The Regional Implications of the Establishment of a Palestinian State

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Regional Implications of the Establishment of a Palestinian State The Regional Implications of the Establishment of a Palestinian State November 2013 Table of Contents Foreword by the Partner Organizations Dr. Reuven Pedatzur, Dr. Samir Hazboun, Gen. (ret.) Mansour Abu Rashid ..... 2 Foreword by the Head of the Delegation of the European Union to the State of Israel H.E. Ambassador Andrew Standley ...................................................................5 Foreword by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Israel Office State Sec. Michael Mertes and Ms. Annika Khano ............................................6 Regional Normalization following a Two-State Solution H.E. Ambassador Hind Khoury, Prof. Asher Susser, Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace & Development ................................................... 8 Economics when Borders are not Barriers: Jordan, Israel, and the Palestinian State Mr. Amjad Qasas, Dr. Avichai Snir, and Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace & Development ....................................................... 40 The Palestinian State and the National Aspirations of the Palestinian Diaspora Dr. Matti Steinberg, Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace & Development, and Researcher from DATA Studies and Consultations ............52 The Political Character of the Palestinian State Prof. Munther Dajani, Dr. Anat Kurz, and Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace & Development ....................................................... 76 Middle-East Regional Security Cooperation following the Establishment of a Palestinian State Brig. Gen. (ret.) Udi Dekel, Researcher from the Amman Center for Peace This project is funded by the & Development, and Researcher from DATA Studies and Consultations ...... 100 European Union and by the Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung, Israel Office. We are greatly thankful for their Biographies of Researchers ....................................................................... 116 generous support of the project. October, 2013 All rights reserved © Scientific Editor: Dr. Reuven Pedatzur Copy Editing: Mr. Elie Friedman Graphic Design and Printing: Merav-Dascalu Publishing, Ltd. The Regional Implications of the Establishment of a Palestinian State 1 Foreword by the Partner Organizations A short time after his election as prime minister in June 2009, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu gave his famous “Bar-Ilan Speech”, in which he declared that the solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict should be based on the “two states for two peoples” formula. This was the first time that an Israeli prime minister from the Likud party had declared a desire to aspire to a two-state solution. Even Yitzhak Rabin, who signed the Oslo agreements and broke the deadlock in Israeli-Palestinian relations, was reluctant to publicly declare Israel’s willingness to accept the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside it. This underscores the importance that should be ascribed to Netanyahu’s speech, which for the first time since the Six Day War and the occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip that a prime minister from the right wing marked out a clear path for the resolution of the conflict. In doing so, Netanyahu took a giant step beyond what had been agreed upon in the Oslo agreements. And now, despite the fact that since he made the “Bar-Ilan Speech” and the two-state solution has, for all intents and purposes become Israel’s official policy, surprisingly enough, no in-depth scholarly investigation of the implications of this solution has been carried out. Governmental entities have refrained from contending with the implications that the establishment of a Palestinian state would have on the relations between the two states and the throughout region; nor have they prepared an action plan for the period following the establishment of a Palestinian state. No less surprising is the fact that hardly any scholarly studies have been written that analyze the anticipated developments that would ensue from the actual establishment of a Palestinian state. Therefore, we at the S. Daniel Abraham Center for Strategic Dialogue at Netanya Academic College, Data Studies and Consultations, and the Amman Center for Peace and Development have decided to initiate a study, the findings of which are presented here to you in this publication. Our working assumption was that the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside Israel would have far-reaching consequences for numerous and sundry areas, a fact that justifies the effort to carry out an in-depth academic research project, the findings and recommendations of which can help both the Israelis and Palestinians determine policy and consolidate action plans. In addition, we believe that the findings of the research will provide the general public in both countries with information and insights that could impact their positions with respect to the two-state solution. This is based on the assumption that the chances of a successful resolution to the conflict through the establishment of a Palestinian state largely depend on the approach and position of the two societies – Israeli and Palestinian – to this solution. After consolidating the concept underlying this research project, we applied to the European Union to support the project, within the context of the Partnership for Peace Program. After receiving confirmation that the assistance from the European Union had been authorized, the German Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, Israel office also became involved and contributed its part to the funding of the research. Without the help of these two organizations, this research project could not have become a reality. 2 The Regional Implications of the Establishment of a Palestinian State The innovative and unique aspect of this research project lies in the fact that we put together five multinational research teams – each of which included an Israeli, Jordanian and Palestinian researcher – that worked together. In this way, the five chapters of the study were written by 15 scholars, who during the long months of work were often required, within their teams, to contend with differences in approaches and with the need to bridge conflicting narratives and historical resentment. The basic assumptions upon which the study was based determined that the point of departure for the research was that three independent states already exist: Israel, Jordan and Palestine. It was further determined that the agreement to establish a Palestinian state, which was achieved as a working assumption of the study, was based on a combination of the “Clinton parameters,” the Arab Peace Initiative, and the Olmert-Abu Mazen understandings. This meant that a Palestinian state was assumed to already exists, which includes the territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, with the possibility of territorial exchanges, whose capital was in East Jerusalem. We chose five areas for the scholars to investigate to see how the existence of a Palestinian state would impact them: 1. The political character of the Palestinian state. 2. Normalization with the states of the region, with an emphasis on Israel-Palestine and Israel-Jordan. 3. The national aspirations of the Palestinian Diaspora. 4. Security and the regional balance of power. 5. The economies of the countries in the region, especially Jordan, Israel and Palestine. The findings of the study show that the establishment of a Palestinian state would have a mainly positive impact on all the five areas investigated. Among other things, the existence of a Palestinian state would contribute to: A. The strengthening of Jordan, whose regime is contending with the negative repercussions of the Arab Spring and the waves of refugees from Syria inundating its territory as a result of the civil war there. B. The neutralization and weakening of the “anti-normalization” movements that draw part of their strength from the absence of a solution to the Palestinian problem. C. The creation of an “anti-radical Islam” axis, of which the majority of the region’s countries would be members. D. The creation of security stability in the region through bilateral and multi-lateral security arrangements to be signed after the establishment of the Palestinian state. E. The economic affluence of Jordan, Palestine and Israel and to economic cooperation with additional countries, such as those in the Gulf countries. F. A boom in tourism to the region. G. A significant rise in the standard of living among the inhabitants of Palestine and Jordan. H. A shift to greater moderation in the positions and political activities of Israeli Arabs. One of the most interesting findings that some of the teams arrived at was that after the establishment of the Palestinian state, one of the reasonable development paths would be the formation of a Jordanian- Palestinian confederation. A further interesting thesis can be found in the chapter that deals with the national aspirations of the Palestinians living in the Diaspora. The existence of a Palestinian state, write the researchers, would The Regional Implications of the Establishment of a Palestinian State 3 lead to a change in the Palestinians’ “refugee” state of mind. The existence of a Palestinian mother state would enable the Palestinians who do not live in it to define themselves as living in a “Diaspora” rather than in “exile.” For years, the issue of the refugees has been presented as the main stumbling block barring the way to a political settlement based on the two-state solution. The researchers demonstrate that contrary to this claim, an agreement regarding a viable state
Recommended publications
  • Israel: Background and U.S
    Israel: Background and U.S. Relations Casey L. Addis Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs February 14, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33476 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Israel: Background and U.S. Relations Summary On May 14, 1948, the State of Israel declared its independence and was immediately engaged in a war with all of its neighbors. Armed conflict has marked every decade of Israel’s existence. Despite its unstable regional environment, Israel has developed a vibrant parliamentary democracy, albeit with relatively fragile governments. The most recent national elections were held on February 10, 2009, ahead of schedule. Although the Kadima Party placed first, parties holding 65 seats in the 120-seat Knesset supported opposition Likud party leader Benjamin “Bibi” Netanyahu, who was designated to form a government. Netanyahu’s coalition includes his own Likud, Yisrael Beiteinu (Israel Our Home), Shas, Habayet Hayehudi (Jewish Home), the United Torah Judaism (UTJ), and the new Ha’atzmout (Independence) party. The coalition controls 66 of 120 Knesset seats. Israel has an advanced industrial, market economy with a large government role. Israel’s foreign policy is focused largely on its region, Europe, and the United States. Israel’s foreign policy agenda begins with Iran, which it views as an existential threat due to Tehran’s nuclear ambitions and support for terrorism. Achieving peace with its neighbors is next. Israel concluded peace treaties with Egypt in 1979 and Jordan in 1994, but not with Syria and Lebanon. Recent unrest in Egypt is rekindling latent anxiety in Israel about the durability of the peace treaty Egypt and Israel have relied upon for 30 years.
    [Show full text]
  • Gaza-Israel: the Legal and the Military View Transcript
    Gaza-Israel: The Legal and the Military View Transcript Date: Wednesday, 7 October 2015 - 6:00PM Location: Barnard's Inn Hall 07 October 2015 Gaza-Israel: The Legal and Military View Professor Sir Geoffrey Nice QC General Sir Nick Parker For long enough commentators have usually assumed the Israel - Palestine armed conflict might be lawful, even if individual incidents on both sides attracted condemnation. But is that assumption right? May the conflict lack legality altogether, on one side or both? Have there been war crimes committed by both sides as many suggest? The 2014 Israeli – Gaza conflict (that lasted some 52 days and that was called 'Operation Protective Edge' by the Israeli Defence Force) allows a way to explore some of the underlying issues of the overall conflict. General Sir Nick Parker explains how he advised Geoffrey Nice to approach the conflict's legality and reality from a military point of view. Geoffrey Nice explains what conclusions he then reached. Were war crimes committed by either side? Introduction No human is on this earth as a volunteer; we are all created by an act of force, sometimes of violence just as the universe itself arrived by force. We do not leave the world voluntarily but often by the force of disease. As pressed men on earth we operate according to rules of nature – gravity, energy etc. – and the rules we make for ourselves but focus much attention on what to do when our rules are broken, less on how to save ourselves from ever breaking them. That thought certainly will feature in later lectures on prison and sex in this last year of my lectures as Gresham Professor of Law but is also central to this and the next lecture both on Israel and on parts of its continuing conflict with Gaza.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of People-To-People Programs in the Current Israeli-Palestinian
    The Power of Possibility: The Role of People-to-People Programs in the Current Israeli- Palestinian Reality Forum Israel Shira Herzog and Avivit Hai ECF economic cooperation foundation © 2005 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Israel Office P.O.Box 12235 Herzliya 46733, Israel Editor: Hermann Bünz Layout: Jaffa Cohen Printing: Ra'ayon All rights reserved. Editorial The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is a non-profit organisation with ideological roots in the German and international labour movement. Out of a profound commitment to social justice and peaceful coexistence both within societies and between nations, the Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung office in Israel contributes to - Strengthening German-Israeli relations - Facilitating the peace process and regional co-operation - Improving labour relations - Working for gender equality and women's empowerment - Democracy education for youth - Policy consulting and information Together with its partners, the Israel office of the Friedrich-Ebert- Stiftung regularly holds public forums and workshops which address the above-mentioned topics. Authoritative representatives from the political, social, economic, and academic worlds are invited to take part in these encounters. Lectures and addresses given at these events, as well as conference summaries, are reproduced in this series of brochures, entitled "Israel Forum". The series is also intended for the presentation of policy analyses and research results which constitute the backdrop to such public forums. www.fes.org.il Opening Note The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) and the Economic Cooperation Foundation (ECF) are pleased to support this publication, "The Power of Possibility – the Role of People-to-People in the Current Israeli-Palestinian Reality." The last few months have seen dramatic changes in the Israeli-Palestinian relationship.
    [Show full text]
  • United Nations Latin American and Caribbean Meeting in Support of Israeli-Palestinian Peace
    UNITED NATIONS LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN MEETING IN SUPPORT OF ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE The urgency of realizing a two-State solution Montevideo, 29 and 30 March 2011 _____________________________________________________________________________________ Provisional programme Tuesday, 29 March OPENING SESSION 10.00 a.m. – 1.00 p.m. Statements by: H.E. Mr. Luis Almagro Minister for Foreign Affairs Representative of the Host Government Mr. Oscar Fernandez-Taranco Assistant Secretary-General for Political Affairs Representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations H.E. Mr. Abdou Salam Diallo Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People H.E. Mr. Saeb Erakat Member of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization Representative of Palestine Recess Statements by Governments, intergovernmental organizations and United Nations system entities Recess Keynote presentation: H.E. Mr. Saeb Erakat Member of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization Ramallah 22 March 2011 6 p.m. 2 3.00 p.m. – 6.00 p.m. PLENARY I Advancing peace between Israelis and Palestinians – Obstacles and opportunities The impact of settlement expansion on prospects for achieving a two-State solution The question of Jerusalem – A key to Israeli-Palestinian peace Bridging gaps and building trust: International efforts at resuming direct peace negotiations between the parties Presentations by experts: Mr. Yariv Oppenheimer Director General, Peace Now Tel Aviv Ms. Hind Khoury Former Minister for Jerusalem Affairs Palestinian Authority Jerusalem Mr. Eduardo Matarazzo Suplicy Senator, Federal Senate of Brazil Brasilia Mr. Marcelo Díaz Member of the Chilean Parliament Valparaiso Mr. Meir Margalit Member, Municipal Council of the City of Jerusalem Jerusalem Discussion 3 Wednesday, 30 March PLENARY II 10.00 a.m.
    [Show full text]
  • Case #2 United States of America (Respondent)
    Model International Court of Justice (MICJ) Case #2 United States of America (Respondent) Relocation of the United States Embassy to Jerusalem (Palestine v. United States of America) Arkansas Model United Nations (AMUN) November 20-21, 2020 Teeter 1 Historical Context For years, there has been a consistent struggle between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine led by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). In 2018, United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the U.S. embassy located in Tel Aviv would be moving to the city of Jerusalem.1 Palestine, angered by the embassy moving, filed a case with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2018.2 The history of this case, U.S. relations with Israel and Palestine, current events, and why the ICJ should side with the United States will be covered in this research paper. Israel and Palestine have an interesting relationship between war and competition. In 1948, Israel captured the west side of Jerusalem, and the Palestinians captured the east side during the Arab-Israeli War. Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. In 1949, the Lausanne Conference took place, and the UN came to the decision for “corpus separatum” which split Jerusalem into a Jewish zone and an Arab zone.3 At this time, the State of Israel decided that Jerusalem was its “eternal capital.”4 “Corpus separatum,” is a Latin term meaning “a city or region which is given a special legal and political status different from its environment, but which falls short of being sovereign, or an independent city-state.”5 1 Office of the President, 82 Recognizing Jerusalem as the Capital of the State of Israel and Relocating the United States Embassy to Israel to Jerusalem § (2017).
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy
    Order Code RL33530 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Updated August 4, 2006 Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Summary After the first Gulf war, in 1991, a new peace process involved bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. On September 13, 1993, Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) signed a Declaration of Principles (DOP), providing for Palestinian empowerment and some territorial control. On October 26, 1994, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein of Jordan signed a peace treaty. Israel and the Palestinians signed an Interim Self-Rule in the West Bank or Oslo II accord on September 28, 1995, which led to the formation of the Palestinian Authority (PA) to govern the West Bank and Gaza. The Palestinians and Israelis signed additional incremental accords in 1997, 1998, and 1999. Israeli-Syrian negotiations were intermittent and difficult, and were postponed indefinitely in 2000. On May 24, 2000, Israel unilaterally withdrew from south Lebanon after unsuccessful negotiations. From July 11 to 24, 2000, President Clinton held a summit with Israeli and Palestinian leaders at Camp David on final status issues, but they did not produce an accord. A Palestinian uprising or intifadah began that September. On February 6, 2001, Ariel Sharon was elected Prime Minister of Israel, and rejected steps taken at Camp David and afterwards. The post 9/11 war on terrorism prompted renewed U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace
    Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 12 | 16 – May 2012 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Andrea Dessì Abstract While spared from internal turmoil, Israel and the Palestinian Territories have nonetheless been affected by the region’s political transformation brought about by the Arab Spring. Reflecting what can be described as Israel’s “bunker” mentality, the Israeli government has characterized the Arab revolutionary wave as a security challenge, notably given its concern about the rise of Islamist forces. Prime Minister Netanyahu has capitalized on this sense of insecurity to justify his government’s lack of significant action when it comes to the peace process. On the Palestinian side, both Hamas and Fatah have lost long-standing regional backers in Egypt and Syria and have had to contend with their increasingly shaky popular legitimacy. This has spurred renewed efforts for reconciliation, which however have so far produced no significant results. Against this backdrop, the chances for a resumption of serious Israeli-Palestinian peace talks appear increasingly dim. An effort by the international community is needed to break the current deadlock and establish an atmosphere more conducive for talks. In this context, the EU carries special responsibility as the only external actor that still enjoys some credibility as a balanced mediator between the sides. Keywords : Israel / Israeli foreign policy / Arab revolts / Egypt / Muslim Brotherhood / Palestine / Gaza / Hamas / Fatah / Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations / European Union © 2012 IAI IAI Working Papers 1216 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace by Andrea Dessì ∗ Introduction The outbreak of popular protests throughout the Middle East and North Africa in early 2011 came as a shock to the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North the Role of the Arab States Africa Programme
    Briefing Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North The Role of the Arab States Africa Programme Yossi Mekelberg Summary and Greg Shapland • The positions of several Arab states towards Israel have evolved greatly in the past 50 years. Four of these states in particular – Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and (to a lesser extent) Jordan – could be influential in shaping the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. • In addition to Egypt and Jordan (which have signed peace treaties with Israel), Saudi Arabia and the UAE, among other Gulf states, now have extensive – albeit discreet – dealings with Israel. • This evolution has created a new situation in the region, with these Arab states now having considerable potential influence over the Israelis and Palestinians. It also has implications for US positions and policy. So far, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Jordan have chosen not to test what this influence could achieve. • One reason for the inactivity to date may be disenchantment with the Palestinians and their cause, including the inability of Palestinian leaders to unite to promote it. However, ignoring Palestinian concerns will not bring about a resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which will continue to add to instability in the region. If Arab leaders see regional stability as being in their countries’ interests, they should be trying to shape any eventual peace plan advanced by the administration of US President Donald Trump in such a way that it forms a framework for negotiations that both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships can accept. Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking: The Role of the Arab States Introduction This briefing forms part of the Chatham House project, ‘Israel–Palestine: Beyond the Stalemate’.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestinian Forces
    Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The
    [Show full text]
  • Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek
    University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Journal of International Law 2015 Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hayek, Vincent El, "Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law" (2015). Minnesota Journal of International Law. 286. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil/286 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Journal of International Law collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek In 1993, Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization signed the Oslo Accords,' starting a peace process that was meant to end with a Palestinian State. The Oslo Accords were only the start of numerous agreements, including the 1994 Gaza-Jericho Agreement, which became Annex IV to the Accords, commonly known as the Paris Protocol.2 The Paris Protocol laid out the framework for what was to be the economic relationship between Israel and a Palestinian state. Its writers recognized the importance that stability and growth in the Palestinian economy had for any hope of a lasting peace. 3 As such, they developed a strategy which hinged on four "pillars" for Palestinian economic development: 11] International aid; [2] close Israeli-Palestinian economic relations; [3] foreign and private investment; and [4] access to foreign markets for Palestinian exports.4 When the Paris Protocol was first signed, excitement was high.
    [Show full text]
  • Fatah Congress: Will New Resolutions Mean a New Direction?
    PolicyWatch #1569 Fatah Congress: Will New Resolutions Mean a New Direction? By Mohammad Yaghi August 14, 2009 PolicyWatch #1569 is the second in a two-part series examining the political and organizational implications of Fatah's recently concluded General Congress. This part explores Fatah's external dynamics, specifically how the group's new political program will affect its relations with Israel, Hamas, and the Palestinian Authority. PolicyWatch #1568 examines Fatah's internal dynamics, particularly in regard to its top leader Mahmoud Abbas. At its recently concluded General Congress, Fatah established a new political program that will affect both its terms of reengagement with Israel and its relations with Hamas and the Palestinian Authority (PA). Fatah's new constraints on negotiations with Israel, however, may harm Mahmoud Abbas -- PA president and the party's top leader -- who needs to respond positively to international peace initiatives that may conflict with the organization's new rules of engagement. Abbas might ignore these congressional decisions, believing its program is intended only for internal consumption to fend off the accusations of the party's hardline members. Fatah's renewed efforts to reunite the West Bank and Gaza could lead to an escalation with Hamas, since many observers doubt unity can be achieved peacefully. Fatah's Political Program According to al-Ayyam newspaper, Fatah's new political program sets demanding terms for reengagement with Israel, even more so than those Abbas has been stating publicly since Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu took office earlier this year. The new terms include a complete halt of Israeli settlement construction, especially in East Jerusalem; an Israeli withdrawal from all Palestinian cities, reverting back to the status that existed before the September 2000 intifada; a clear and binding timetable for negotiations; a refusal to postpone negotiations over Jerusalem and refugees; and an insistence on a defined mechanism for arbitration.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestine Vision of the Palestinian Lands Between 67/2012, the Palestinians Are Seeing That Olive Became a Tree
    It all started with two promises: a Jewish National Home and a Arab State in Pala- estine by the British government during the World War I. “DON´T LET THE OLIVE BRANCH The British Mandate in Palaestina, who- se administration replaced the Otto- FALL FROM MY HAND”. of book the man Empire after World War I, found it the difficult to succeed in the beginning of When Yasser Arafat first went to speak at the United Nations General Assemby, he said that he the hostilities between Arabs and Jews came “bearing an olive branch in one hand and a freedom fighter´s gun in the other”, and conclu- in the 20´s and 30´s. ded: “don´t let the olive branch fall from my hand”. In order to find a viable solution to During the last decades, the olive branch lived together with the gun, at the same time. Sometimes the problem, it was agreed by the Peel the olive branch fell on the ground, sometimes does not. book Commission that there would be a di- In many situations described in this book, and especially since Oslo Accords and the Resolution palestine vision of the Palestinian lands between 67/2012, the palestinians are seeing that olive became a tree. the two peoples, with the creation of This book is dedicated to peace, not war. two sovereign States. England was so- There is one point that has to be acknowleged: in the Palestinian conflict there are no heroes or lely responsible for resolving the issues villains. For that sense, this book sought to demonstrate that these and other realities are part of in Palaestina during their administration of the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict that originated during the British Mandate for territorial issues, on behalf of the League of Nations.
    [Show full text]