hesperia yy (2008) SEPARATING FACT Pages399-430 FROM FICTION IN THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION

ABSTRACT

Iron Age settlementsin the northeastAegean are usuallyattributed to Aioliancolonists who journeyed across the Aegean from mainland Greece. This articlereviews the literary accounts of the migration and presentsthe relevantarchaeological evidence, with a focuson newmaterial from Troy. No onearea played a dominantrole in colonizing Aiolis, nor is sucha widespread colonizationsupported by the archaeologicalrecord. But the aggressive promotionof migrationaccounts after the PersianWars provedmutually beneficialto bothsides of theAegean and justified the composition of the Delian League.

Scholarlyassessments of habitation in thenortheast Aegean during the EarlyIron Age are remarkably consistent: most settlements are attributed toAiolian colonists who had journeyed across the Aegean from Thessaly, Boiotia,Akhaia, or a combinationof all three.1There is no uniformityin theancient sources that deal with the migration, although Orestes and his descendantsare named as theleaders in mostaccounts, and are credited withfounding colonies over a broadgeographic area, including Lesbos, Tenedos,the western and southerncoasts of theTroad, and theregion betweenthe bays of Adramyttion and Smyrna(Fig. 1). In otherwords, mainlandGreece has repeatedly been viewed as theagent responsible for

1. TroyIV, pp. 147-148,248-249; appendixgradually developed into a Mountjoy,Holt Parker,Gabe Pizzorno, Berard1959; Cook 1962,pp. 25-29; magisterialstudy that is includedhere Allison Sterrett,John Wallrodt, Mal- 1973,pp. 360-363;Vanschoonwinkel as a companionarticle (Parker 2008). colm Wiener, and the anonymous 1991,pp. 405-421; Tenger 1999, It is our hope that readersinterested in reviewersfor Hesperia. Most of trie pp. 121-126;Boardman 1999, pp. 23- the Aiolian migrationwill read both articlewas writtenin the Burnham 33; Fisher2000, pp. 17-20; Bayne articles,since theyconstitute two sides Classics Libraryof the Universityof 2000,pp. 133-135,265-268, 315-316; of the same coin, and each is dependent Cincinnati,and I thankJacquie Riley Hertel2003, pp. 186-191;2007; Le- on the other. and Mike Braunlin,in particular,for mos2007, pp. 722-723. For assistancein the preparationof theirhelp. When I beganwriting this article, this article,I would like to thank Afterthis articlewent to press,a I recognizedthe need for an appendix Carolyn Asian, JohnBennet, Andrea new book on a similarsubject appeared: on theAiolic dialect, and mycolleague Berlin,Barbara Burrell,Jack Davis, Hertel 2008. Holt Parkeragreed to supplyit. That Pavol Hnila, PeterJablonka, Penelope

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the Aiolian settlementsin Lesbos and northwesternAsia Minor,which werebelieved to havebeen foundedafter the Trojan War. This featureof earlyGreek history has becomeso widelyaccepted by scholarsthat the evidencefor it is rarelyassessed anymore. The same has been trueof my own work: during the past 18 years,in whichI haveserved as head of Greekand Roman excavationsat Troy,I neverquestioned the migrationmodel, and assumedAiolian colonizationin all of mypublica- tionson thenew excavations.2 In reexaminingthe Iron Age materialfrom Troyin preparationfor final publication, however, it became clearto me thata reassessmentof the evidence for the Aiolian migration was essential, withthe archaeological and literarymaterial given equal weight,and with an eyetoward historiography, both ancient and modern. Assessing the evidence for the migrationrequires an analysisof ancientsettlements on both sides of the Aegean,and it is worthnoting how infrequentlysuch analyses have been undertaken.Even thoughmost archaeologistswould claim thatthe modernpolitical divisions between Greece and Turkeydo not influencetheir evaluations of the historical evidence,the existing scholarship speaks otherwise.3 This holdstrue even forbooks produced recently: historians tend to focuson eitherGreece or Turkey,and publications that accord equal treatment to bothareas are rare.4 In thisarticle, I firstreview the literary accounts of the migration and then presentthe relevant archaeological evidence, focusing on newmaterial from Troy.I nextsituate the evidencein its historicalcontext, examining cases in whichthe promotionof east-westconnections served some social or politicalpurpose, and considerthe extentto whichthe migrationstories areborne out bythe materialrecord.

THE ANCIENT LITERARY SOURCES

The firstappearance of the term"Aiolic" may be in the LinearB textsof Knossos,where one finds"a3-wo-re-u-si" as a dativeplural. This maybe a formof "Aiwoleusi,"or "Aiolians,"but the firstsign is broken,and cer- taintyis impossible.In laterGreek, "ai6A,o<;" (of uncertainetymology) means"rapid" and "shining,bright."5 Nothing relating to eitherAiolis or Greekcolonization in westernAsia Minor appearsin theHomeric epics. Odysseustravels to Lesbos but establishesno settlement,and the king of the island is a non-Greeknamed Makar (Od. 4.342-344; II 24.544; Diod. Sic. 1.3; 5.57.2).6The firstuse of theword as a geographicalterm comes in the Worksand Days of Hesiod (lines 635-638), wherethe poet describeshis father'splight in Aiolian Kymeand eventualemigration to Boiotia.7"Aiolic" was subsequentlyapplied by Mimnermos to Smyrnaas well,which means that the rubric's link to partof the west central coast of

2. Cf. Snodgrass1987, pp. 52-66, 4. E.g., Spencer1995; Mountjoy Schwertheimtranslates aa3-wo-re-u- forthe impact of Thucydides' descrip- 1998;Latacz 2004. si"as "foreignwarriors," but this is far tionof the Sicilian colonies on their 5. DerNeuePauly 1, 1996, pp. 335- fromcertain. I thankHolt Parkerfor excavators:the archaeological results 342,s.v. Aeolis (E. Schwertheim). assistancehere. weresometimes forced to conformto CoMIKW KN Wm 1707;Aura Jorro 6. See Spencer1995, pp. 303- theliterary accounts. 1985,s.v. Aioles. A fulllist of ancient 304. 3. Spencer1995, p. 272;Janik and literarysources regarding the Aiolian 7. West1978, p. 317. Zawadzka1996, pp. 118-119. migrationappears in Berard1959. 402 C. BRIAN ROSE

AsiaMinor was in placeby the 7th century.8 Nevertheless, in no partof Hesioddo wefind mention of the foundation of colonies in the northeast Aegeanby mainland Greeks. The nextrelevant references occur in theArchaic poetry of Lesbos, inthe works of Alkaios and Sappho. The rulingfamily of Lesbos bore the namePenthelidai, after Penthilos, the son of Orestes, who was named by Hellanikos,Strabo, and Pausanias, among others, as theman who led the Aioliansto Lesbos(Tzetz. ad Lykophr.1374; Strabo 13.1.3; Paus. 3.2.1; Pind.Nem. 11.33).9 By thelater 7th century, then, the rulers of Lesbos appearto have claimed descent from the house of Atreus as a consequence ofpost-Trojan War migration. At moreor less the same time, in theHo- mericHymn to Apollo, Makar, king of Lesbos, is namedas a sonof Aiolos who,in turn,is referredto as a Thessalianking and listedwith Doros andXouthos as sonsof Hellen {Hymn. Horn. Ap. 37).10Aiolos therefore entersinto the family of Hellen; Makar and his Mytilinean descendants acquiremainland Greek origins; andThessaly assumes a role in the Aiolian migration. The islandof Tenedos begins to figurein themigration accounts in the5th century: Pindar s 11thNemean Ode celebratesAristagoras, a citizenof Tenedos, whose Spartan ancestor Peisandros joined Orestes in leadingan Aiolianforce to theshores of Tenedos (Pind. Nem. 11.33). The implicationis that one generation after the Trojan War, Tenedos, like Lesbos,had been seized by a groupof men from the Peloponnese, which includedthe ancestor of Aristagoras. Up tothis point, the authors dealing withthe migration had provided no specificreason for its inauguration, buta religiousmotive is suppliedby Demon of Athens (fl. ca. 300 B.C.), whorecords a prophecy that a plaguein central Greece would end only if Oresteswere to foundcolonies and restore shrines in areasthat had been damagedduring the Trojan War.11 Notall of these authors agreed on what or where Aiolis actually was. Bythe 6th century, according to Herodotos,the original region of Aiolis laybetween Pergamon and Smyrna along or near the coast, and was con- trolledby a leagueof 12 citiesheadquartered inthe sanctuary ofApollo at Gryneion,between Elaia and Myrina. Herodotos separated this area from thecities of which he links to Lesbosand Tenedos theTroad/>£r^, (Hdt. 8. ForAiolic West the4th theterm had been Smyrna: 1992, 1.149-151).By centuryB.C., however, applied p. 87,fr. 9. Forthe Iron Age settlement tothe western Troad in additionto theoriginal cities (Strabo 13.1.4, 39). at Smyrna,see Cook andNicholls BothHerodotos and Thucydides also refer to partsof mainland Greece 1998,pp. 43-45; Ozgunel1978. The - as havingoriginally been called Aiolis Thessaly,according to the former, firstfortification wall at thesite dates to thelate 9th andthe part of Aitolia between Pleuron and Kalydon, adjacent to Ozolian century. 9. Page 1955,pp. 149-150. Lokris,according to the latter (Hdt. 7.176.4; Thuc. 3.102.5; see also Diod. 10.The referenceto Aiolosas a Sic.4.67.2). Thessalian,and as brotherto Doros One ofthe fullest accounts of the migration isprovided by Strabo, who andXouthos, appears in the6th-cen- includesunder the rubric "Aiolis" the entire area from Kyzikos to Kyme, turyCatalogue of Women,fr. 9: see Mer- 7. See also includingTenedos and Lesbos, with the first stage of the migration dat- kelbachand West 1967, p. 60 afterthe War Ulf1996, pp. 249-271; Hall 1997, ing years Trojan (Strabo9.2.3, 5; 13.1.1-4,58; 13.2.1; Most settlers fromAulis in likethe forces pp.42-43; 2002,pp. 56-89; 2006, 13.3.2-3;13.3.5).12The depart Boiotia, p. xxx. ofAgamemnon, and proceed to Thrace, under Orestes' son Penthilos; then 11. FGrH 382 F20. toDaskyleion, under his grandson Archelaos or Echelas; and finally to the 12. Leaf 1923,pp. 43-45. THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 403

Granikosarea and Lesbos,under his great-grandson Gras, after whom the GranikosRiver is named.A secondteam, contemporary with the expedition ofPenthilos, departed from Lokris and foundedKyme. In Strabos account, then,the colonizationis spreadacross four generations, from Orestes to hisgreat-grandson Gras, and theroute differs from earlier accounts in that Lesbos is thelast to be occupied. These sourcesfor the Aiolian migrationneed to be examinedin connectionwith those forIonian colonizationfurther south, since they functionas twosides of the same coin.13 Strabo dates the Aiolian coloniza- tionfour generations earlier than that of the Ionians,in whichmainland Greeksfleeing the Dorians establishedcolonies on thewest central coast of Asia Minor,as well as on Samos and Chios, ultimatelymarrying the 14 nativewomen of Caria (Hdt. 1.146.2-3). The name"Yaw(a)naya" in the late-8th-centuryAssyrian texts is usuallyinterpreted as a referenceto the Ionians,although it seemsto applyto all residentsof western Asia Minor, whetherGreek or not. Homer saysnothing of Greek colonies in Ionia,although an ancestral connectionbetween Ionia and Athenswas acknowledgedby ca. 600 B.C., when Solon referredto Atticaas the oldestland in Ionia (citedin Arist. Ath.Pol 5).15The namesof thefour pre-Kleisthenic tribes are attestedin inscriptionsfrom several Ionian cities,and theApatouria festival, the pri- marypublic manifestation of Ionian identity,was celebratedin bothIonia andAthens. Whether the tribal names and Apatouria festival traveled from 13. Roebuck1959, 24-31; Cook pp. east to westor viceversa is not entirelyclear, although recent scholarship 1962,pp. 23-25, 30-35; Huxley1966, favorsthe former.16 theend of the7th theIonian citiesappear pp.23-35; Emlyn-Jones1980, pp. 12- By century on the of Po- 19; Vanschoonwinkel1991, pp. 367- to haveformed a league(the Panionion) centered sanctuary 399; Mclnerney2001, pp. 57-59; seidonat Mykale,across from Samos, thereby complementing the Aiolian Thomas2001, pp. 225-226; Hall 2002, League headquarteredto the northat Gryneion.17 67-71. pp. Duringthis period Ionia's Athenian origins were increasingly empha- 14. Hall 1997,pp. 51-56; 2002, sized,primarily through the genealogicalmanipulation of the familyof pp.67-71. Forrecent assessment of the founder.In the Women, theDorian invasion, see Mountjoyand Ion, eponymous pseudo-HesiodicCatalogue of Hankey1988, pp. 30-32; Sakellariou writtensometime in thefirst half of the 6th century, Ion was presentedas 1990;Hall 1997,pp. 56-65, 114-128; theson ofXouthos by Kreousa,daughter of Erekhtheus,and grandsonof Hall IsthmiaVIII, pp. 378-379; 2002, Hellen.18Hekataios of Miletos,probably writing in the late 6th century, 73-82. pp. makesIon thebrother of Lokris, eponymous founder of the Lokrians, and 15. Hall 1997,p. 51; 2002,p. 69. ofOrestes (Hekataios of Miletos 1). thetime of Eurip- 16. Cassola 1957,p. 47; Huxley great-grandson By ides' Ion in the 5th Xouthoswas as fatherand 1966,p. 31; Ulf1996, p. 271; Hall century, dropped replaced 2002,p. 70. Forthe attitude toward by Apollo,although Kreousa, as the linkto Erekhtheus,remained intact Ioniansamong elite Athenians in the (Eur. Ion 57-75, 1589-1594). Herodotosand Thucydides,among others, Archaic see Connor1993. period, regardedthe Athenian colonization of Ionia as certain,although Messenian 17. Hdt. 1.148;Roebuck 1959, BoiotianThebes, Phokis, and PeloponnesianAkhaia were all cited 28-31; Kleiner,Hommel, and Pylos, pp. founders.19* Muller-Wiener1967; Hall 2002, as potential in these ofthe Aiolian and pp.67-68; Lohmann2004. The Ar- Thereis clearlyno uniformity descriptions chaicPanionion has recentlybeen iden- Ionian migrations,and thetemporal and spatialcomponents of the stories the on Mount tifiedon slopes Qatallar varywidely among the authorswho describethem. But bythe end of the and excavated Hans Lohmann by Archaicperiod, a generalbelief in ancestrallinks between mainland Greece (2007a;2007b, pp. 129-167). andAsia Minor existed,and thestories of fromwest to 18.West 1985; Hall 1997,pp. 42- certainly migrations were in thePersian Wars. One feature 44; Most 2006,p. lv. east firmly place following striking 19. Hall 2002,pp. 68-69. in all ofthese narratives is thecontinued prominence of the royal family of 404 C. BRIAN ROSE

Mycenaeover the course of sevengenerations: Pelops allegedlyjourneyed fromAsia Minorto thePeloponnese, having been raisedbetween Phrygia and Lydia;20his grandsonsMenelaos and Agamemnonwere the leaders in thewar against Troy; and thelatter's son Oresteswas creditedwith the subsequentAiolian migration, as werehis descendants,among whom Ion himselfwas occasionallycounted.21

MODERN INTERPRETATIONS

The Aiolian/Ionianmigrations have rarely been doubted in contemporary scholarship,although interpretations of the evidenceare as diverseas the relevantancient sources, and at one timethey were addressed in tandem with Indo-Europeanmigrations. Already in the 18th century,linguists had soughtan Indo-Europeanorigin for the Greeks while simultaneously embracingthe account in Genesis(10:2-5) whereinJapheth, son ofNoah, repopulatedthe west in the courseof his travels.22This was the approach adoptedby Schliemannin his firstbook on Troy,in whichhe assumed thatnorthwestern Asia Minor had been a way-stationin the east-west migrations,and a similarapproach was followedby ErnstCurtius in Die Ioniervor der Ionischen Wanderung.23 This historicalinterpretation, however, was stilllinked to Greekand Roman literaryaccounts of the migrations, whichresulted in an historicalreconstruction whereby the ancestorsof the Ionians traveledfrom Anatolia to Greece,and thenreturned several centurieslater, along with the Aiolians, to foundcolonies on thewest coast ofAsia Minor.24 Schliemannwas hard-pressedto findany actual evidence of an Aio- lian colonization,and in the end he placed it betweenhis Lydian(Sixth) Settlement,which he datedto theLate BronzeAge, and the Archaic Greek levels.25Dorpfeld s historianAlfred Bruckner recognized the problems inherentin thisplacement, and made Aiolian colonizationcontemporary withLydian control of theTroad, and so of EarlyArchaic date.26 Since therewas no clearevidence for continuous habitation between the Bronze and IronAges, the issueof a temporalhiatus began to be linkedto colo- nization.Carl Blegen,Dorpfeld s successorat Troy, argued that the hiatus extendedfor nearly 400 years(ca. 1100-700 B.C.),ending only with the arrivalof Greeksettlers.27 Later scholarsdivided the migrationamong severalperiods due to the increasinglyfrequent discoveries of Mycenaean,Protogeometric, and

20. This explainswhy Pelops was to Arkadiaa centurylater: Stewart theoriesregarding the origins of Greek shownwearing a Phrygiancap in 1997.In thepoetry of Pindar, the Aigi- culture,see Ulf2004. Greekart: LIMC IV, 1994,pp. 282- netanhero Aiakos became one ofthe 25. Schliemann1881, pp. 127-128, 287,s.v. Pelops (I. Triantis). buildersof the walls of Troy: Ol. 8.31- 209-210,587-588, 607; 1884,p. 237. 21. Therewere other heroic sagas 46; LIMC 1,1981, pp. 311-312,s.v. 26. Dorpfeld1902, p. 573. involvingAsia Minorin whichthe Aiakos(J. Boardman). 27. Dorpfeld1902, pp. 200-201; growingprimacy of mainland Greece 22. Smith1886, pp. 463-472; Cur- TroyIV, pp. 147-148.Blegen proposed was readilyapparent. The heroTele- tius1892, pp. 41-46; Cassola 1957, thatduring this interval the Trojans phos,who began life as theHirtite pp. 1-2; Hall 2002,pp. 36-45. had retreatedto thenearby hill of Balk godTelepinu, acquired Greek parents 23. Schliemann1881, pp. 131-132; Dag, althoughno supportingevidence (Heraklesand Auge) in the6th century, Curtius1855. fromBalk Dag hasbeen discovered: and hisbirthplace shifted from Mysia 24. Foran assessmentof Curtius s Asianet al. 2003,pp. 176-177. THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 405

Geometricpottery in the northeastAegean. Walter Leaf, writing shortly beforethe Blegen excavationscommenced, believed that there were two main waves: a Protogeometricsettlement, subsequently destroyed by a Thracianinvasion, and a migrationfrom Lesbos ca. 700 B.C.28This marked thebeginning of a long-lastingtrend in scholarshipwhereby the presence of Mycenaeanor Protogeometricpottery was regardedas proofof main- land Greekinhabitants. Four decades later, Nicholas Bayne, for example, assumedthat the existence of Mycenaean pottery on Lesbos indicatedthe presenceof Mycenaeanrefugees from the Dorian invasion,at the end of LH IIIB (ca. 1200 B.C.),with the first"Aiolic" expedition leaving central Greeceat theend of LH IIIC (12th century).29He also proposedthat an additionalgroup of colonists from central Greece subsequently founded the southernAiolic cities,around the beginning of the Protogeometric period (ca. 1000), withyet another wave of Greeksfrom Lesbos arrivingin the Troad ca. 700 B.C.In otherwords, each majorchange in the styleof Late Bronze/EarlyIron Age potterywas interpretedas evidencefor population change,with four distinct colonizations over the course of 500 years. The absenceof archaeological evidence for colonization in northwest- ernAsia Minor has occasionallybeen noted,as has thelack of changein theceramic assemblages at manyof the sites that were allegedly colonized. One ofthe most distinctive types of pottery used in thenortheast Aegean duringthe Iron Age waswheelmade gray ware, often referred to as "Aiolic." 28. Leaf 1923,p. 45. In hisscheme, Baynereluctantly admitted the dependenceof theseIron Age graywares theProtogeometric settlement would on theirlocal BronzeAge predecessors,but he linkedcolonists to thegray havebeen the one to whichthe Lok- ware theAiolian back to the Late Mycenaeanpe- rians senttheir maidens by pushing migration originally (see the of as of thefirst Greek below,nn. 110, 111). Leafbelieved that riod,using presence Mycenaeanpottery proof settlements.As a ware became the of Greek thecitadel was thenseized by Thracian consequence,gray product invaders,to whomhe linkedthe invention,albeit with some local influence: Cimmerians.In orderfor this scheme I feelit thatthis new could have to work,VIIb2 Knobbedware needs to unlikely potterystyle [gray ware] be datedlater than Protogeometric developedand spreadso rapidly,without apparently any external pottery,which is whathe proposed. impetus,at theend of a periodremarkable for the absenceof any dissertation 29. Bayne2000. Bayne's substantialchange in thepottery. . . . While on Lesbos, theAiolian was in 1963but remained completed settlersdeveloped the gray ware which became typical of them, unpublisheduntil 2000. See also Berard as a basis not thelocal Lesbian ware,but also thepot- (1959,p. 21), whobelieved that the using only whichcrossed to Lesbos fromthe migrationhad alreadybegun by the tery neighboringmainland, and, endof the Bronze Age. in particular,preserving the gray colour and metallicappearance of 30. Bayne2000, pp. 266-267. the mainlandin preferenceto therather degenerate ware of the has out PenelopeMountjoy pointed Lesbian sites.Later, when the gray ware was fullydeveloped, fur- to me thatthe in Mycenaeanpottery ther ofAiolians crossed to theAnatolian coast and founded datesto LH IIIAl-2, not parties question cities in contactwith Ionians as at Phocaea LH IIIB2, so Bayne'sargument is un- there, placesmaking founded.See Mountjoy1999a, p. 1156. and Smyrna.30 31. Hertel1991, 1992; see also More DieterHertel has thatthe of Cook 1975,pp. 776-782;Graham recently, argued presence Protogeo- thearrival of mainland in 1983,pp. 1-2. A similarapproach was metricpottery at Troy reflects Greeks,who, turn, adoptedby Roebuck (1959, p. 27) and wereresponsible for the conquest of the local inhabitants at theend ofTroy Huxley(1966, pp. 23-25) withref- VIIb2 (ca. 1050 B.C.).31This is one of the fewreconstructions to linkthe erenceto theIonians. Hertel (2007, migrationaccounts with a warbetween Greeks and Trojans, although many pp. 117-120)has identifiedseveral assumethat ethnic conflict was a by-productof thecolonization. signsof change in Protogeometricgray warethat he viewsas indicativeof To supporttheir reconstructions ofthe migration, archaeologists have colonization. oftenturned to the researchof linguists,who have dividedthe ancient 406 C. BRIAN ROSE

Greek dialectsinto Doric, Ionic, and Aiolic, followingHesiod s three branchesof the Hellenes. Thessalian, Boiotian, and Lesbian are placed under theAiolic rubric,and sincethe first two are, in severalrespects, more con- servativethan the last, it has usuallybeen assumedthat Thessalian/Boio- tianis olderthan Lesbian, with the migrationcited as the explanation.32 This remainsthe standard interpretation in nearly all handbookson Greek historyand archaeology. The Aiolianmigration is also frequentlydiscussed in tandemwith the developmentand transmissionof the Homeric epics, especially with regard to linguistics.33Some wordscan be tracedback to LinearB, and thereare also Aiolic formsin an otherwiseIonic dialect.Each of the components in this configurationhas thereforebeen tied to colonization,usually in the followingsequence: after the Dorian invasionthere was an exodus of Mycenaeans,together with their bards, from Thessaly and Euboia to Lesbos,which, on the basis of the Protogeometricpottery discovered in Lesbiancities, is thoughtto haveoccurred ca. 1050 B.C.This exoduswould, accordingto the theory,have accountedfor the mixtureof Linear B and Aiolic forms,subsequently influenced by the Ionic dialectonce the epics traveledfurther south along the coast of Asia Minor.Recent work dealing withHomeric epics has therefore,by necessity,reinforced the legitimacy of an Aiolian migrationin the EarlyIron Age.34 It is onlycomparatively recently that scholars have begun to exam- ine these migrationstories as evolvingsymbols of ethnicidentity and civicpropaganda. The firstserious attempt occurred in 1958,when M. V. Sakellariousexamination of the relevantliterary sources led him to con- cludethat the Ionian migration was essentiallya creation of Athenian pro- pagandafollowing the Persian Wars.35 The subsequentstudies of Jonathan Hall andIrad Malkin on earlyGreek ethnicity have expanded this approach considerablyby demonstrating the extent to which accounts of ancestry are tiedto the systematicconstruction of regionalidentities, formulated over timeand drivenby politicalagendas.36 In general,the Aiolian migration has receivedfar less scrutinythan the Ionian,probably due to thegreater prominenceof Athensin the lattertradition, nor has the archaeological recordof "Aiolis"really been examinedin conjunctionwith the literary accounts.This I proposeto do here,focusing in particularon Troyand theTroad, since there is now an abundanceof evidencefor Late Bronze/ Iron Age habitation,and contactbetween both sides of the Aegean can be moreeasily monitored.

32. See, e.g.,Chadwick 1956. Cf. especiallyEuboia, during the Oriental- pp. 580-588),who has questionedthe Thuc.3.2, who refers to theBoiotians izingrevolution. He appearsto make validityof the literary accounts relating as parentsof the Lesbians. For a thor- theearliest part of the colonization to Euboiancolonization of Torone. oughanalysis of the linguistic argu- contemporarywith Troy VIIb2 (1988, 36. Hall 1997,2002, 2004; Malkin ments,see theaccompanying article by p. 164). 1998,2001. It is worthnoting that the Holt Parkerin thisissue (Parker 2008). 34. Fordiscussion of the dialect recentconflicting interpretations of 33. See,e.g., Janko 1992, pp. 15-19. itself,see Garcia-Ramon1975; Hodot thesignificance of Late BronzeAge West(1988, p. 172) arguesthat the 1990. Troyhave been linked to politicaland treatmentof the gods in theHomeric 35. Sakellariou1958; 1990,pp. 133- culturalchanges in Germansociety: epicswas influencedby Near Eastern 149.A similarapproach has beenfol- Haubold2002. poetry,and transmittedto Greece, lowedby John Papadopoulos (2005, THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 407

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NORTHEAST AEGEAN

The Late Bronze Age

Determiningthe political position of theAiolian/Ionian areas during the Late Bronze Age is now easierdue to the discoveryand decipherment of a relativelylarge number of Hittitedocuments, both in the capitalof Bogazkoy(Hattusa) and in westernAsia Minor.Between the 15th and 13thcenturies B.C., the western coastal areas of Asia Minor formedpart of the kingdomof Arzawa, subdividedinto fourvassal states:Wilusa, whichoccupied theTroad; Mira, which encompassed Ionia; theSeha River Land, whichlay between them, from Adramyttion to Smyrna,including Lazpa (Lesbos); and Hapalla, which encompassedparts of Pisidia and Phrygia.37 The inhabitantsof Arzawa were sometimes allies of theHittites, but not consideredof equal statusor as partof the same social group,as the 37. Forthe ofwestern geography Hittitelaws unearthed in Bogazkoydemonstrate. This zonewas continually Asia Minor theHittite during period, a locus of betweenthe Hittitesand a referredto in the see Starke1997; Hawkins 1998; Latacz struggle kingdom Hittitetexts as oftenidentified as theGreek Akhaia. 2002a,2002b; Melchert 2003, pp. 5-7, Ahhiyawa, Ahhiyawa 32, 35-40.The capitalof Arzawa was had a greatking whose powerwas analogousto thatof the Hittiteking, Ephesos,or Apasa in Hittite. and his realmclearly lay somewhere to thewest of Asia Minor,across the 38. Mountjoy1998, pp. 47-51; water.38Ahhiyawan links with the port city of Millawanda (Miletos), which Niemeier Eastonet al. 2002b; 2002, withinMira, were and Miletos was under Latacz lay extremelystrong, certainly p. 101; Hope Simpson2003; 1264.39 2004,pp. 121-128;Niemeier 2005, Ahhiyawanprotection by The Hittitetexts record the conflictsand alliances pp. 18-20. frequent shifting 39. Hope Simpson2003, pp. 216- throughoutwestern Asia Minorduring the Late BronzeAge. Ahhiyawan 220; Bryce2005, pp. 290-293. attackson westernAnatolia had certainlybegun by the early 14th century, 40. Benzi Mountjoy1998, p. 47; when a commandernamed Attarissiyabrought 100 chariotsinto Asia 2002,pp. 360-361;Bryce 2005, pp. 58- Minor.40Toward the end of thatcentury, during the reignof MursilliII, 59, 129-130.See alsoMorris (1989), Arzawaand Miletos formed an alliancewith theHittites, whohas arguedthat visual references to Ahhiyawaagainst of thesetypes of battles may be visiblein whichprompted Hittite military intervention in Arzawa.The loyalties theThera frescoes. the Seha RiverLand werealso clearlychangeable, and theyalternated at 41. Vanschoonwinkel1991, varioustimes among Arzawa, Ahhiyawa, and the Hittites. 399-404;Niemeier 1998, 1999, pp. The associationof Ahhiyawa with the Mycenaean Greeks is becoming 2002a,2002b, 2005; Mee 1998;Bryce difficultto dispute.41The Hittitetexts clearly indicate that 2002,p. 259; 2005,pp. 57-60,309-310; increasingly was notlocated on theAnatolian butwas reachable Hope Simpson2003. See,however, Ahhiyawa mainland, Hajnal (2003,pp. 35-41),who regards byship from there. Moreover, at leastduring the 13th century, Miletos was theassociation as notimpossible, but underthe protection of Ahhiyawa, and theLate BronzeAge remainsfrom to be yet proven. thatsite reveal extensive Mycenaean influence: approximately 95% of the 42. Benzi2002, p. 377; Niemeier 14th-and early-13th-century ceramics are of Mycenaeantype, although 2002a;2005, pp. 10-16; Lemos2007, muchwas made.42This fact, withthe of p. 723. By contrast,only 2% ofthe pot- locally coupled discovery Myce- Niemeierto concludethat teryfrom Troy is Mycenaean,and naean chambertombs, has led Wolf-Dietrich nearlyall ofritwas locallyproduced: Miletoswas a Mycenaeancolony during the Late BronzeAge.43 The settle- Mountjoy1997; 1998,pp. 34-45; mentson the adjacentislands do not appearto havebeen coloniesperse, Mommsen,Hertel, and Mountjoy fromwhat one can tell,although they also evincea highlevel of Mycenaean 2001,pp. 181-194,202-203; Benzi acculturation.As severalscholars have noted, if Ahhiyawa does notrefer to 2002,p. 371. 43.Niemeier 1998, 1999, 2001, theMycenaean-affiliated areas, then we have to assumethat the Hittites - 2002b,2005. did not mentionthe Mycenaeansin theirdocuments whichwould be 408 C. BRIAN ROSE

- verysurprising considering the new evidence from Miletos and thatthe kingdomof Ahhiyawato whichthe textsdo referhas thusfar remained undetectedin thearchaeological record.44 WhetherAhhiyawa consisted of a groupof Aegean islands, sites on the Greekmainland, or both cannot at thispoint be determined.Both Mycenae andThebes have been suggested as potentialcapitals, as has Rhodes,and all ofthe arguments have some points in theirfavor.45 Here too Greeklegend- aryfigures now formpart of the discussion,since versions of theirnames havebeen identified in severalHittite texts. In one ofthem, which dates to thereign of Hattusili III (mid-13thcentury), the Ahhiyawan king mentions an agreementmade with the Arzawans by his predecessor, whose name has been interpretedby some as "Kadmos."46A contemporaryletter referring to "Tawagalawa,"the brother of the Ahhiyawan king, has been interpreted as a Hittiteform of the Linear B "E-te-wo-ki-le-we,"or Eteokles,and the early-14th-century Ahhiyawan commander "Attarissiya" has been linked to Atreus.47But whateverthe geographic configuration of Ahhiyawa was, thedominant culture must have been thatof theMycenaeans.48 There was certainlyconsiderable traffic across the Aegean during thisperiod. One of the Linear B tabletsfrom Pylos, dating to the 13th century,speaks of womenseized as slavesfrom western Asia Minor and takento Pylos,where they were assigned to textileproduction.49 Another document,this one in Hittitefrom Bogazkoy, describes the revoltof the Arzawanprince Piyamaradu against the Hittiteking Hattusili III. Large numbersof prisonerswere reportedly seized in Hittiteterritory and pre- sumablytaken to Ahhiyawa,Piyamaradu s allyin therevolt, although this mayhave involvedtransport only to the Aegean islands.50In any event, thewestern regions of Asia Minor clearlyconstituted a liminalzone that was exposedto bothMycenaean and Hittiteculture and politicsover the courseof severalcenturies. We shouldnow turnto Wilusa, the furthestnorth of the Arzawan states.Wilusa is mentionedseveral times in Hittitetexts of 13th-century date,and itreportedly lay within view of the land of Lazpa. At one pointin thelate 15thcentury, Wilusa hadjoined with other vassal states in western

44. Cline 1994,p. 69; Bryce2005, 2005,p. 19; Latacz2004, pp. 238-247. 47. ForEteokles, see Niemeier p. 58. Some ofthese tablets include names 1999,p. 152; Bryce2005, pp. 290-293, 45. The dominanceof the Myce- thatprobably refer to Asia Minor: 395; forAtreus, see Niemeier2002b, naeanroyal family in themigration mi-ra-ti-jo(Milesios); to-ro-wo (possi- p. 296; West2003. accountsis one ofthe reasons why My- blyTroos); and si-mi-te-u(Smintheus, 48. Cline 1996,pp. 145-146; cenaehas been regarded as thecapital theepithet of Apollo in hissanctuary at Hawkins1998, pp. 2, 30; Mountjoy ofAhhiyawa and theseat of the Great Chryse,in thesouthern Troad): Benzi 1998,pp. 47-51; Hope Simpson King:Niemeier 1998, p. 44; 1999, 2002,pp. 365-366.For a moreskepti- 2003. pp. 143-144;2002b; Hope Simpson cal analysis,see Hall 2002,pp. 50-52. 49. Hiller1975; Chadwick 1988, 2003,pp. 233-235. Thebes has also ForRhodes, see Cassola 1957,pp. 334- pp. 90-93; Efkleidou2002-2003. For beenconsidered a viable candidate, 337; Benzi2002, pp. 368-381; see also Hittiteresettlement in Mycenaean sincea cacheof Linear B tabletsdis- Mountjoy1998, pp. 50-51 (Rhodes areas,see, in general,Bryce 2002, coveredthere refer to siteson Euboia, togetherwith Miletos). pp.261-262. therebysuggesting (to some)that the 46. Latacz2004, p. 244. Katz (2005, 50. Singer1983, pp. 209-213; latterwas subjectto theformer: Mount- p. 424) hasshown, however, that the res- Hawkins1998, pp. 25-26. joy 1998,p. 50; Niemeier2002b, p. 295; torationof "Kadmos" cannot be correct. THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 409

Asia Minor (the Assuwa Coalition) againstthe Hittites,but the regions long alliancewith the Hittiteking was signaledin an early-13th-century textfrom Bogazkoy that mentions Alaksandu, ruler of Wilusa.51 A slightly laterletter between the Hittiteand Ahhiyawankings appears to indicate thatWilusa was a causeof conflict between them, although the exact nature of the animosityis unclear.52The finalreference occurs in a letterwritten duringthe reign of Tudhaliyas IV (1227-1209), whereinWalmu, ruler of Wilusa,has been deposedand has soughtshelter in anotherregion, prob- ablyMillawanda.53 Thereis nowagreement among most Hittitologists that "Wilusa" refers to theTroad, of which Troy/Ilion was thecenter of power, whereas "Lazpa" denotesthe nearby island of Lesbos.54 The causeof the Ahhiyawan-Hittite contentionover Wilusa mayhave been the sites strategicposition at the entranceto theDardanelles, adjacent to theeasiest crossing point between continentalEurope and Asia,which would have made it an especiallyat- tractiveally.55 Untilrecently, it has beengenerally assumed that traffic between Troy and MycenaeanGreece was extensiveduring the Late BronzeAge, largely due to the existenceof so much Mycenaeanpottery in the later-2nd- millenniumlevels of Troy. But the potteryhas recentlybeen subjectedto neutronactivation analysis (NAA) and reexaminedby Penelope Mountjoy, who has determinedthat a largeamount of it is locallyproduced, imitation Mycenaeanwares.56 Troy s decisionto imitateMycenaean decoration so extensivelyon shapes associatedwith dining suggests that the residents attachedan elevatedstatus to thedecoration. Whether the imitation was a by-productof direct interaction between the Trojans and theMycenaeans, or was receivedvia contactwith other cities on the westernAsia Minor coast, cannot currentlybe determined.Nor is thereevidence that the destructionof Troy Vila shortlyafter 1200 B.C.was causedby a forceof Mycenaeans,although the city was severelydamaged in theattack, and in some areasthe destruction deposit is nearly1.5 m high. The nextgenerally recognized phase of habitation, Troy Vllbl, is notas clear-cutas earlierpublications indicate. Blegen believed that the damaged wallsand houses of the citadel were repaired, and that Handmade Burnished ware now began to enterthe ceramicrecord.57 From what we can judge,

51. Latacz2004, pp. 213-249, datesto Troy VIIb2, and thusover a conceptionof this system cannot be 278-287. centuryafter its production. ascertained,but the citadel wall, ditch, 52. Bryce2005, pp. 357-365; 55. The oldestpart of the citadel and Coalitionseem to be roughly Latacz2004, pp. 213-249, 278-287. wallof Troy VI is nowdated to the contemporary.For an overviewof the 53. Bryce1985. 15thcentury B.C. (P. Jablonka, pers. constructionphases of the citadel wall, 54. See summaryin Hajnal 2003, comm.),and thecutting of the bedrock see Klinkottand Becks2003. For pp.29-32; Latacz2004, pp. 75-100. ditchin theLower City appears to date Wilusa,see also Korfmann2001; Recentdiscoveries at thesite include a to thesame period (Jablonka 1996; Latacz2002a, 2002b. 13th-centurybronze seal with Hittite Jablonkaand Rose 2004,p. 617). Both 56. Mountjoy1997; 1998,pp. 37- Luwianscript and a bronzefigurine citadelwall and ditchmay therefore 45; Mommsen,Hertel, and Mountjoy ofHittite type: Easton and Hawkins havebeen intended as componentsof a 2001,pp. 181-194,202-203; Mountjoy 1996;Starke 1997; Mellink and Stra- moresophisticated defensive system. andMommsen 2006, pp. 12Q-121. han 1998;Basedow 2006, p. 88.The Whetherthe formation or defeatof the 57. TroyIV, pp. 141-143,158-159. contextin whichthe seal was found AssuwaCoalition played a rolein the 4IO C. BRIAN ROSE however,only a fewof the houses were rebuilt after the attack; many were filledwith trash, and therewas probablya decreasein population.Few pure Vllbl depositscan be distinguishedin thearchaeological record, and it is by no meanscertain that handmade coarse wares began to be a featureof Trojanlife.58 In anyevent, there is no signof culturalchange. TroyVIIb2 (ca. 1130-1050), however,is a differentcase. In these levelsBlegen recordedstriking changes in the assemblages,including a preferencefor stone orthostats in house construction,and moldsfor tools andweapons that can be paralleledin southeasternEurope. There arealso changesin theceramic record: it seemslikely that handmade coarse ware was introducedonly at thistime, and withit came Knobbedware, another handmadeware with projecting knobs on a darkburnished surface.59 The shapesand decorationof Knobbedware vessels find their best parallels in the easternBalkans, like theweapon/tool molds. Blegen, therefore, con- cludedthat they signaled a new elementin thelocal population,while he notedthat there appeared to have been no attack,and mostof thewares and shapesused in Vllbl continued.60 Indeed,the handmadeKnobbed ware is foundin domesticcontexts withlocal wheelmade Gray and Tan ware,and theshapes in both categories are functionallysimilar; in otherwords, there are wheelmadeand hand- madecups and pitchers, although the forms are not identical.61 Handmade Burnishedware is foundat a largenumber of Mediterraneansites in the 12thcentury B.C., and its appearancehas been ascribedto the movement of slaves,merchants, mercenaries, and guestworkers.62 The percentageof thesehandmade wares in VIIb2 assemblagesis not consistentover time: theymake up betweena quarterand a thirdof the sample in Blegens trenches,and between50% and 60% in recentexcavations of VIIb2.63By the Protogeometricperiod ( VIIb3), the percentageof handmadewares reachesa levelas highas 70% in some areas.64 It has usuallybeen assumedthat Trojan handmadeware was locally producedin VIIb2 bymigrants who arrivedthere from Thrace, and recent neutronactivation analysis has verifiedits local origins.65But withinthe

58. 1 thankPavol Hnila forthis in- 1990; Small1990; Vanschoonwinkel Asianhas informedme thatthe per- formation. 1991,pp. 233-242; Sams 1992; Ste- centageof Handmade Burnished 59. TroyIV, pp. 141-148;Koppen- fanovich,Meyer, and Bankoff1996; warein Protogeometriclevels in the hofer1997, pp. 316-347;Becks 2003, Genz 1997;Hall 1997,p. 120; Lemos WestSanctuary is approximately30%, pp.45-48. Forthe Mycenaean pottery 2002,pp. 84-97. Rautman(1998) ex- whereasin trenchD9, on thesouthern in theselevels, see Mountjoy1999b, aminesthe issue from the perspective sideof the citadel, the percentage is pp. 332-342. ofLate RomanCyprus. Handmade about70%. 60. TroyIV, pp. 141-148.See also Burnishedware has beendiscovered in 65. Guzowska(Guzowska et al. Sams 1992; Koppenhofer2002; Chiai levelsthat predate the collapse of the 2003,pp. 241-248) has arguedthat 2006. At leastone ofthe Vllbl houses palaces:Small 1990, p. 8; Vanschoon- handmadecoarse ware was probably was destroyedby fire (Mountjoy 1999b, winkel1991, pp. 234-239. producedin Thrace and importedto p. 324),but there is no signof a sys- 63. Forthis information I thank Troy,but NAA byFarkas Pinter has tematicdestruction. PavolHnila, who is publishingthe demonstratedthat it was all locally 61. Guzowskaet al. 2003,p. 239. TroyVII handmadecoarse ware. This produced.See Pinter2005, p. 177: Usageof the two categories was representsa modification of Guzowska "I was notable to identifyany vessel presumablydetermined by diet or et al. 2003. fragment[of handmade coarse ware] ritual. 64. TroyIV, p. 143; Koppenhofer inTroia which could certainly be of 62. Rutter1975; Deger-Jalkotzy 1997,pp. 305-306;Asian 2002, p. 84; foreignorigin." 1977,pp. 40-48; Bloedow1985; Rutter Guzowskaet al. 2003,p. 236. Carolyn THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 411 area of northwesternAsia Minor,these wares were traveling only to Troy and to Daskyleion:the recentsurveys of Mehmet Ozdogan have shown that Knobbed ware is notablyabsent from other sites on the Gallipoli peninsula,as well as the southernand easternMarmara region.66 The otherVIIb2 featuretraditionally regarded as a sign of foreign occupation,orthostat construction, is also not as straightforwardas one mightexpect. No parallelsin the Balkanshave been identified,although Magda Pieni^zek-Sikorahas suggestedthat several sites in thenorthwest Ponticarea may supplyrelevant comparanda.67 In his finalpublication, Blegen noted that orthostatswere used in earlierconstruction at Troy, althoughnot as extensivelyas wouldbe thecase in VIIb2, and we should not ruleout a local development.68The situationwould undoubtedlybe clearerif we could assess changesin mortuarycustoms among phases Vila, Vllbl, and VIIb2, butno cemeteriesof those periods have yet been identified. Nevertheless,a few conclusions do emergefrom the evidence that can be assembled.The collapseof the Hittite empire seems to haveprompted theopening of a commercialcorridor stretching from southeastern Europe to centralAnatolia, thereby facilitating contact between Thrace and Troy.69 The Handmade Burnished/Knobbedware may have been one of theby- productsof this new network, which increased in scaleduring phases VIIb2 and 3 (ca. 1130-900 B.C.)and mayultimately have involved a demographic change.70Migrants do tendto settlein regionswith which they are already familiar,often due to preexistingtrade links with their homelands, so such a reconstructionwould makesense.71 It is worthnoting that the demographic shift posited for Troy during the12th century appears to haveoccurred also at Gordion.Toquote Robert Henricksonand MaryVbigt: There is no stratigraphicbreak to indicatea significanthiatus in settlementat Gordionafter the fallof theHittites, so thattime alone cannotaccount for the observedchanges in architecture, domesticfeatures, ceramics, and animalremains between the Late Bronzeand the EarlyIron Age. These ceramicdata do not support a gradualtransition from the Late BronzeAge intothe EarlyIron Age. Instead,the archaeologicalevidence strongly suggests a popu- lationchange at thistime, rather than simply a shiftin politicaland economicorganization.72

66. Ozdogan 1993,pp. 160-162. 68. TroyIV, p. 142; see also Dorp- Forvariants of Knobbed ware at Das- feld1902, p. 194. kyleion,see Bakir-Akbasoglu1997, 69. Sams 1992,p. 59; Yakar2003, p. 231. HandmadeBurnished ware p. 16. beginsto be foundat Gordionin 70. Anthony1990, pp. 900-903; Phrygiaaround 1000 B.C.,and also at 1997,pp. 24-25; Graham1990. KamanKalehuyuk (Kir§ehir), although 71. MacGaffey2000, pp. 72-76. theshapes and decorationof the pot- 72. Henricksonand Vbigt 1998, teryat thelatter sites are not duplicated p. 101. See also Sams 1992;Vbigt and • atTroy: Omura 1991; GordionIV, Henrickson2000, p. 46; Vassileva pp.20-22. 2005. 67. Pieniazek-Sikora2003. 412 C. BRIAN ROSE

The Protogeometric and Geometric Periods

The end of the VIIb2 phase at Troymay have been caused by an earth- quake,judging by the tumbled stones covering nearly all ofthe occupation areas,after which several of the houseswere rebuilt.73 It is in thislevel, now christenedVIIb3, thatpainted Protogeometric sherds begin to be found,although otherwise there is no substantivechange in the ceramic assemblages.Recent examination by CarolynAsian has determinedthat the majorityof therim fragments are Handmade Burnishedware (either "Barbarian"or Knobbedware, both of which continue to be produced),or wheelmadegray ware (17%), which in shape,fabric, and decorationis nearly indistinguishablefrom the gray ware of Late BronzeAge date.74The earliest paintedProtogeometric sherds (group I), whichbelong to neckamphoras, compriseonly 3% of the assemblagesand seem to have been produced somewherein coastalLokris or southeastThessaly.75 Neck amphorasof thesame type,also of 10th-centuryB.C. date, have been foundin Euboia, Phokis,and Macedonia, thus leading Richard Catling to proposethat these areas once formedpart of a Mycenaeantrade route that continued into theProtogeometric period.76 An EarlyProtogeometric cup fromTroy is a gray-wareimitation of a typefound in theThessalian-Euboianarea, which also suggestscontact between the two regions,as does the appearanceof wheelmadegray wares in Protogeometriclevels at Lefkandithat feature thesame decorativeschemes as thoseoriginating in Troy.77 The presenceof these sherds in VIIb3 levelsat Troy has, not surpris- - ingly,been linked to Aiolian migration originallyby Leaf, who interpreted themas an indicationof the first of two waves of Greekcolonization, and mostrecently by Hertel,who believedthat they signaled the takeoverof Troyand the surroundingareas by Aiolian settlers.78But the ceramicsin theselevels do not supportsuch an interpretation:a survey of the painted vesselsreveals that only one shape,the neck amphora, is represented.It is morelikely that the amphoras,which held wine or oil,were components of an exchangesystem that involved both sides of the Aegean. Mutual influenceis likely,but thereis no evidencefor the movementof people fromone regionto another.79 The followingphase, which one shouldprobably call Late Protogeo- metric/EarlyGeometric in theabsence of a Trojannumerical designation, datesto thelate 10th/9thcentury and is harderto characterize.80Activity

73. Lenz et al. 1998,p. 210, n. 46; gestedby Catling (1998, p. 164). For fabric,shape, and decorationfrom Mountjoy1999b, pp. 333-334;Asian OpountianLokris during the Proto- thoseat Troy. 2002,pp. 83-84. geometricperiod, see Fossey1990, 77. LefkandiII.l, pp.39, 55-56, 74. Bayne2000, pp. 226-228, pp. 106-107. 73-74,pl. 5:j; Catling1998, p. 178. 312-313;Asian 2002, pp. 83-84. 76. Catling1998; see alsoMomm- 78. See above,nn. 28 and 31. 75. Catling1998, pp. 153-166; sen,Hertel, and Mountjoy2001, 79. Fora similarapproach with Asian2002, pp. 83-84,90-92. These pp. 194,196, 203; Lemos2002, referenceto Greeksin theLevant, see amphorassuggest the existence of a pp.211-212. Papadopoulos(2005, Waldbaum1997. commerciallink between Troy and the p. 585) has castsome doubt on Cat- 80. Asian2002, pp. 84-85. In gen- generalarea of Lokris as farback as the lingsproposed links between Macedo- eral,the most valuable assessments of 10thcentury B.C., and theroots of the nia andTroy during the Protogeomet- settlementat Troyduring the Iron customof the Lokrian maidens may ricperiod, pointing out that the neck- Age arethose of Catling 1998 and lie in thatearly trade network, as sug- handledamphoras at Torone differ in Asian2002. See also Korfmann2002; THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 413

clearlycontinued at thesite, but we havesecure evidence for it in onlytwo areas:a votivedeposit in theWest Sanctuary,and a dumpin quadrantD9, on the southside of themound, into which sherds and stoneshad clearly fallenor been thrownfrom the citadel.The vesselsin theWest Sanctu- ary deposit are unique withincontemporary votive assemblages, both east and west,although the forms and decoration,such as thefenestrated base of a thymiaterion,vertical handles topped by cylindricalknobs, and crosshatchedtriangles, appear to havebeen derived from Late BronzeAge ceramictraditions at Troy.81As Asian has noted,"the Trojan shapesand decorationhave parallels at nearbysites such as Assos and Lesbos,although the differencesin fabricand shape popularitysuggest an independent traditionat Troy."82 The percentageof handmadecoarse ware and wheelmadegray ware in thisphase is essentiallythe same as in VIIb3, althoughProtogeometric potterynow makesup 8% of the assemblage.Most of it representsa later developmentof group I, describedabove.83 One sherd,however, belongs to groupII ofProtogeometric amphoras, which feature a shorterneck, a larger, morebulbous body, and a changein fabricfrom that of groupI. Judging bythe distribution patterns of sherdsin thisgroup, Catling has suggested thatthe centerof productionshifted from the Thessalian-Euboian area to south-centralMacedonia.84 There are additionalpainted wares in the Late Protogeometric/EarlyGeometric deposits at Troywhose shape and decorationare comparableto potteryfrom Lefkandi, Gordion, Rhodes, and Thasos, but thereare no exactparallels. In theLate Geometricperiod (8th century B.C.), we beginto findmore evidencefor occupation: a housewith hearth and ovenwas constructedin frontof the Troy VI fortificationwall on thesouth side ofthe mound, and a buildingprobably intended for hero cult was setup in theWest Sanctu- ary,also in theshadow of theTroy VI wall.85The constructiondate of the buildingis difficultto pinpoint,but it appearsto havebeen in placeby the end ofthe Bronze Age and was subsequentlymodified in the8th century, withbenches inside and outas wellas a stonebase thatmay have supported an image.86There was also an interiorapsidal structure filled with burned

Eder2004; Basedow2006. Foran over- selectionof the Thessalian-Euboian to a citadeldestroyed or abandonedat viewof Mediterranean trade during areaas theproduction center is based theend of the Bronze Age can alsobe thisperiod, see Boardman1990; Sher- on thedistribution patterns of the foundat Knossos,Mycenae, and Ti- rattand Sherratt1993, pp. 364-366. sherds,and similaritiesin fabricbe- ryns,all ofwhich received new cult 81. TroyIV, figs.217, no. D45; 237, tweengroup II potteryin thetwo re- buildingsin theEarly Iron Age, even nos.23-26; 276(a); 279, no.22:a-c. gions.Snodgrass (1994) has proposeda thoughthe citadels were abandoned: 82. Asian2002, p. 92; see also Bayne gradualcolonization from Euboia to Foley1988, pp. 145-147;Klein 1997, 2000,pp. 230-234; Hertel 2007, Macedoniaat thistime, but doubt has p. 297 (Mycenae);Wallace 2003, pp. 107-110. recentlybeen cast on thisby Papado- pp.267-268 (Knossos).See also Cook 83.The fullydeveloped group II poulos(2005, pp. 580-588). 1953a and 1953b(Agamemnoneion at amphoras,which date, in general,to 85. Rose 1995,pp. 89-93; 1997, Mycenae).In general,see Antonaccio 800-675 B.C.,certainly traveled to Troy pp. 76-86; 1998,pp. 73-76; Asian 1994,pp. 86-90; Hall 1997,pp. 138- andAntissa, on thenorth coast of 2002,pp. 85-86; Basedow2006, pp. 88, 140; and Coldstream2000, p. 296.The Lesbos,as wellas to coastalsites in the 91, fig.3. Forthe Bronze Age phasesof IronAge andArchaic architecture and Chalkidike,Thessaly, and Euboia: thehouse, see Becks,Rigter, and Hnila stratigraphyin the West Sanctuary at Catling1998, pp. 166-171. 2006. Troywill be publishedby Maureen 84. Catling1998, pp. 166-171.The 86.The laterapplication of sanctity Basedow. 414 C. BRIAN ROSE bones and ash, a coarse-warepot containingmore burned animal bones (fallowdeer and bovine),and severalbronze fibulas.87 Shortlyafter the West Sanctuarystructure was modified,ca. 700 B.C., a seriesof stone-pavedcircles were constructed ca. 20 m to theeast, along theTroy VI fortificationwall. Blegen found 28 suchcircles in all,with an averagediameter of 2 m, althoughnot all of themwere contemporary.88 Some weresurrounded by orthostatsand each was clearlythe locus of a fire,judging by the layerof blackearth on top.The ceramicassemblages associatedwith these circles suggest feasting (cups, dinoi, kraters, etc.), and thesetoo mayhave been associatedwith hero cult.89 The amountof paintedwares now increasesto 37%, with parallel typesfound in Samothrace,Samos, Lefkandi, and Athens,although some of thesewares appear to have been locallyproduced, judging by recent neutronactivation analyses.90 Included in thiscategory is an earlyversion ofG2/3 fine ware found at othernortheast Aegean sites, including Thasos, Samothrace,and Lemnos,and commonlydecorated with vertical zigzags, steppatterns, and hooked spirals.91Almost half of the rimfragments in theEarly Archaic assemblages are wheelmade gray ware, higher in quality thanwhat had been producedin the past,although clearly derived from earlierlocal forms. I have focusedprimarily on Troyin the previoussection, since the Late Bronze/IronAge evidenceis relativelyabundant yet stillnot well known.Apart from Troy, Lesbos is theonly other region in thearea where a discernibleamount of Iron Age materialhas beenfound, and with which the Trojan archaeologicalrecord can be compared.Bronze Age Lesbos clearlylay within the cultural orbit of theTroad and westernAsia Minor, and thisappears to be truefor the Iron Age as well.During the 10thand 9th centuriesthere is a littleevidence for habitation on Lesbos: apsidal buildingshave been excavatedat Mytileneand Antissa,and occupationis attestedat Methymnaand Pyrrhaas well,although Mytilene is the only sitethat has yieldedpainted Protogeometric ceramics.92 No potteryof the Trojangroup I hasbeen discovered, but there are representative sherds from groupII, and some thatcan be placedin a transitionalphase between the twogroups. On Lesbos,as atTroy, no substantivechange can be seenin the gray-warevessels from the Bronzeto the IronAge; in fact,the IronAge potteryof Lesbos, eventhrough the 8thcentury, has farmore parallels in theeastern Aegean and in Anatoliathan in mainlandGreece.93 In assessingthe extent of east-west contact in thenortheastern Aegean, we would probablybe on firmerground if the evidencefor pre- Archaic burialcustoms in theregion were more substantial. Until the early 1990s,

87. Forthe development of the apsi- potentialmodels. 1996;Bayne 2000, pp. 229-230; Asian dal planduring the Protogeometric 89. TroyIV, pp.274-279; Rose 2002,pp. 92-93. ForNAA, seeMomm- period,see Lemos2002, pp. 149-150. 1997,p. 89; Basedow2006, pp. 89-90. sen,Hertel, and Mountjoy 2001, Comparethe situation in the7th-cen- Feastingalso occurredin thevicinity of pp. 196,203. tury"Temple A" at Prinias,with inter- similarstone circles at Mycenae. 92. Lamb 1932; Spencer1995, nal hearth:Carter 1997, pp. 87-89. 90. Asian2002, pp. 85-86. For pp.277-287; Bayne2000, pp. 200-217, 88. TroyIV, pp. 274-275. Hertel theproduction site of G2/3 ware, now 314; Utili2002; Lemos2002, pp. 148, (2007,p. 118,nn. 94, 96) interpretsthe acknowledgedto be Troy,see Momm- 240. One ofthe apsidal buildings lay at apsidalstructure and stonecircles as sen,Hertel, and Mountjoy 2001, thefoot of the acropolis of Antissa, the indicativeof colonization, but sup- pp. 196,203. otherat Pyrrha. pliesno mainlandGreek examples as 91. TroyIV, pp.253-255; Fisher 93. Spencer1995, pp. 303-305. THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 415

graveshad been excavatedonly at Troyand on Lesbos, but the recently excavatedIron Age cemeteryonTenedos provides welcome new data.94 The one relevantgrave at Troy,dating probably to theLate Geometricperiod, is the poorestof the group,with a contractedskeleton covered by a large pithossherd.95 Adult Geometric burials on Lesbos tendto be inhumations in cistsor largejars, although in theArchaic period clay sarcophagi begin to be used on Lesbos,as at westernAsia Minor coastalsites further to the south,with earthen tumuli and ringwalls often set above them.96 The 8th- to 7th-centuryB.C. graves on Tenedos are stone-linedpits featuring both cremationand inhumation,with children inhumed in amphoras.97 The materialrecovered from all ofthese graves, primarily pottery and fibulas,can be paralleledmost easily in westernAsia Minor and on the easternAegean islands,especially Lemnos and Rhodes.The fibulasin the Lesbos tombs,in particular,find their closest stylistic parallels with those fromAnatolia (Gordion,Alishar, Cilicia), and severalof the tombgifts fromTenedos maintain a distinctAnatolian iconography as lateas the6th centuryB.C.98 None of this is particularlyreminiscent of contemporary burialpractices in mainlandGreece, although we are,of course,dealing witha limitednumber of settlements,and varyinglevels of wealth at the sitesin question.

The Archaic Period

Duringthe later 8th and 7thcenturies B.C., a considerablenumber of new settlementswere establishedin the Black Sea as well as in westernand northernAsia Minor.Judging by the potteryfrom Kyme, from which Hesiod's fatherhad reportedlycome, a settlementthere was in operation by the middleof the 8thcentury, while in the courseof the 7th and early yearsof the 6th century, Miletos founded colonies at Kyzikos,Prokonnesos, Abydos,and Lampsakos,within the sphereof theTroad, and at least 10 coloniesin the Black Sea, includingPantikapaion, Histria, Sinope, and Olbia. By the end of the 7th century,Athens had establishedcolonies at Sigeion and Elaious, nearthe mouthof the Hellespont,and Methymna at Assos,on the southwesternside of theTroad.99

94. Arslanand Sevin92003. early-7th-century date, are paralleled in althoughthere is no evidencethat hab- 95. Asian2002, pp. 86-87. theAegean islands and western coast of itationat thesite occurred before the 96. Kurtzand Boardman1971, Asia Minor:Sapouna-Sakellarakis 7thcentury (Pasinli 1976), and itwas notone ofthe cities included in the pp. 176-177;Philipp 1981, p. 152; 1978,pp. 45-47, type lib; pp.57-59, Spencer1995, pp. 294-295. typeIllb; Caner1983, pp. 41-42,type AiolianLeague by Herodotos (1.149). fromAssos dates 97. Spencer1995, pp. 293-296; IVd; pp. 44-45,type Va; Rose 1995, The earliestgray ware Arslanand Sevinc2003. p. 91; Koppenhofer1997, pp. 310-312. to thesecond half of the 7th century: Utili 98. Spencer1995, p. 293; Arslan 99. Ehrhardt1983; Osborne 1996, Gebauer1992, p. 71; 1999, and Sevinc2003; Arslan2003. This is pp. 121-125;DerNeue Pauly VI, pp. 78-82; Bayne2000, pp. 309-310. s referenceto a especiallyapparent in thecase ofthree 1999,pp. 646-666,s.v. Kolonisation Gebauer 9th-century semicircularsheets of hammered gold (W. Eder).For the pottery from Kyme, sherd(1992, p. 87, no.54) appearsto be of6th-century date whose style and see Frasca1998; Bayne 2000, p. 310; an error.Sites within the Ida Moun- iconographyare easily paralleled in Hertel2007, p. 104; Lemos2007, tains,such as Kebrenand Neandria, centraland western Anatolia: Arslan p. 717 ("nomaterial earlier than late also appearto havebeen settled for the 2003.A similarrange of imports is Geometric").Elaia, near Pergamon, firsttime in the7th century: Leaf 1923, evincedin theWest Sanctuary of Troy, was reportedlyfounded by the Athe- pp.223-240; Bayne2000, pp. 310-311. wherethe votive fibulas, of late-8th- to niansat thetime of the Trojan War, 416 C. BRIAN ROSE

To whatextent did thesettlements in northwesternAsia Minor con- structan identityfor themselves, distinct from that of otherregions, and whatrole did mainlandGreece play in thatidentity? The earliestsign of a regionalconsciousness is tiedto the formationof theAiolian and Ionian leagues,each ofwhich originally included 12 constituentcities. The dateat whichthese leagues were established is unclear:the sanctuary of Apollo at Gryneion,which served as theAiolian League s headquarters,has notbeen excavated,although Geometric pottery has been foundon the surface.100 Excavationsin the Panionionat Mykale,however, have revealeda naiskosof late-7th-centuryB.C. date, subsequently replaced (ca. 560-550 B.C.) by a much largertemple with an assemblyhall, 100 Attic feetin length,which was setwithin a fortifiedprecinct of ca. 7 ha.101The leagues' foundationsand earlydevelopment were probably stimulated by a variety offactors, but among them would have been theextraordinary ethnic and linguisticdiversity of western Asia Minorduring the Archaic period, which wouldhave included Lydian, Phrygian, Aramaic, and perhapsa derivative of Luwian,in additionto Greek.102Conflict with Lydia, which controlled bothAiolian and Ionian areasduring the 7thand early6th centuries B.C., was no doubtalso a contributingfactor, as was,perhaps, the battle between thetwo leagues over Smyrna (Hdt. 1.149-150).103 There is no evidenceduring the Archaic period that stories of main- land Greekcolonization formed an integralcomponent of eitherleagues identityThe physicalenvironment of the Aiolian cities,in fact,would haveargued against such an association:toward the end ofthe 7th century, publicbuildings in northwesternAsia Minorbegan to featurea distinctive style,usually called Aiolic,that was characterizedby capitalswith verti- callyrising volutes set abovea leafechinus.104 The earliestexamples come fromSmyrna and Larisa,but by the 6th centurythe stylehad spreadto Neandria,Lesbos, Troy, and Ainos.105Based on the survivingevidence, it looksas ifIonia followedthe same courseseveral decades later, when the Ionic orderbegan to characterizetemples in the region,beginning with Samos and Ephesos.106 One can findexamples of Aiolic and Ionic architectural styles in Athens and the Peloponneseduring the Archaicperiod, although they are later

100. Ragone1990; Ozkan 1994. werestruck on Lesbos andTenedos and trianglesset in alternatingrows, 101. Lohmann2007a; 2007b, in the6th century B.C.: BMC Troasy whichone also findsat Gordion(Gor- pp. 129-167. pp.xlv, Ixiii. There has been specu- dionIV, p. 129),although the forms at 102. Our earliestsign of written lationthat the entire region of north- eachsite are different, as is thedecora- Greekin Aiolisdoes notappear until westernAsia Minorwas underPhry- tion,and thereappears to be no direct thelast quarter of the 7th century, in giancontrol during the 8th century, linkbetween them. theform of graffiti on sherds;stone primarilydue to thenumber of legends 103. Forthe Lydians, see Pedley inscriptionsand coinswere produced thatmention a linkbetween the two: 1972,pp. 18-25;Tenger 1999, bythe middle of the following century: thePhrygian king Midas reportedly pp. 127-130;Gurtekin-Demir 2002. Jeffery1990, pp. 359-362;Blumel marriedthe daughter of the king of 104. Cook 1962,pp. 84-86; Betan- 1996,pp. 10-11. In Ionia,the only site Kyme(Arist. fr. 611; Poll.9.83), and court1977, pp. 58-112;Wiegartz 1994. thathas yielded Greek graffiti of 7th- Ilos,son of Dardanos, entered a wrest- 105.Cook andNichols 1998, pp. 93- centurydate is Smyrna,and onlytwo lingmatch hosted by the king of Phry- 96,200-203 (Smyrna);Betancourt exampleshave been uncovered: Jeffery gia,ultimately winning a cowthat led 1977,pp. 73-88 (Larisa,Lesbos); Wie- 1990,p. 345,no. 69 (endof 7th cen- himto thehill of Hisarlik (Apollod. gartz1994 (Neandria);Rose 1995, tury?);p. 473,no. 68a (ca. 650 B.C.). 3.12.3).A fewGeometric sherds at pp. 86-88 (Troy);Basaran 2000 (Ainos). The earliestcoins with Greek legends Troyare decorated with stamped circles 106. Barletta2001, pp. 84-124. THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION \Y]

in datethan the Asia Minorexamples and confinedprimarily to votive columnsand theminor arts rather than buildings. In otherwords, the ancestrallinks between mainland Greece and Lesbos featured in Archaic poetrywould not have been apparent in themonumental architecture of eitherarea, at least prior to the5th century. Ifwe turnthe situation around, what kind of identity was projected bycities that claimed to havebeen colonizers, and what role did Aiolis andthe Troad play in thatself-presentation? Such civic advertisements haveto be viewed in the context of 7th-century B.C. power politics, which weredirectly tied to colonization.The plethoraof Milesian colonies in theHellespont, the southern shore of the Propontis, and thenorthern and southerncoasts of theBlack Sea havealready been noted. These constitutedcomponents of a commercialnetwork, and theMegarian - settlementsin or aroundthe Bosporos at Khalkedon,Selymbria, and - Byzantion wereundoubtedly competitive responses to those establish- ments.107As this competition among the colonizers gathered momentum, one ofthe by-products was theconstruction of increasinglydistinctive identities,inwhich charter myths articulated the city-states' heroic heri- tageand justified their territorial expansion.108 Within the geographical sphereof the Troad, such myths generally involved the Trojan War and, by extension,the settlementof Ilion itself,which had probablybeen identifiedas thesite of legendary Troy by the beginning of the Archaic period.109 An excellentcase in pointis suppliedby the custom of the Lokrian maidens,which proved mutually beneficial to both Opountian Lokris and Ilion.Beginning in the 7th century, the Lokrian aristocracy sent two maid- enseach year to live in and clean the sanctuary ofAthena Ilias, in atonement fortheir ancestor Ajax s rapeof Kassandra at the end of the Trojan War.110 One ofthe most intriguing features of the custom was thatthe Lokrian maidenscould be attacked,even killed, by the Trojans if they were caught outsidethe confines of the sanctuary.111 In light of the fact that Ilion was hardlya militaryforce at this time (nor at anytime in the future), one has toask why the Lokrians would allow two of their aristocratic children to be subjectedto such mistreatment annually on the opposite side of the Aegean. The onlysensible explanation is that Lokris was promoting a link to the Homerictradition that Troy now embodied, and to their local hero, Ajax, bymaking the custom a fixed component of their civic identity.112 Thelater

107.Milesian colonization: Ehr- ofthe tribute, but disagree on thedate customof the Lokrian maidens, see hardt1983; Gorman 2001, pp. 47- whenit originated,with some placing Wilhelm1911; Leaf 1923,pp. 191- 85. it shortlyafter the Trojan War, and 193;Walbank 1967, pp. 335-336; 108. Cook 1953a,1953b; Cold- othersto theperiod of Persian dom- Graf1978; Hughes 1991, pp. 166-184; stream1976; Whitley 1988; Malkin ination.According to Polybius(12.5.7), Redfield2003, pp. 85-150. 1994;Antonaccio 1995. whoseaccount is usuallyregarded as 112.According to Philostratos 109. Rose2003. themost authoritative, the custom had {Her.53.8-21), the Thessalians traveled 110.The customprobably lasted for begunbefore 673, when the colony of annuallyto Troy to makesacrifices at nearly600 years,with a breakonly in LokriEpizephyroi in southernItaly thetomb of Achilles. This shouldprob- theLate Classical/EarlyHellenistic was founded(see also Lycoph.Alex. ablybe viewedas a status-buildingde- of period.The largenumber of ancient 1141-1173;Aen.Tact. 31.24; Strabo vicein thesame spirit as thecustom historianswho comment on thiscus- 13.1.40). theLokrian maidens. tomagree in generalon thebasic form 111. Formodern assessments of the 418 C. BRIAN ROSE constructionin Lokrisof a templeto AthenaIlias endowedthe custom witha kindof bilateralsymmetry, and it conferredupon the Lokriansa levelof prestige far more potent than wealth.113 The constructionof similarcharter myths promoting a Trojan con- nectionis especiallyapparent during the secondhalf of the 7th century, whenAthens founded its firstcolony in the easternAegean. The colony in questionwas Sigeion,only a fewkilometers northwest of Troy on the Aegean coast.114This was an area underLesbian controlduring the 7th century,but it was won byAthens ca. 625 B.C.following a battlein which Alkaioslost his armor.115Herodotos reports on the competingterritorial claimsof Athensand Lesbos, in which each regions involvementwith the Homerictradition played a significantrole. By thispoint, the rulers of Lesbos had alreadytraced their descent from the royalfamily of My- cenae,and Orestesin particular.116Athens, in turn,argued that any of the mainlandGreek cities providing aid to Menelaos duringthe Trojan War had as muchright to theterritory as Lesbos (Hdt. 5.95). Even thoughIlion was nota wealthysettlement in thelate 7th century, thelegendary identity with which the sitehad been stampedwas in itself a sourceof power, and itslink to thefoundation of Sigeionshould not be underestimated.Scholars have oftenquestioned why Athens would have chosenthe site of Sigeion forits firstcolony in the Troad, since it was situatedon the Aegean ratherthan the Dardanelles,and was therefore not in a positionto controltraffic into the Propontisand Black Sea. But such a choice makesperfect sense in lightof Athens'attempt to co-opt a heritageto whichshe had onlya questionableconnection. Sigeion was the closestsite to Troywith an excellentharbor, and it was adjacentto a seriesof tumuli identified as burialsof Homeric heroes, including Achilles, Patroklos,and Ajax.117 Establishing a colonythere allowed Athens, through hercolonists, to exercisegreater control of Troy and itslegendary associa- tionsthan any other city. The samepoint was made bythe later Athenian colonyat Elaious, oppositeIlion at the northernside of the Dardanelles, in thatit was situatednext to theTomb of Protesilaos.118 The foundationof this particular colony should also be viewedin con- junctionwith contemporary politics in and aroundAttica. Toward the end ofthe 7th century, Athens and Megara disputedthe ownership of Salamis, and in the courseof the argumentboth citiesexploited their connection toTelamonianAjax, king of Salamis.119The foundationof Sigeionshould probablybe considereda complementarydevelopment, in thatit brought

113. Forthe temple to AthenaIlias in the3rd century B.C. Boardman1999, pp. 264-265. Aigner at Physkeisin WestLokris, see Lerat 114.The siteof Sigeion has recently (1978) connectsthe Peisistratid retak- 1952,pp. 156-158.For the tumulus beensurveyed: Bieg andAsian 2006. ingof Sigeion with the incorporation ofAchilles, now usually identified as 115. Page 1955,pp. 152-161. ofthe Homeric epics in theAthenian Sivritepe,near Be§ik Bay, see Cook 116. Page 1955,pp. 131,149-152, Panathenaia.For the tumulus of 1973,pp. 173-174;Rose 2000,pp. 65- 170-171. Achilles,see n. 113,above. 66; Korfmann2000, pp. 41-43; Hertel 117. Leaf 1923,pp. 186-188;Cook 118. Leaf 1923,p. 163.The elder 2003,pp. 161-175,200-203; Burgess 1973,pp. 178-188;Graham 1983, Miltiadesestablished a tyrannyin the 2007. Excavationhas shownit to pp. 32-34, 192-194;Isaac 1986, Chersonese(Hdt. 6.36-38),but this havebeen a smallLate Neolithic pp. 162-166;Viviers 1987; Stahl1987, was nota colonyper se. tumulusthat was monumentalized pp.221-223; Garnsey1988, p. 118; 119. Shapiro1989, pp. 154-156. THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 419

Athensinto a geographicsphere staked out by Megara severaldecades earlierwith her colonies on the Bosporos.120Athens' outreach to Asia Minor would also have complementedthe city'sclaims of kinshipwith theIonians, already in operationby the time of Solon.

The Classical and Hellenistic Periods

Duringand afterthe Persian Wars, both sides of theAegean had a vested interestin acknowledgingthe migration accounts and usingthem to foster a commonHellenic identity.In so doing,mainland Greek citiesforti- fiedtheir ancestral connection to westernAsia Minor,and Aiolian cities strengthenedtheir links to the principalopponents of the Persians,who stillcontrolled most of this area from their provincial capital at Daskyleion, nearthe easternedge of theTroad.121 It is duringthis period that the actual accountsof the Aiolian mi- - grationbegin to appear most prominentlyin Pindar,Herodotos, and Thucydides,as wellas Hellanikosof Lesbos (see p. 402, above).By theend of the 5th century,we findan establishedtradition involving movement frommainland Greece to northwesternAsia Minor afterthe Trojan War, albeitwith variations in time,routes of passage,and cast of characters. Most of theauthors shaped their migration narratives in accordancewith theirown political agenda: thus, Pindar's ode has Orestestravel directly to Tenedos,since the ode thatdescribes the migration was intendedto honor aTenedian;Hellanikos of Lesbos, on theother hand, gives his own island prideof place in the migration. Not surprisingly,the pivotal role played by Athens in boththe Ionian and Aiolian migrationsbecame increasinglyprominent as the 5th cen- turyprogressed. The parentageof Ion was continuallyreshaped until he emergedas a descendantof Apollo and Erekhtheus,122and towardthe end of theEumenides, Athena essentially transfers her territories in theTroad to Athens(Aesch. Eum. 397-402). A scholiastof EuripidesAndromache reportsthat Akamas, son of Theseus, founded 12 citiesin theTroad, includ- ing Skepsis,Chryse (Smintheion), and Daskyleion,although he allowed Askaniosand Skamandrios,the sons of Aeneas and Hector,respectively, to claimthe credit for it.123 Athens' aggressive promotion of theserevised traditionsis not at all surprising,since it justifiedthe cities'inclusion in theDelian League,and ensuredthe financial and commercialbenefits that stemmedfrom that inclusion.

120. Hind 1998.A settlementwas festivalalso reinforcedthis connection: establishedat Achilleion,above Be§ik Barren1964, p. 47. Bay,ca. 570-560,when it was presum- 122. Hall 1997,pp. 55-56. ablycontrolled by Lesbos; but it lasted 123. ForAkamas: Vanschoonwinkel onlyuntil 530, ending for no particular 1991,pp. 306-308.The reportsare reasonthat we can discern,since the basedon thewritings of Dionysos of finaldeposits do notcoincide with the Chalkis,who was activesometime in takeoverby Peisistratos (Kossatz 1988). the4th or 2nd centuryB.C.: Erskine 121.The Ionians*annual contribu- 2001,pp. 107-108. tionof oxen to Athens'Panathenaic 420 C. BRIAN ROSE

By the Hellenisticperiod, mainland Greece and northwesternAsia Minor even began to resembleeach otherarchitecturally: nearly all of the templesin the Troad were Doric, and the same was probablytrue forthe Aiolian area to the south,although fewer pre-Imperial temples survivethere.124 A new leagueformed of 12 Troad citieswas centeredon the sanctuaryof Athena Ilias, whichappears to have featuredthe same themeson itsmetopes as theAthenian Parthenon, and theprimary visual manifestationof theiridentity was a Panthenaicfestival, clearly modeled on theone inAthens.125 Panathenaia were also establishedat Priene,Sardis, and Pergamon,and the libraryat Pergamoneven featureda copyof the AthenaParthenos.126 Although the Panionion, the Aiolian league, and the Troad leaguehad initiallybeen establishedto createa distinctiveidentity fortheir affiliated cities, subsequent political and militarydevelopments pulledthe configurationsof thoseidentities closer together, with Athens as a commondenominator.

CONCLUSIONS

Two differentbut interrelatedsets of conclusionsarise from this analysis - ofthe Aiolian migration one archaeological,and one relatedto intellec- tualhistory. An examinationof both sides of theAegean duringthe Late BronzeAge demonstratesthe commercial and politicallinks between the twoareas, with Miletos perhaps functioning as a Mycenaeancolony in the 13thcentury. Whether or notwe associatethe Ahhiyawans in theHittite textswith the Mycenaean Greeks, it is clearthat Aiolis/Ionia functioned as a peripheralregion contested by forces associated with both the Hittites and theAegean. The 12th-centurydeposits at bothTroy and Gordionindicate sub- stantialinteraction with Thrace, although whether this was the resultof increasedcommerce or theinflux of a new is notcertain. populationgroup 124. Forthe Troad temples, see A tradingnetwork involving Troy andThessaly/Lokris was in placeby the Rose2003, p. 76, n. 182.The notable 10thcentury, and thecustom of the Lokrianmaidens may have emerged exceptionis theIonic Smintheion.In Aiolis the Hellenistictem- as a by-productof thisrelationship once the siteof Ilion had been linked perse, only in and to the Homeric tradition. the 7th Lesbos had establisheda plesthat survive are those Aigai By century, bothof which are Doric. claim to of the as had the vast of Pergamon, part Troad, Lydia,although majority ForPergamon, see Koenigs1991, in colonies Aiolis were Milesian, none of which dates earlierthan the pp. 61-64,69-71; forAigai, see Bohn mid-7th century. 1889,pp. 36, 38, 40; Koenigs1991, At no timeduring the early1st millenniumdo we have evidencefor pp. 85-86. 125. Rose 2003, 48-55,60-63. attacks,for the arrivalof a new populationgroup, or forany substantive pp. 126. Forthe Panathenaia at Perga- changein ceramicproduction.127 With the ofthe exception Protogeometric mon,see Hansen1971, pp. 71,448; for amphoras,produced in centralGreece (10th/9th century) and Macedonia theAthena Parthenos: Weber 1993. (8thcentury), the ceramic assemblages at thesesites remained remarkably Forthe Panathenaia at Sardisand consistent,with very few imports until the 6th centuryB.C., when Greek Priene,see Paus. 1.4.6;Welles 1934, no.23 also beginsto appearin inscriptions. pp. 110-114, (EumenesII); theIron and Archaic therewould have been Hansen1971, pp. 7, 124,448, 458. Throughout Age period, 127. Cf. and centuriesof interactionbetween communitiesand the Mountjoy Hankey Greek-speaking 1988,pp. 30-32,with reference to the settlementsof westernAsia Minor,in which trade,intermarriage, and "DorianInvasion." territorialconflict played a part;128but the culturein most,perhaps all, of 128. See Hdt. 1.146.2-3. THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 421

the Aiolian/Ioniancities would have been a continuallychanging blend ofLuwian, Lydian, Phrygian, and Greek.One witnessesthe same kind of gradualcultural interaction in the westernand southernMediterranean duringthe Roman Republic, where Punic, Nuragic, and Berbertraditions, amongothers, coexisted with those of Rome.129 In confrontingthis lack of evidence for widespread Greek colonization in northwesternAsia Minor duringthe Iron Age, we need to askwhether suchcolonization can actuallybe detectedin thearchaeological record, and ifso, what evidence we shouldexpect to find.In somecases there are clearly perceptiblechanges in materialculture following the arrivalof colonists: theParians onThasos, theCorinthians at Syracuse,or thePhoenicians on Sardiniawould be cases in point.130 But it has also been arguedthat migrations can occurwithout leaving tracesin the archaeologicalrecord.131 Among the ancientexamples fre- quentlycited are the Celts in centralAsia Minor and the Slavs in Greece duringthe Early Byzantine period, although neither supports the point.132 The archaeologicalrecord at Gordion,to whichthe Celts migratedin the 3rdcentury B.C., reveals traces of new occupation in thearchitecture, mate- rialculture (grinding stones, loomweights, Celtic graffito),and mortuary customs.The evidencefor the Slavic invasion is saidto be exclusivelyliter- ary,attested only by the Slavicnames of the townsin whichthey settled; butthe majority of thesetowns have notyet been excavated,and it seems likelythat traces of Slavic culturemay still appear in the archaeological record,as was thecase at Gordionfollowing a morejudicious examination of the Celtic record.Absence of evidenceis not evidenceof absence,but the missingtraces of mainlandGreek colonization in theIron Age levels ofAiolis arestriking in lightof the ancient historical tradition, and should no longerbe ignored.133 If we examineagain the ancientliterary accounts of the migrationin conjunctionwith the archaeological evidence from Aiolis and Ionia,there areseveral points of correspondence. The accounts,taken as a whole,stress the rolesplayed in the migrationsby Mycenae, Thessaly, Euboia, Lokris, Thrace,and Lesbos.As thearchaeological record demonstrates, all ofthese regionsinteracted commercially and/or politically with western Asia Minor at variouspoints during the Bronze and Iron Ages, whichprobably ex- plainswhy so manydifferent groups were featured in theliterary accounts. But no one area playeda dominantrole in colonizingAiolis, nor is such a widespreadcolonization supported by the materialrecord. It does seem

129.Woolf 1998; Keayand Terre- 1983,pp. 19-20. fromthe Bronze to theIron Age (Spen- nato2001. ForGreek colonization on 131. Blackman1973; Hodder 1978, cer1995, p. 305): "In short,the literary do in- Sicily,see alsoAntonaccio 2001. The p. 5; Hall 1997,p. 129; 2002,p. 43. sourcesfor the Archaic period recentlyformulated models of Roman- 132. Celtsat Gordion:DeVries deedreveal Lesbos to be a flourishing izationcould, in fact,be profitablyap- 1990,pp. 401-405; Darbyshire,Mit- islandin theEast Aegeanwith an Aio- elementin the pliedto scholarlyassessments of the chell,and Vardar 2000; Voigt2003. lianGreek population is an elementwhich earlymigrations. Slavs:Barford 2001, pp. 61-62. and culture,but it 130. Graham1978; 1983,pp. 71-97 133. One ofthe few scholars to onewould hardly have believed existed (Thasos);Wescoat 1989 (Syracuse); highlightthe disconnect between the at all ifthe literary sources had not Dommelen1998,2001 (Sardinia). The literaryand archaeologicalrecord was survivedand one was makinga judg- samesituation is in evidenceat Gela, NigelSpencer, who examinedoccupa- mentfrom the material record alone." foundedby Rhodes and Crete:Graham tionon Lesbosduring the transition 422 C. BRIAN ROSE certain,however, that such storiesacquired considerable momentum fol- lowingthe PersianWars, when the promotion of theseaccounts justified the compositionof the Delian League and provedmutually beneficial to bothsides of theAegean. With such a clearcorpus of evidencearguing against an Aiolian mi- gration,it strikesone as somewhatsurprising that it has been so readily embracedin scholarship,but heretoo one needsto examinethe political context.Archaeologists began to workin northwesternTurkey during the secondhalf of the 19th century,and the colonialistoutlook of the time, coupledwith the waning of the Ottomanempire, created an intellectual climatewherein stories of the west colonizing the east were easy to accept at facevalue, as was the assumptionthat cultural advances on theeastern side of theAegean, after the BronzeAge, musthave been dependenton someagency from the west.134 One can finda similarbias in earlysurveys of the Iron Age and Archaicperiod, where "Orientalizing" influence on Greecewas eitherdenied, disputed, or undervalued.135 Our attemptsto analyzethese and othermigrations will undoubt- edly alwaysbe shaped by the largerpolitical environment in whichwe live,and thiswas certainlytrue for the secondhalf of the 20th century: Sakellarious presentationof the Ionian migrationas post-PersianWar Athenianpropaganda was no doubtpartially a responseto the European fascistmovements ofWorld War II, notunlike the scholarship of his Italian contemporary,R. BianchiBandinelli.136 More recentmonographs on the constructionof ethnicity have similarly been stimulatedby the collapse of the SovietUnion, which prompted the rearrangementof a multitudeof geographicalboundaries and nationalidentities, many of whichare still in formation.137 We maynever have enough evidence to judge theexistence or extent ofcultural convergence in theTroad duringthe Iron butmore Age, prog- 134. Gosden2001; Lyonsand Papa- resscan be made if in Greeceand increase archaeologistsworking Turkey dopoulos2002; Hall 2004,pp. 41-42. theirlevel of collaboration.Analyses of ancientsettlements on bothsides 135. Boardman1990, pp. 185-186; of the Aegean are surprisinglyrare, and theyhave become even rarerin Burkert1992, pp. 1-8. This attitudehas beentraced back to theHomeric thewake of the 1974 separationof Cyprusinto Greek and Turkish zones. period these barriersto intellectualdiscourse is essential withreference to thePhoenicians: Dismantling political Winter1995. to achievinga morebalanced diagram of culturalinteraction in the early 136. Barbanera2003. as is the Aegean, acknowledgmentthat cultural change rarely proceeds 137. Cf.Hall 1997,p. 1; Mclnerney alonga one-waystreet. 2001,pp. 51-52. THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 423

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C. Brian Rose

University of Pennsylvania university museum of archaeology and anthropology 3260 south street philadelphia, pennsylvania i9io4

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