published by Darga and Starke.50 Accord- ing to the text of Südburg inscription,51 Suppiluliumas II campaigned against Wiyanawanda, Tamina, Masa, Lukka and Akuna. Of these geographic names, Wiyanawanda is identical to classical Oinoanda in northern Lukka ‘’, and Tam- ina to Hittite cuneiform Tumana, situated to the north of . Now, a glance at our map suffices to show that Tumana, Masa and Lukka fall outside the distribution zone of Hittite rock and stone monuments as well as seals or sealings, and hence are likely to be considered hostile regions outside the territories directly controlled by the Hit- tite government. This being the case, and under due consideration that certainly Masa and Lukka of the given hostile regions border on the sea, it may reasonably be argued that the thus far puzzling Akuna confronts us with a derivative in -na of a reflex of PIE *akwa- ‘water’, used here in lieu of Hittite aruna- ‘sea’. If so, this would allow for the assignment of the Südburg text to the period of the upheavals of the , which ended with the demise of the Hittite empire!

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49 The exchange of hostages between Tudhaliyas IV and the governor of as recorded for the Milawata-letter concerns people from Pina(ta) and Awarna on the side of the Hittite emperor, which means Pinale and Arñne from the newly conquered territory in Lycia, and people from Atria and Utima on the side of the counterpart, which means, if the identifications with Idrias along the Marsyas and Iduma south-east of are correct, from the borders of the zone of influence attributable to Miletus. 50 Darga and Starke 2003. 51 See Woudhuizen 2004a, 76–90.

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