Isratin: the One-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
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The Palestinians' Right of Return Point
Human Rights Brief Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 2 2001 Point: The alesP tinians' Right of Return Hussein Ibish Ali Abunimah Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/hrbrief Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Ibish, Hussein, and Ali Abunimah. "Point: The aleP stinians' Right of Return." Human Rights Brief 8, no. 2 (2001): 4, 6-7. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Human Rights Brief by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ibish and Abunimah: Point: The Palestinians' Right of Return point/ The Palestinians’ Right of Return The Controversy Over the by Hussein Ibish and Ali Abunimah* Right of Return alestinians are the largest and In 1947, after a wave of Jewish immigration, the United Nations most long-suffering refugee pop- voted to divide Palestine into Arab and Jewish sectors, with Jerusalem Pulation in the world. There are administered as an international enclave. Despite Arab opposition, more than 3.7 million Palestinians reg- istered as refugees by the United the Jews began to build their own state. On May 14, 1948, Israel Nations Relief and Work Agency declared its independence. Shortly thereafter, the War of Indepen- (UNRWA), the UN agency responsi- dence broke out when Egypt, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon refused to ble for them. -
Resource List for Palestine and Israel Film Series Feb
Resource List for Palestine and Israel Film Series Feb. 12 – March 19, 2018 Series hosted by Montpelier Senior Activity Center Films and Resources Selected by Vermonters for Justice in Palestine BOOKS Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation by Saree Makdisi, 2008. Powerfully written, well documented, and integrates the present with historical context, including the Nakba (known as the War of Independence in 1948). 298 pages. Ten Myths About Israel by Ilan Pappe; published in 2017 explores claims that are repeated over and over, among them that Palestine was an empty land at the time of the Balfour Declaration, , whether Palestinians voluntarily left their homeland in 1948, whether June 1967 was a war of “no choice,” and the myths surrounding the failures of the Camp David Accords. 167 pages. Sleeping on a Wire, Conversations with Palestinians by David Grossman, 1993. Written by Israel’s best known novelist, this is a book of insightful interviews that illuminate the contradictions of Zionism, behind which Grossman remains standing. 346 pages. The Battle for Justice in Palestine, Ali Abunimah, 2014. Well-written, accessible exploration of the fallacy of a neoliberal Palestine, Israel’s fight against BDS, and the potential benefit to Israelis and Palestinians of a one-state solution. 292 pages. The Myths of Liberal Zionism, Yitzhak Laor, 2009. A fascinating exploration of Israel’s writers and Zionism by an Israeli poet and dissident, illustrating the inherent conflict between Zionism and democracy. 160 pages. Goliath, Life and Loathing in Greater Israel, Max Blumenthal, 2013. Beginning with the national elections carried out in 2008-09, during Israel’s war on Gaza, this hard-hitting book by a prominent American-Jewish reporter examines the rise of far-right to power in Israel and its consequences for Jews and Palestinians, both in Israel and in the occupied territory. -
Case #2 United States of America (Respondent)
Model International Court of Justice (MICJ) Case #2 United States of America (Respondent) Relocation of the United States Embassy to Jerusalem (Palestine v. United States of America) Arkansas Model United Nations (AMUN) November 20-21, 2020 Teeter 1 Historical Context For years, there has been a consistent struggle between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine led by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). In 2018, United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the U.S. embassy located in Tel Aviv would be moving to the city of Jerusalem.1 Palestine, angered by the embassy moving, filed a case with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2018.2 The history of this case, U.S. relations with Israel and Palestine, current events, and why the ICJ should side with the United States will be covered in this research paper. Israel and Palestine have an interesting relationship between war and competition. In 1948, Israel captured the west side of Jerusalem, and the Palestinians captured the east side during the Arab-Israeli War. Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. In 1949, the Lausanne Conference took place, and the UN came to the decision for “corpus separatum” which split Jerusalem into a Jewish zone and an Arab zone.3 At this time, the State of Israel decided that Jerusalem was its “eternal capital.”4 “Corpus separatum,” is a Latin term meaning “a city or region which is given a special legal and political status different from its environment, but which falls short of being sovereign, or an independent city-state.”5 1 Office of the President, 82 Recognizing Jerusalem as the Capital of the State of Israel and Relocating the United States Embassy to Israel to Jerusalem § (2017). -
Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 12 | 16 – May 2012 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Andrea Dessì Abstract While spared from internal turmoil, Israel and the Palestinian Territories have nonetheless been affected by the region’s political transformation brought about by the Arab Spring. Reflecting what can be described as Israel’s “bunker” mentality, the Israeli government has characterized the Arab revolutionary wave as a security challenge, notably given its concern about the rise of Islamist forces. Prime Minister Netanyahu has capitalized on this sense of insecurity to justify his government’s lack of significant action when it comes to the peace process. On the Palestinian side, both Hamas and Fatah have lost long-standing regional backers in Egypt and Syria and have had to contend with their increasingly shaky popular legitimacy. This has spurred renewed efforts for reconciliation, which however have so far produced no significant results. Against this backdrop, the chances for a resumption of serious Israeli-Palestinian peace talks appear increasingly dim. An effort by the international community is needed to break the current deadlock and establish an atmosphere more conducive for talks. In this context, the EU carries special responsibility as the only external actor that still enjoys some credibility as a balanced mediator between the sides. Keywords : Israel / Israeli foreign policy / Arab revolts / Egypt / Muslim Brotherhood / Palestine / Gaza / Hamas / Fatah / Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations / European Union © 2012 IAI IAI Working Papers 1216 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace by Andrea Dessì ∗ Introduction The outbreak of popular protests throughout the Middle East and North Africa in early 2011 came as a shock to the world. -
A History of Money in Palestine: from the 1900S to the Present
A History of Money in Palestine: From the 1900s to the Present The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Mitter, Sreemati. 2014. A History of Money in Palestine: From the 1900s to the Present. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:12269876 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA A History of Money in Palestine: From the 1900s to the Present A dissertation presented by Sreemati Mitter to The History Department in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of History Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts January 2014 © 2013 – Sreemati Mitter All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor Roger Owen Sreemati Mitter A History of Money in Palestine: From the 1900s to the Present Abstract How does the condition of statelessness, which is usually thought of as a political problem, affect the economic and monetary lives of ordinary people? This dissertation addresses this question by examining the economic behavior of a stateless people, the Palestinians, over a hundred year period, from the last decades of Ottoman rule in the early 1900s to the present. Through this historical narrative, it investigates what happened to the financial and economic assets of ordinary Palestinians when they were either rendered stateless overnight (as happened in 1948) or when they suffered a gradual loss of sovereignty and control over their economic lives (as happened between the early 1900s to the 1930s, or again between 1967 and the present). -
Hastings (Fall 2010) Hastings College of the Law Alumni Association
UC Hastings Scholarship Repository Hastings Alumni Publications 9-1-2010 Hastings (Fall 2010) Hastings College of the Law Alumni Association Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.uchastings.edu/alumni_mag Recommended Citation Hastings College of the Law Alumni Association, "Hastings (Fall 2010)" (2010). Hastings Alumni Publications. 129. http://repository.uchastings.edu/alumni_mag/129 This is brought to you for free and open access by UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Alumni Publications by an authorized administrator of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. CONTENTS Briefings 02 FROM THE DEAN 03 FOR THE RECORD Victoria Smith '10 recently hit the jackpot on Wheel of Fortune-just in time to start repaying those student loans. 04 I SIDEBARS News and notes from the Hastings community, including a top honor for Professor Karen Musalo; an update on the Lawrence M. Nagin '65 Faculty Enrichment Fund; Professor Joan C. Williams's new study on work-family conflict; and more. In Depth 10 I TRIBUTE In honor of California Supreme Court Justice Marvin Baxter '66 and his wife, Jane Baxter, the couple's family has made a major gift to fund Hastings' new Appellate Law Center. 12 I LEADERSHIP New Chancellor & Dean Frank H. Wu shares his vision for transforming UC Hastings. 34 I STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS Students acquire valuable trial experience in Hastings' renowned Criminal Practice Clinic. 56 I CLOSING STATEMENT Maureen Corcoran '79 shares her thoughts on the evolving field of health law. Movers & Shakers ALUMNI IN ACTION They have defended accused Hollywood murderers and corporate embezzlers; they have prosecuted scammers, racketeers and price fixers . -
Integrate and Reactivate the 1968 Fair Housing Mandate Courtney L
Georgia State University College of Law Reading Room Faculty Publications By Year Faculty Publications 1-1-2016 Integrate and Reactivate the 1968 Fair Housing Mandate Courtney L. Anderson Georgia State University College of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://readingroom.law.gsu.edu/faculty_pub Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Housing Law Commons Recommended Citation Courtney L. Anderson, Integrate and Reactivate the 1968 Fair Housing Mandate, 13 Hastings Race & Poverty L.J. 1 (2016) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Reading Room. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications By Year by an authorized administrator of Reading Room. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HASTINGS RACE AND POVERTY LAW JOURNAL VOLUME XIII NO. 1 WINTER 2016 ARTICLES INTEGRATE AND REACTIVATE THE 1968 FAIR HOUSING MANDATE Courtney L. Anderson LA GRAN LUCHA: LATINA AND LATINO LAWYERS, BREAKING THE LAW ON PRINCIPLE, AND CONFRONTING THE RISKS OF REPRESENTATION Marc‐Tizoc González THE OBERGEFELL MARRIAGE EQUALITY DECISION, WITH ITS EMPHASIS ON HUMAN DIGNITY, AND A FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT TO FOOD SECURITY Maxine D. Goodman NOTE POLICE TERROR AND OFFICER INDEMNIFICATION Allyssa Villanueva University of California Hastings College of the Law 200 McAllister Street, San Francisco, CA 94102 HASTINGS RACE AND POVERTY LAW JOURNAL Winter 2016 Volume 13, Issue 1 Mission Statement The Hastings Race and Poverty Law Journal is committed to promoting and inspiring discourse in the legal community regarding issues of race, poverty, social justice, and the law. This Journal is committed to addressing disparities in the legal system. -
Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North the Role of the Arab States Africa Programme
Briefing Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North The Role of the Arab States Africa Programme Yossi Mekelberg Summary and Greg Shapland • The positions of several Arab states towards Israel have evolved greatly in the past 50 years. Four of these states in particular – Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and (to a lesser extent) Jordan – could be influential in shaping the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. • In addition to Egypt and Jordan (which have signed peace treaties with Israel), Saudi Arabia and the UAE, among other Gulf states, now have extensive – albeit discreet – dealings with Israel. • This evolution has created a new situation in the region, with these Arab states now having considerable potential influence over the Israelis and Palestinians. It also has implications for US positions and policy. So far, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Jordan have chosen not to test what this influence could achieve. • One reason for the inactivity to date may be disenchantment with the Palestinians and their cause, including the inability of Palestinian leaders to unite to promote it. However, ignoring Palestinian concerns will not bring about a resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which will continue to add to instability in the region. If Arab leaders see regional stability as being in their countries’ interests, they should be trying to shape any eventual peace plan advanced by the administration of US President Donald Trump in such a way that it forms a framework for negotiations that both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships can accept. Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking: The Role of the Arab States Introduction This briefing forms part of the Chatham House project, ‘Israel–Palestine: Beyond the Stalemate’. -
Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Journal of International Law 2015 Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hayek, Vincent El, "Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law" (2015). Minnesota Journal of International Law. 286. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil/286 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Journal of International Law collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek In 1993, Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization signed the Oslo Accords,' starting a peace process that was meant to end with a Palestinian State. The Oslo Accords were only the start of numerous agreements, including the 1994 Gaza-Jericho Agreement, which became Annex IV to the Accords, commonly known as the Paris Protocol.2 The Paris Protocol laid out the framework for what was to be the economic relationship between Israel and a Palestinian state. Its writers recognized the importance that stability and growth in the Palestinian economy had for any hope of a lasting peace. 3 As such, they developed a strategy which hinged on four "pillars" for Palestinian economic development: 11] International aid; [2] close Israeli-Palestinian economic relations; [3] foreign and private investment; and [4] access to foreign markets for Palestinian exports.4 When the Paris Protocol was first signed, excitement was high. -
Palestine Vision of the Palestinian Lands Between 67/2012, the Palestinians Are Seeing That Olive Became a Tree
It all started with two promises: a Jewish National Home and a Arab State in Pala- estine by the British government during the World War I. “DON´T LET THE OLIVE BRANCH The British Mandate in Palaestina, who- se administration replaced the Otto- FALL FROM MY HAND”. of book the man Empire after World War I, found it the difficult to succeed in the beginning of When Yasser Arafat first went to speak at the United Nations General Assemby, he said that he the hostilities between Arabs and Jews came “bearing an olive branch in one hand and a freedom fighter´s gun in the other”, and conclu- in the 20´s and 30´s. ded: “don´t let the olive branch fall from my hand”. In order to find a viable solution to During the last decades, the olive branch lived together with the gun, at the same time. Sometimes the problem, it was agreed by the Peel the olive branch fell on the ground, sometimes does not. book Commission that there would be a di- In many situations described in this book, and especially since Oslo Accords and the Resolution palestine vision of the Palestinian lands between 67/2012, the palestinians are seeing that olive became a tree. the two peoples, with the creation of This book is dedicated to peace, not war. two sovereign States. England was so- There is one point that has to be acknowleged: in the Palestinian conflict there are no heroes or lely responsible for resolving the issues villains. For that sense, this book sought to demonstrate that these and other realities are part of in Palaestina during their administration of the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict that originated during the British Mandate for territorial issues, on behalf of the League of Nations. -
Absentee Property Law of 1950 Was Meant to Serve As the Legal Basis to Transfer the Property of Palestinian Refugees Into the Possession of the State of Israel
Absentees against Their Will – Property Expropriation in East Jerusalem under the Absentee Property Law July 2010 Introduction The Absentee Property Law of 1950 was meant to serve as the legal basis to transfer the property of Palestinian refugees into the possession of the State of Israel. The law says that the land and property of Palestinian residents and nationals of Arab countries who, from November 29, 1947 until a declaration that the state of emergency declared in 1948 ended [which has not yet happened] were in one of the Arab countries, or "in any part of the Land of Israel that is outside of the area of Israel," would revert to the possession of the Custodian of Absentee Property, meaning, to the possession of the State.1 Following the annexation of East Jerusalem in 1967, and as a result the application of all of the laws of Israel -- including the Absentee Property Law -- to the annexed area, a problematic situation arose in which the property of almost all the Palestinian residents of the city became, in fact, absentee property, because those residents were at the time to which the law refers citizens of Jordan, then an enemy country, who resided in "a part of the Land of Israel that [was] outside of the area of Israel." To contend with this problematic situation, section 3 of the Law and Administration Ordinance 5730-1970 provides that the law does not apply to residents of East Jerusalem who "on the day of the incidence of the order of application of the law was in the area of its application and was a resident thereof."2 Therefore, only residents who were physically present in East Jerusalem on the day of annexation are not considered absentees. -
The Necessity of Including Hamas in Any Future Peace Process and the Viability of Doing So: an Argument for Reassessment and Engagement
THE NECESSITY OF INCLUDING HAMAS IN ANY FUTURE PEACE PROCESS AND THE VIABILITY OF DOING SO: AN ARGUMENT FOR REASSESSMENT AND ENGAGEMENT by Peter Worthington Bachelor of Arts, University of British Columbia, 2007 MAJOR PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES In the School of International Studies © Peter Worthington 2011 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2011 All rights reserved. However, in accordance with the Copyright Act of Canada, this work may be reproduced, without authorization, under the conditions for Fair Dealing. Therefore, limited reproduction of this work for the purposes of private study, research, criticism, review and news reporting is likely to be in accordance with the law, particularly if cited appropriately. APPROVAL Name: Peter Worthington Degree: Master of Arts in International Studies Title of Thesis: The necessity of including Hamas in any future peace process and the viability of doing so: an argument for reassessment and engagement. Examining Committee: Chair: Dr John Harriss Professor of International Studies ______________________________________ Dr Tamir Moustafa Senior Supervisor Associate Professor Stephen Jarislowsky Chair School for International Studies ______________________________________ Dr. John Harriss Supervisor Professor of International Studies ______________________________________ Date Approved: April 26, 2011 ii Declaration of Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users.