An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: a Viable Alternative for the “Two States Solution”?
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The Role of People-To-People Programs in the Current Israeli-Palestinian
The Power of Possibility: The Role of People-to-People Programs in the Current Israeli- Palestinian Reality Forum Israel Shira Herzog and Avivit Hai ECF economic cooperation foundation © 2005 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Israel Office P.O.Box 12235 Herzliya 46733, Israel Editor: Hermann Bünz Layout: Jaffa Cohen Printing: Ra'ayon All rights reserved. Editorial The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is a non-profit organisation with ideological roots in the German and international labour movement. Out of a profound commitment to social justice and peaceful coexistence both within societies and between nations, the Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung office in Israel contributes to - Strengthening German-Israeli relations - Facilitating the peace process and regional co-operation - Improving labour relations - Working for gender equality and women's empowerment - Democracy education for youth - Policy consulting and information Together with its partners, the Israel office of the Friedrich-Ebert- Stiftung regularly holds public forums and workshops which address the above-mentioned topics. Authoritative representatives from the political, social, economic, and academic worlds are invited to take part in these encounters. Lectures and addresses given at these events, as well as conference summaries, are reproduced in this series of brochures, entitled "Israel Forum". The series is also intended for the presentation of policy analyses and research results which constitute the backdrop to such public forums. www.fes.org.il Opening Note The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) and the Economic Cooperation Foundation (ECF) are pleased to support this publication, "The Power of Possibility – the Role of People-to-People in the Current Israeli-Palestinian Reality." The last few months have seen dramatic changes in the Israeli-Palestinian relationship. -
Raphael Cohen-Almagor Abstract This Article Records
1 “The Oslo Peace Process: Interview with Joel Singer”, Israel Affairs (published online 24 August 2018). DOI: 10.1080/13537121.2018.15056871 Raphael Cohen-Almagor Abstract This article records my interview with one of the authors of the Oslo Accords: Mr Joel Singer who was brought to the negotiations from Washington at a later stage of the negotiations. The Oslo channel was established by Yossi Beilin, Terje Rød-Larsen and Yoel Hirschfeld who understood Yassir Arafat’s need to initiate a new path for relationships with Israel. At that time, negotiations with the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) were illegal. The PLO was regarded as a terrorist organization and the Israeli government refused to officially negotiate with Arafat, although it was clear to them that he was still the most capable person to strike a deal, and the only true representative of the Palestinian people. Bilateral negotiations begun in Washington between Israel and Palestinians who were supposedly independent of the PLO while everyone knew they were not. As mentioned above, these talks led to nowhere. This is Singer’s version of this peace chapter. The article assesses the positive and negative aspects, lessons and implications of the process and of the Oslo Accords. Keywords: Joel Singer, Yasser Arafat, PLO, Israel, Oslo Accords, peace process Introduction Over the past few years I am researching the failed peace process between Israel and the PLO, from Oslo 1993 until present time. Regarding Oslo I investigate how three 1 This interview is taken froM My book, From Oslo to Jerusalem: A Critical Study of Peace Mediation, Facilitation and Negotiations between Israel and the PLO (NY and CaMbridge: CaMbridge University Press, forthcoMing). -
Case #2 United States of America (Respondent)
Model International Court of Justice (MICJ) Case #2 United States of America (Respondent) Relocation of the United States Embassy to Jerusalem (Palestine v. United States of America) Arkansas Model United Nations (AMUN) November 20-21, 2020 Teeter 1 Historical Context For years, there has been a consistent struggle between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine led by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). In 2018, United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the U.S. embassy located in Tel Aviv would be moving to the city of Jerusalem.1 Palestine, angered by the embassy moving, filed a case with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2018.2 The history of this case, U.S. relations with Israel and Palestine, current events, and why the ICJ should side with the United States will be covered in this research paper. Israel and Palestine have an interesting relationship between war and competition. In 1948, Israel captured the west side of Jerusalem, and the Palestinians captured the east side during the Arab-Israeli War. Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. In 1949, the Lausanne Conference took place, and the UN came to the decision for “corpus separatum” which split Jerusalem into a Jewish zone and an Arab zone.3 At this time, the State of Israel decided that Jerusalem was its “eternal capital.”4 “Corpus separatum,” is a Latin term meaning “a city or region which is given a special legal and political status different from its environment, but which falls short of being sovereign, or an independent city-state.”5 1 Office of the President, 82 Recognizing Jerusalem as the Capital of the State of Israel and Relocating the United States Embassy to Israel to Jerusalem § (2017). -
Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy
Order Code RL33530 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Updated August 4, 2006 Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Summary After the first Gulf war, in 1991, a new peace process involved bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. On September 13, 1993, Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) signed a Declaration of Principles (DOP), providing for Palestinian empowerment and some territorial control. On October 26, 1994, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein of Jordan signed a peace treaty. Israel and the Palestinians signed an Interim Self-Rule in the West Bank or Oslo II accord on September 28, 1995, which led to the formation of the Palestinian Authority (PA) to govern the West Bank and Gaza. The Palestinians and Israelis signed additional incremental accords in 1997, 1998, and 1999. Israeli-Syrian negotiations were intermittent and difficult, and were postponed indefinitely in 2000. On May 24, 2000, Israel unilaterally withdrew from south Lebanon after unsuccessful negotiations. From July 11 to 24, 2000, President Clinton held a summit with Israeli and Palestinian leaders at Camp David on final status issues, but they did not produce an accord. A Palestinian uprising or intifadah began that September. On February 6, 2001, Ariel Sharon was elected Prime Minister of Israel, and rejected steps taken at Camp David and afterwards. The post 9/11 war on terrorism prompted renewed U.S. -
Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 12 | 16 – May 2012 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Andrea Dessì Abstract While spared from internal turmoil, Israel and the Palestinian Territories have nonetheless been affected by the region’s political transformation brought about by the Arab Spring. Reflecting what can be described as Israel’s “bunker” mentality, the Israeli government has characterized the Arab revolutionary wave as a security challenge, notably given its concern about the rise of Islamist forces. Prime Minister Netanyahu has capitalized on this sense of insecurity to justify his government’s lack of significant action when it comes to the peace process. On the Palestinian side, both Hamas and Fatah have lost long-standing regional backers in Egypt and Syria and have had to contend with their increasingly shaky popular legitimacy. This has spurred renewed efforts for reconciliation, which however have so far produced no significant results. Against this backdrop, the chances for a resumption of serious Israeli-Palestinian peace talks appear increasingly dim. An effort by the international community is needed to break the current deadlock and establish an atmosphere more conducive for talks. In this context, the EU carries special responsibility as the only external actor that still enjoys some credibility as a balanced mediator between the sides. Keywords : Israel / Israeli foreign policy / Arab revolts / Egypt / Muslim Brotherhood / Palestine / Gaza / Hamas / Fatah / Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations / European Union © 2012 IAI IAI Working Papers 1216 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace by Andrea Dessì ∗ Introduction The outbreak of popular protests throughout the Middle East and North Africa in early 2011 came as a shock to the world. -
Israel: Growing Pains at 60
Viewpoints Special Edition Israel: Growing Pains at 60 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org The maps on pages 96-103 are copyright The Foundation for Middle East Peace. Our thanks to the Foundation for graciously allowing the inclusion of the maps in this publication. Cover photo in the top row, middle is © Tom Spender/IRIN, as is the photo in the bottom row, extreme left. -
Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North the Role of the Arab States Africa Programme
Briefing Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North The Role of the Arab States Africa Programme Yossi Mekelberg Summary and Greg Shapland • The positions of several Arab states towards Israel have evolved greatly in the past 50 years. Four of these states in particular – Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and (to a lesser extent) Jordan – could be influential in shaping the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. • In addition to Egypt and Jordan (which have signed peace treaties with Israel), Saudi Arabia and the UAE, among other Gulf states, now have extensive – albeit discreet – dealings with Israel. • This evolution has created a new situation in the region, with these Arab states now having considerable potential influence over the Israelis and Palestinians. It also has implications for US positions and policy. So far, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Jordan have chosen not to test what this influence could achieve. • One reason for the inactivity to date may be disenchantment with the Palestinians and their cause, including the inability of Palestinian leaders to unite to promote it. However, ignoring Palestinian concerns will not bring about a resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which will continue to add to instability in the region. If Arab leaders see regional stability as being in their countries’ interests, they should be trying to shape any eventual peace plan advanced by the administration of US President Donald Trump in such a way that it forms a framework for negotiations that both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships can accept. Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking: The Role of the Arab States Introduction This briefing forms part of the Chatham House project, ‘Israel–Palestine: Beyond the Stalemate’. -
Likud and the Oslo Process: Implications of a Hebron Accord
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 114 Likud and the Oslo Process: Implications of a Hebron Accord Jan 3, 1997 Brief Analysis f negotiators overcome eleventh-hour Palestinian demands and conclude an agreement on Hebron I redeployment, this accord would mark a milestone in the Middle East peace process: the first signed agreement between a Likud government and the Palestinians. With significant U.S. encouragement, the two sides will have managed to overcome the intense acrimony and bitterness that only three months ago claimed scores of lives and took the peace process to the precipice of collapse. The nearly hundred days of haggling since the Washington Summit -- sparked by the Netanyahu government's demand for improved security arrangements for the some 400 Israeli residents of Hebron and then fueled by Arafat's desire to take advantage of global sympathy to win concessions on non-Hebron issues -- may come to be seen by future historians as a critical turning point in the peace process, i.e., the moment when the Likud abandoned elements of its core ideology for the sake of accommodation with the Palestinians. The Hebron Conundrum: Israel's redeployment in Hebron completes the implementation of IDF withdrawals from the seven major Palestinian population centers, as called for in the September 1995 PLO-Israel accord (Oslo II). For the agreement's original Israeli negotiators, Hebron was such a thorny issue that its provisions outlining IDF redeployment from the city were separate and significantly more complex than those delineating withdrawal from other cities and towns in Gaza and the West Bank. Indeed, pulling IDF troops out of four-fifths of Hebron was seen as so potentially explosive and politically costly, that the Labor government of Shimon Peres balked at fulfilling that provision of the Oslo II accord. -
UNITED NATIONS General Assembly Security Council
UNITED NATIONS AS General Assembly Distr. Security Council GENERAL A/51/889 S/1997/357 5 May 1997 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH GENERAL ASSEMBLY SECURITY COUNCIL Fifty-first session Fifty-second year Agenda item 10 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ON THE WORK OF THE ORGANIZATION Letter dated 27 December 1995 from the Permanent Representatives of the Russian Federation and the United States of America to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General As co-sponsors of the peace process launched at Madrid in October 1991, and witnesses to the signing at Washington, D.C., on 28 September 1995, of the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, by the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, we have the honour to enclose the above document (see annex). We would be grateful if you would have the present letter and its attachment circulated as an official document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 10, and of the Security Council. (Signed) Madeleine K. ALBRIGHT (Signed) Sergey V. LAVROV Ambassador Ambassador Permanent Representative Permanent Representative of the United States of of the Russian Federation America to the United Nations to the United Nations 230797 /... A/51/889 S/1997/357 English Page 2 Letter dated 28 December 1995 from the Permanent Representative of Israel to the United Hations addressed to the Secretary-General I have the honour to enclose the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, signed at Washington, D.C., on 28 September 1995, by the Government of the State of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization and witnessed by the United States of America, the Russian Federation, Egypt, Jordan, Norway and the European Union (see annex). -
Progressive Action Guide
Activist Guide Progressive Action for Human Rights, Peace & Reconciliation in Israel and Palestine Prepared as part of TTN’s Boston & New England Initiative for Progressive Academic Engagement with Israel and Palestine The Third Narrative (TTN) is an initiative of Ameinu 424 West 33rd Street, Suite 150 New York, NY 10001 212-366-1194 Table of contents Introduction 2 Menu of Activist Tactics 3 Advocacy & Political Action in the U.S. Direct Action / Volunteering in Israel and Palestine Investment in a Palestinian State 4 Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Education Cultural & Academic Exchange 5 Activist Resources 6 Anti-Occupation Activists: Israel and Palestine Anti-Occupation Activists: North America 8 Coexistence & Dialogue 9 Environmental Initiatives 13 Human Rights 14 Israeli Arab Empowerment and Equality 15 Economic Development Health Initiatives 16 Think Tanks – Public Policy 17 Appendix: Educational Travel in Israel and Palestine 18 1 Introduction If you are pro-Palestinian and pro-Israeli and would like to help promote two states, human rights and social justice in Palestine and Israel, this guide is for you. It is meant primarily for North American progressives in colleges and universities, but we believe people in unions, religious organizations and other groups will also find it useful. Currently, one question that is hotly debated on many campuses is whether or not to support the BDS (boycott, divestment, sanctions) movement targeting Israel. Often, this conversation diverts attention from a wide range of other political options aimed at ending the Israeli occupation, building a viable Palestinian state, protecting human rights and fostering reconciliation between Jews and Arabs. We have prepared this guide to describe and promote those options. -
Normalization Can Inject New Life Into the Arab Peace Initiative by Ghaith Al-Omari
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3373 Normalization Can Inject New Life into the Arab Peace Initiative by Ghaith al-Omari Aug 31, 2020 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Ghaith al-Omari Ghaith al-Omari is a senior fellow in The Washington Institute's Irwin Levy Family Program on the U.S.-Israel Strategic Relationship. Brief Analysis With careful diplomacy, blunt discussion of national interests, and reciprocal steps on the ground, a group of like-minded Arab states could advance Palestinian-Israeli peacemaking while still preserving the API’s core. ne of the criticisms leveled against the normalization deal between Israel and the United Arab Emirates is O that it contravenes the Saudi-drafted Arab Peace Initiative (API) adopted in 2002. In some respects this is true—the new deal departs from the all-or-nothing approach of pursuing full normalization between Israel and Arab states only after the resolution of all outstanding Palestinian (and Syrian and Lebanese) issues with Israel. Yet by tying the deal to the suspension of Israel’s West Bank annexation plans, the UAE still reaffirmed the API’s premise of linking normalization to Palestinian issues. And given the steady convergence of interests between Israel and some Arab states, the agreement offers an opportunity to update the API—namely, by abandoning the all-or-nothing approach in favor of a gradual, reciprocal one that accounts for Arab states’ legitimate national interests while at the same time advancing Palestinian-Israeli relations. TECTONIC SHIFTS SINCE 2002 P roposed by Crown Prince (later King) Abdullah of Saudi Arabia and adopted at the 2002 Arab League summit in Beirut, the API promises Israel the “the establishment of normal relations” with all Arab states in exchange for “full withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied since June 1967,” and a “just” and “agreed upon” solution to the Palestinian refugee problem. -
Who Needs Norwegians?" Explaining the Oslo Back Channel: Norway’S Political Past in the Middle East
Evaluation Report 9/2000 Hilde Henriksen Waage "Norwegians? Who needs Norwegians?" Explaining the Oslo Back Channel: Norway’s Political Past in the Middle East A report prepared by PRIO International Peace Research Institute, Oslo Institutt for fredsforskning Responsibility for the contents and presentation of findings and recommendations rests with the author. The views and opinions expressed in the report do not necessarily correspond with the views of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Preface In September 1998, I was commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to carry out a preliminary study looking into Norway’s role in the Middle East. According to the agreement with the Ministry, the study should focus on the years prior to 1993 and examine whether Norway’s political past in the Middle East – and, not least, the mediating and confidence-building efforts of Norwegians prior to the opening of the secret Oslo Back Channel – had had any influence on the process that followed. The study should also try to answer the question ‘Why Norway?’ – that is, what had made Norway, of all countries, suitable for such an extraordinary task? The work on the study started on 15 September 1998. The date of submission was stipulated as 15 April 2000. This was achieved. The following report is based on recently declassified and partly still classified documents (to which I was granted access) at the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the verbatim records of the Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee, records of government proceedings and the Norwegian Parliament, Labour Party Archives, documents from the US State Department and the Socialist International – to mention the most important.