Introduction
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Notes Introduction 1 . Primo Levi, Se questo è un uomo (Torino: F. de Silva, 1947) and Survival in Auschwitz: The Nazi Assault on Humanity (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996). 2 . Robert S. Gordon, “Which Holocaust? Primo Levi and the Field of Holocaust Memory in Post-War Italy,” Italian Studies , Vol. 61 (Spring 2006), pp. 85–113. 3 . L e v i , Survival in Auschwitz , p. 87. 4 . I b i d . 5 . Ibid., 92. 6 . Primo Levi, The Drowned and the Saved (New York: Summit Books, 1988), p. 37. 7 . Ibid., p. 39. 8 . Ibid., p. 42. 9 . Ibid., p. 53. 10 . Historian Robert Gordon argues that “Holocaust” is a problematic term in Italy because it includes victims groups beyond those targeted for geno- cide, such as civilians killed during the German occupation of Italy and Italian resistors. Thus, I chose to use “Judeocide” here to speak specifically to Jewish victims. Gordon, “Which Holocaust,” p. 92. 11 . Unless otherwise noted, I will refer to the camp built in Fossoli, a township of Carpi, by the town name. 1 2 . R a u l H i l b e r g , Perpetrator Victims Bystanders: The Jewish Catastrophe, 1933–1945 (New York: Aaron Asher Brooks, 1992), pp. 212–216. 13 . Robert Ehrenreich and Tim Cole, “The Perpetrator-Bystander-Victim Constellation; Rethinking Genocidal Relationships,” Human Organization , Vol. 64, No. 3 (2005), p. 218. 14 . Arne Johan Vetlesen, “Genocide: A Case for the Responsibility of the Bystander,” Journal of Peace Research , Vol. 37, No. 4, Special Issue on Ethics of War and Peace (July 2000), p. 521. 15 . Ernesto Verdeja, “Moral Bystanders and Mass Violence,” in New Directions in Genocide Research, ed. Adam Jones (New York: Routledge, 2012), p. 161. 1 6 . L e v i , Survival in Auschwitz , p. 16. 146 NOTES 17 . Historian Yitzhak Arad found that in addition to lay construction workers, 80 Jews were also called upon to build Sobibor. While the civilians were left unharmed, all 80 Jews were shot when the work was done. Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), p. 30. 1 8 . R e n z o D e F e l i c e , Mussolini il rivoluzionario (Turin: Einaudi, 1964) and Le interpretazioni del Fascismo (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 1969). 1 9 . G i o r g i o F a b r e , Mussolini Razzista: Dal Socialismo al Fascismo, La Formazione di un Antisemita (Milan, Italy: Garzanti Libri, 2005); David Bidussa, Il mito del bravo italiano: Persistenza, caratteri e vizi di un paese antico/modern, dale leggi razziali all’italiano del Duemila (Milano: il Saggiatore, 1994); and Aaron Gillette, Racial Theories in Fascist Italy (London and New York: Routledge, 2002). 20 . Maruo Raspanti, “L’ideologia del razzismo” in La Menzogna della Razza: Documenti e immagini del razzismo e dell’antisemitismo fascista , ed. David Bidussa (Bologna: Biblioteca Communale dell’Archiginnasio, 1994); and Giorgio Israel and Pietro Nastasi, Scienza e razza nell’Italia fascista (Bologna: Societ à Editrice Il Mulino, 1998). 21 . Giuliana Cardosi, Marisa Cardosi and Garbiella Cardosi, Sul confine. La questione dei “matrimoni misti” durante la persecuzione antiebraica in Italia e in Europa (1935–1945) (Torino: Silvio Zamorani editore, 1998). 22 . Michele Sarfatti, Mussolini contro gli ebrei: Cronoca dell’elaborazione delle leggi del 1938 (Torino: S. Zamorani editore, 1994). 2 3 . R u t h B e n - G h i a t , Fascist Modernities: Italy, 1922–1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001); Davide Conti, L’occoupazione italiana dei balcani: Crimini di Guerra e mito della “brava gente” (1940–1943) (Roma: Odradek, 2008); Carlo Spartaco Capogreco, I campi del duce: L’internamento civile nell’Italia fascista (1940–1943) (Torino: Einaudi, 2004); and Liliana Picciotto Fargion, Il libro della memoria: Gli ebrei deportati dall’italia (1942–1945) (Milano: Mursia, 1991). 24 . Pavan Ilaria and Guri Schwarz, Gli ebrei in Italia tra persecuzione fascista e reintegrazione postbellica (Firenze: Giuntina, 2001); Guri Schwarz, “On Myth Making and Nation Building: The Genesis of the ‘Myth of the Good Italian,’ 1943–1947,” Yad Vashem Studies, No. 1 (2008), pp. 111–143; Guri Schwarz, After Mussolini: Jewish life and Jewish memories in post-Fascist Italy (Edgware, Middlesex and Portland, Oregon: Vallentine Mitchell, 2012). 25 . “Public memory” refers to founding myths of the Italian republic that still resignate in popular culture today. I am employing Rosario Forlenza’s definition, which he defines as “the collective memory of the war imposed between 1943 and 1947 by the anti-fascist forces—Catholics, communists, socialists, liberals, moderates—which was to become the public memory of the Republic.” See: Forlenza, “Sacrificial Memory and Political Legitimacy in Postwar Italy: Reliving and Remembering World War II,” History and Memory , Vol. 24, No. 2 (Fall/Winter 2012), p. 74. NOTES 147 26 . Historian Victoria De Grazia employs a bottom-up perspective, arguing that the dopolavoro (leisure-time organization) represents a “depoliticized underside of fascism.” She contends that the Fascist movement was not the product of a “mass society” by highlighting the pluralities and inconsis- tencies within Fascist culture. Similarly, Historian Marla Stone analyzes the process whereby unstable and ever-changing Fascist culture translated into Fascist patronage. Political Scientist Edward R. Tannenbaum and his- torian Tracy H. Koon have demonstrated how Fascist youth organizations informed the younger generation’s belief in Fascism. Victoria De Grazia, The Culture of Consent: Mass Organization of Leisure in Fascist Italy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Marla Susan Stone, The Patron State: Culture & Politics in Fascist Italy (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1998); Edward R. Tannenbaum, Fascism in Italy. Society and Culture 1922–1945 (New York and London: Basic Books, 1972); and Tracy H. Koon, Believe, Obey, Fight. Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922– 1943 (Chapel Hill and London: UNC Press Books, 1985). 2 7 . S e e : F i l i p p o F o c a r d i , La guerra della memoria: la Resistenza nel dibattito politico italiano dal 1945 a oggi (Roma: Laterza, 2005); Robert S. Gordon, “The Holocaust in Italian Collective Memory: Il Giorno Della Memoria , 27 January 2001,” Modern Italy 11, No. 2 (2006); Angelo Del Boca, Italiani, Brava Gente?: Un Mito Duro a Morire (Vicenza: N. Pozza, 2005); and David Bidusa, Il mito del bravo italiano (Milano: Il Saggiatore, 1994). 28 . A number of scholars have written about the absence of trials in Italy and how it has impacted and continues to influence public memory of the Holocaust. See: Laca Baldissara and Paolo Pezzino, eds., Crimini e memo- rie di guerra (Napoli: L’ancora, 2004); Michele Battini, The Missing Italian Nuremberg: Cultural Amnesia and Postwar Politics (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007); Mimmo Franzinelli, L’amnistia Togliatti, 22 giugno 1946. Colpo di spugna sui crimini fascisti (Milano: mondadori Editore, 2006); and Fiamma Lussana, “Memoria e memorie nel dibattito storiografico,” Studi Storici , Anno 41, No. 4 (October–December 2000), pp. 1048–1059. 29 . Although local business did increase initially, by the end of 1934 Dachau still had the lowest per capita tax revenues in Bavaria. Harold Marcuse, Legacies of Dachau: The Uses and Abuses of a Concentration Camp, 1933– 2001 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 25–26. 3 0 . G o r d o n J . H o r w i t z , In the Shadow of Death: Living Outside the Gates of Mauthausen (New York: The Free Press, 1990), p. 41. 31 . Ibid., p. 54. 32 . Town archives (Archivio Comunale di Carpi and Seimario Vescovile di Carpi), Italian state archives (l’archvio dello stato di Modena, and l’archvio dello stato di Roma), Jewish archives in Milan (Centro di Documentazion Ebreaica Contemporanea), and matierial housed at institutions outside of Italy (United States Holocaust Memorial Museum archive and the Imperial War Museum archive) reveal just how involved the town of Carpi came to be with the Fossoli camp. 148 NOTES 33 . For more on Resistance fighters and Italian antifascist movements, see: Giuliano Albarani, Amedeo Osti Guerrazzi, and Giovanni Taurasi, Sotto Il Regime: Problemi, Metodi E Strumenti Per Lo Studio Dell’antifascismo (Milano: UNICOPLI, 2006); Elio Apih, Italia: Fascismo E Antifascismo Nella Venezia Giulia (1918–1943): Ricerche Storiche (Bari: Laterza, 1966); Lorenzo Bertucelli, Stefano Magagnoli, and Istituto Storico della Resistenza e di Storia Contemporanea di Modena e Provincia, Regime Fascista E Societ à Modenese: Aspetti E Problemi Del Fascismo Locale (1922–1939) (Modena: Mucchi editore, 1995); Luciano Casali and Istituto storico provinciale della Resistenza (Bologna Italy), Bologna, 1920: Le Origini del Fascismo (Bologna: Cappelli, 1982); Marco Impagliazzo, La Resistenza Silenziosa: Leggi Razziste e Deportazione nella Memoria Degli Ebrei di Roma (Milano: Guerini e associati, 2013); Claudio Pavone, Una Guerra Civile: Saggio Storico Sulla Moralit à Nella Resistenza (Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, 1991); and Claudio Silingardi, Una Provincia Partigiana: Guerra E Resistenza a Modena, 1940– 1945 (Milano: FrancoAngeli, 1998). 34 . Forlenza, “Sacrificial Memory and Political Legitimacy in Postwar Italy,” p. 74. 35 . For more information on the victim myth and Italian and German collabo- ration during the occupation, see: Albarani, Guerrazzi, and Taurasi, Sotto Il Regime; Luca Baldissara and Paolo Pezzino, Crimini e memorie di guerra: Violenze contro le popolazioni e politiche del ricordo (Napoli: Ancora del Mediterraneo, 2004); Mimmo Franzinelli, Le Stragi Nascoste: L’armadio Della Vergogna: Impunit à E Rimozione Dei Crimini Di Guerra Nazifascisti, 1943–2001 (Milano: Mondadori, 2002); Lutz Klinkhammer, L’occupazione Tedesca in Italia, 1943–1945 (Torino: Bollati Boringhieri Editore, 1993); Claudio Pavone, A Civil War: A History of the Italian Resistance (London; New York: Verso, 2013); and Roberto Vivarelli, Storia delle origini del Fascismo: L’Italia dalla grande guerra alla marcia su Roma (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1991). 36 . Tim Cole, Holocaust City: The Making of a Jewish Ghetto (New York: Routledge, 2003), pp.