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The Functioning of the Diplomatic Corps 16 Resourcing the Corps Staffing: Activists Vs a the palestinian policy network policy palestinian the shabak al al shabaka the palestinian policy network REVIVING A PALESTINIAN POWER HE IASPORA AND THE IPLOMATIC ORPS T D D C By Zaha Hassan, Nadia Hijab, Inès Abdel Razek, and Mona Younis AL-SHABAKA: THE PALESTINIAN POLICY NETWORK May 2021 a Reviving a Palestinian Power al shabaka the palestinian policy network al shabak TABLE OF CONTENTS the palestinian policy network Preface 3 Chapter 1 Addressing the Crisis of the Palestinian National Movement 5 The Existential Challenges Facing the Palestinian National Project The Focus of this Study The Evolution of the PLO and its Representation of the Palestinian People The Relevance of the PLO in the Diaspora Chapter 2 The Slow Erosion of the PLO’s Status 10 The Early Fruits Secured by the PLO Diplomatic Corps Growing Tensions in a Diplomatic Corps with Two Heads The Abbas Era: Restructuring the Corps Suspending the Activity of the PLO Political Bureau Additional PLO Bodies with Foreign Affairs/Diaspora Capacities Chapter 3 The Functioning of the Diplomatic Corps 16 Resourcing the Corps Staffing: Activists vs. Civil Servants Palestinian Representation Abroad: Successes and Challenges Relations with the Diaspora: More Consular than Political Chapter 4 The Diplomatic Corps’ Engagement with the Diaspora 20 The Bid for Statehood: PLO-Diaspora Engagement for National Objectives Moving the US Embassy to Jerusalem The Issues Raised by the 2018 PNC Elections Chapter 5 The Growing Alienation of the Diaspora and Solidarity Groups 26 Chapter 6 Recommendations: Reviving the Power and Potential of the PLO 30 Recommendations to Diaspora Palestinians Recommendations to the PLO Areas for Further Research Annex 1: Methodology 33 Annex 2: List of Interviewees 34 Annex 3: Mapping Institutional Responsibilities for Foreign Affairs 35 Page 2 a Reviving a Palestinian Power al shabaka the palestinian policy network shabak PREFACE al the palestinian policy network The vital question of how to reconstitute and strengthen people, particularly with those residing outside historic the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and renew Palestine, guarantees diaspora disengagement from the Palestinian national project has long been at the its representatives, which in turn guarantees a non- forefront of Palestinian concerns. However, it stalled representative PLO. Thus, at a more fundamental level, due to the bitter divisions between the major political revitalizing the relationship between the diaspora and parties, Fatah and Hamas, after the legislative elections the PLO via the Palestinian diplomatic corps is critical of 2006. There is now renewed urgency to revive the to the legitimacy of the PLO as a reflection of the will of national project following the normalization of relations the Palestinian people. between Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain in 2020. To answer the question posed by the study, the authors reviewed the diplomatic corps’ legal foundations as well Yet, during the discussions by Palestinian factions to as the rules governing its functions; the relationship map a way forward the Palestinian diaspora and the between the PLO and the Palestinian National Authority role it could play in reviving the PLO and the national (PNA) and how they divide responsibilities for the project was conspicuously absent. Rather, the focus management of the corps; and the corps’ effectiveness was on elections in the occupied Palestinian territory by selecting representative missions to better understand (OPT) of the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem, the engagement within the host country and with the despite Israel’s complete control and ability to subvert Palestinian communities the corps is also meant to any meaningful outcomes. It is too early to judge the represent.1 In addition, the study zeroes in on three reconciliation initiative by the factions, but there is so far specific events to assess the corps’ engagement with the little recognition that the diaspora has freedom of action diaspora: Palestine’s statehood bid between 2011 and and resources that are not available to the Palestinians 2012; former US President Donald Trump’s decision to under occupation or to the Palestinian citizens of Israel. move the US embassy to Jerusalem in 2017; and the PLO National Council elections of 2018 (see Annex 1 This study takes up the question of how this key for the methodology). constituency of the PLO – Palestinian diaspora communities – might reinvigorate the PLO’s Eight Palestinian missions were selected for study based representative character so that the organization may on a set of criteria that included the country’s influence be able to develop an effective national strategy and in global and Palestinian affairs, its regional location, be better equipped to respond to the extraordinary the size of the Palestinian community, and our ability to challenges facing the Palestinian people. identify members of the diaspora and solidarity groups in those countries. We interviewed 35 people including The assumption underlying the study is that a more from the missions, diaspora, and solidarity groups, as active and regular engagement between the diaspora and well as former diplomats and experts (see Annex 2 for the PLO diplomatic missions abroad could contribute list of interviewees). to strengthening the PLO, make it more attuned to the challenges and concerns of the Palestinian people, better This study was always intended to be a limited exercise position it to withstand threats to Palestinian rights and given the resources available to the authors and the sovereignty, and contribute to the diaspora’s strategic fact that it was the first of its kind. It should be seen as mobilization in the countries where Palestinians the beginning of an effort to understand the structure reside. A PLO that is not engaged with the Palestinian and functioning of the PLO diplomatic corps and 1 Although Al-Shabaka’s house style abbreviates the Palestinian National Authority as PA, this study uses the abbreviation PNA to underscore the “national“ originally at the heart of the project. Page 3 a Reviving a Palestinian Power al shabaka the palestinian policy network shabak its contribution to the organization at large. Many The study does not include an examination of the way challenges were faced along the way. For example, in which the COVID-19 pandemic impacted the OPT al identifying the relationship between the PLO and PNA and the countries hosting Palestinian refugees and exiles. the palestinian policy network structures and finding supporting materials involved In many cases, the pandemic promoted coordination a major excavation as well as double-checking against between the diaspora and the diplomatic corps; the the information provided by different sources. This was PNA Foreign Ministry and PLO missions worked perhaps not surprising given that the PLO developed closely with the diaspora to channel funding, medical largely underground for the first decade of its existence supplies, and other support to the OPT which helped and was attacked for years, attacks that were redoubled shore up the response and capacities of the Palestinian during the Trump administration. healthcare system. However, there were also reports of thousands of Palestinians stranded outside the OPT, Moreover, there is an ongoing but incomplete transfer including many students, who felt they did not get the of powers from the PLO to the PNA that includes the support they needed from their missions. These issues, diplomatic corps and that makes it difficult to pinpoint which involved transit countries, were mostly resolved roles, responsibilities and resources. In addition, it was after some weeks. difficult to secure interviews with the full complement of missions as well as with representatives of the diaspora These two facets of the PLO diplomatic corps are what and solidarity organizations from each of the selected our study seeks to address: the potential of the corps countries. Nevertheless, we succeeded in securing the when it is functioning at its best, as well as the problems information necessary in which to ground our analysis and gaps when it is not. Our hope is that the study and recommendations, and several former and current will renew appreciation for the potential of the PLO PLO diplomats and staff have been largely supportive of and its diplomatic corps, and breathe new life into the the study and its aims, as have the other interlocutors. engagement between it and the diaspora so that this regular exchange of ideas and feedback may serve as a The study was carried out by a team of four women, mechanism for strengthening Palestinian institutions, all established experts and members of Al-Shabaka: The unifying the people, and supporting the fulfillment of Palestinian Policy Network. Nadia Hijab conceived the the inalienable rights of Palestinians everywhere. idea, wrote the concept note, and authored much of the report; Zaha Hassan, who came on board later in Zaha Hassan, Nadia Hijab, Inès Abdel Razek, and the process, undertook extensive research and authored Mona Younis the bulk of the report; Inès Abdel Razek conducted most of the interviews; and Mona Younis developed the methodology and interview protocols. All remained engaged throughout to produce the study. We would like to thank Diana Buttu who played a key role in the early months, taking the concept forward, developing the approach, and participating in reviews. We would also like to thank Mazen
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