Helping to Shape the Policy Discourse on Palestine
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The Palestinians' Right of Return Point
Human Rights Brief Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 2 2001 Point: The alesP tinians' Right of Return Hussein Ibish Ali Abunimah Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/hrbrief Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Ibish, Hussein, and Ali Abunimah. "Point: The aleP stinians' Right of Return." Human Rights Brief 8, no. 2 (2001): 4, 6-7. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Human Rights Brief by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ibish and Abunimah: Point: The Palestinians' Right of Return point/ The Palestinians’ Right of Return The Controversy Over the by Hussein Ibish and Ali Abunimah* Right of Return alestinians are the largest and In 1947, after a wave of Jewish immigration, the United Nations most long-suffering refugee pop- voted to divide Palestine into Arab and Jewish sectors, with Jerusalem Pulation in the world. There are administered as an international enclave. Despite Arab opposition, more than 3.7 million Palestinians reg- istered as refugees by the United the Jews began to build their own state. On May 14, 1948, Israel Nations Relief and Work Agency declared its independence. Shortly thereafter, the War of Indepen- (UNRWA), the UN agency responsi- dence broke out when Egypt, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon refused to ble for them. -
Resource List for Palestine and Israel Film Series Feb
Resource List for Palestine and Israel Film Series Feb. 12 – March 19, 2018 Series hosted by Montpelier Senior Activity Center Films and Resources Selected by Vermonters for Justice in Palestine BOOKS Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation by Saree Makdisi, 2008. Powerfully written, well documented, and integrates the present with historical context, including the Nakba (known as the War of Independence in 1948). 298 pages. Ten Myths About Israel by Ilan Pappe; published in 2017 explores claims that are repeated over and over, among them that Palestine was an empty land at the time of the Balfour Declaration, , whether Palestinians voluntarily left their homeland in 1948, whether June 1967 was a war of “no choice,” and the myths surrounding the failures of the Camp David Accords. 167 pages. Sleeping on a Wire, Conversations with Palestinians by David Grossman, 1993. Written by Israel’s best known novelist, this is a book of insightful interviews that illuminate the contradictions of Zionism, behind which Grossman remains standing. 346 pages. The Battle for Justice in Palestine, Ali Abunimah, 2014. Well-written, accessible exploration of the fallacy of a neoliberal Palestine, Israel’s fight against BDS, and the potential benefit to Israelis and Palestinians of a one-state solution. 292 pages. The Myths of Liberal Zionism, Yitzhak Laor, 2009. A fascinating exploration of Israel’s writers and Zionism by an Israeli poet and dissident, illustrating the inherent conflict between Zionism and democracy. 160 pages. Goliath, Life and Loathing in Greater Israel, Max Blumenthal, 2013. Beginning with the national elections carried out in 2008-09, during Israel’s war on Gaza, this hard-hitting book by a prominent American-Jewish reporter examines the rise of far-right to power in Israel and its consequences for Jews and Palestinians, both in Israel and in the occupied territory. -
ABSTRACT Arab American Racialization and Its Effect
ABSTRACT Arab American Racialization and its Effect oniAmerican Islamophobiaa in the United States Catherine Haseman Director: Dr. Lisa Lacy, Ph.D. Over the past few years, anti-Muslim and anti-Arab rhetoric and discrimination has surged. Prejudice against Arabs and Muslims has moved from the fringes of American society to the mainstream. The American Islamophobic discourse is so deeply rooted in U.S. history, culture, and society that we often misunderstand its origins as well as its manifestations. This paper proposes a critical dialogue about how to understand one contested concept (Islamophobia) by using another contested one (racialization). This paper seeks to understand if--and if so, to what extent--racialization is central to understanding America’s pernicious brand of Islamophobia. In addition to reviewing the historical connection between racialization and Islamophobia, this paper analyzes the results of a survey of Texans’ views of Islam and Muslims. The survey results are used to understand how racialized conceptions of Arab Muslims correspond with Islamophobic tropes. APPROVED BY DIRECTOR OF HONORS THESIS: ____________________________________________ Dr. Lisa Lacy, Department of History APPROVED BY THE HONORS PROGRAM: __________________________________________________ Dr. Elizabeth Corey, Director DATE: _________________________________ ARAB AMERICAN RACIALIZATION AND ITS EFFECTS ON AMERICAN ISLAMOPHOBIA A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Baylor University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Honors Program -
The Necessity of Including Hamas in Any Future Peace Process and the Viability of Doing So: an Argument for Reassessment and Engagement
THE NECESSITY OF INCLUDING HAMAS IN ANY FUTURE PEACE PROCESS AND THE VIABILITY OF DOING SO: AN ARGUMENT FOR REASSESSMENT AND ENGAGEMENT by Peter Worthington Bachelor of Arts, University of British Columbia, 2007 MAJOR PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES In the School of International Studies © Peter Worthington 2011 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2011 All rights reserved. However, in accordance with the Copyright Act of Canada, this work may be reproduced, without authorization, under the conditions for Fair Dealing. Therefore, limited reproduction of this work for the purposes of private study, research, criticism, review and news reporting is likely to be in accordance with the law, particularly if cited appropriately. APPROVAL Name: Peter Worthington Degree: Master of Arts in International Studies Title of Thesis: The necessity of including Hamas in any future peace process and the viability of doing so: an argument for reassessment and engagement. Examining Committee: Chair: Dr John Harriss Professor of International Studies ______________________________________ Dr Tamir Moustafa Senior Supervisor Associate Professor Stephen Jarislowsky Chair School for International Studies ______________________________________ Dr. John Harriss Supervisor Professor of International Studies ______________________________________ Date Approved: April 26, 2011 ii Declaration of Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. -
Notes on Middle East for Government 35, World Politics
Notes on Middle East for Government 35, World Politics 1. Important to note that there is much more diversity of opinion regarding Palestine in Israel than there is in the United States. For example, according to Haaretz, a leading English language newspaper’s recent poll, 64% of Israelis believe direct negotiations with Hamas should be undertaken, which is contrary to the opinion of the Israeli and U.S. governments. a. Decades ago, articles by noted Jewish intellectuals Hans Morgenthau and Hannah Arendt, in Commentary Magazine, argued that the consistency of American Jews’ support for Israel was based upon guilt that they lived in a relatively peaceful America, while Israeli’s peaceful existence was under the constant threat of war and terrorism. Then, the magazine was considered an organ of the American Jewish Committee. Now, Commentary Magazine’s website, http://www.commentarymagazine.com/, lists its importance to the neoconservative movement in American politics. 2. The main lobbying organization for Israel over the years has been the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which some believe was initially funded by Mossad, the Israeli intelligence service, although not so today so far as we know. a. The site can be found at: http://www.aipac.org/ i. (You can note that it lists itself as “America’s Pro-Israel Lobby.”) 3. Recently, another group has been formed to counter some of the influence of AIPAC: Jstreet a. The site can be found at: http://www.jstreet.org/ i. (You can note that it lists itself as “A new pro-peace, pro-Israel political voice.”) 4. -
Placing Jerusalemites in the History of Jerusalem: the Ottoman Census (Sicil-I Nüfūs) As a Historical Source
chapter 1 Placing Jerusalemites in the History of Jerusalem: The Ottoman Census (sicil-i nüfūs) as a Historical Source Michelle U. Campos Over a decade ago, the distinguished Palestinian historian Rashid Khalidi pub- lished “A Research Agenda for Writing the History of Jerusalem,” in which he identified a number of notable problems in the then-extant historiography of the city: historical unevenness, an imbalanced emphasis on some subjects and communities, and significant thematic gaps in intellectual, religious, legal, urban, and demographic history.1 Since then, there has been a wave of impor- tant works on Ottoman Jerusalem addressing some of Khalidi’s desiderata. However, there is still much work that can and should be done.2 One of the 1 Rashid I. Khalidi, “A Research Agenda for Writing the History of Jerusalem,” in Pilgrims, Lepers, and Stuffed Cabbage: Essays on Jerusalem’s Cultural History, ed. Issam Nassar and Salim Tamari (Jerusalem: Institute of Jerusalem Studies, 2005). 2 For recent works on the Ottoman period alone, see Bedross Der Matossian, Shattered Dreams of Revolution: From Liberty to Violence in the Late Ottoman Empire (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014); Vincent Lemire, Jérusalem 1900: La ville sainte à l’âge des possibles (Paris: Armand Colin, 2013); Abigail Jacobson, From Empire to Empire: Jerusalem between Ottoman and British Rule (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2011); Michelle U. Campos, Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early Twentieth Century Palestine (Stanford: Stanford University -
Palestinian Nonviolent Resistance to Occupation Since 1967
FACES OF HOPE A Campaign Supporting Nonviolent Resistance and Refusal in Israel and Palestine AFSC Middle East Resource series Middle East Task Force | Fall 2005 Palestinian Nonviolent Resistance to Occupation Since 1967 alestinian nonviolent resistance to policies of occupa- tion and injustice dates back to the Ottoman (1600s- P1917) and British Mandate (1917-1948) periods. While the story of armed Palestinian resistance is known, the equally important history of nonviolent resistance is largely untold. Perhaps the best-known example of nonviolent resistance during the mandate period, when the British exercised colo- nial control over historic Palestine, is the General Strike of 1936. Called to protest against British colonial policies and the exclusion of local peoples from the governing process, the strike lasted six months, making it the longest general strike in modern history. Maintaining the strike for so many months required great cooperation and planning at the local Residents of Abu Ghosh, a village west of Jerusalem, taking the oath level. It also involved the setting up of alternative institu- of allegiance to the Arab Higher Committee, April 1936. Photo: Before tions by Palestinians to provide for economic and municipal Their Diaspora, Institute for Palestine Studies, 1984. Available at http://www. passia.org/. needs. The strike, and the actions surrounding it, ultimately encountered the dilemma that has subsequently been faced again and to invent new strategies of resistance. by many Palestinian nonviolent resistance movements: it was brutally suppressed by the British authorities, and many of The 1967 War the leaders of the strike were ultimately killed, imprisoned, During the 1967 War, Israel occupied the West Bank, or exiled. -
Jtathe Global News Service of the Jewish
JTA The Global News Service of the Jewish People Israel and America, or Israel and the Palestinians? By Uriel Heilman · February 10, 2010 What are we talking about when we're talking about America's special relationship with Israel? To listen to the panelists at Tuesday night's Intelligence Squared debate arguing for the proposition that “The U.S. should step back from its special relationship with Israel,” we're talking about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The panelists, New York Times columnist Roger Cohen and Columbia University professor Rashid Khalidi, kept returning to the argument that U.S. support for Israel has made the two-state solution virtually impossible. The United States, they argued, needs to stop bankrolling the Israeli occupation and hold Israel accountable for its actions in the Palestinian-populated territories, including settlement expansion. On the other side of the aisle, former Israeli ambassador to Washington Itamar Rabinovich and former White House official Stuart Eizenstat argued that the close relationship between Israel and America serves both countries' national interests, as well as the cause of peace. Without the security of a dependable, close ally in America, Israel could never make the concessions it has for peace, such as withdrawing from the Sinai in exchange for peace with Egypt. On the flip side, Israel provides America with real-time intelligence and helps counter nuclear proliferation. There really wasn't much new in Tuesday night's debate. Cohen argued that in order to bring Israelis and Palestinians closer together America should punish Israel for its actions in the West Bank. -
On Rashid Khalidi
On Rashid Khalidi Columbia University historian Rashid Khalidi is not an extremist or a hardliner in his pro-Palestinian sympathies and activism; he has often expressed his support for a two-state peace with Israel. But he has been a disappointment ever since he turned against the Oslo peace process (reversing his prior stance) during the late 1990s. In doing so, he mistook how the peace process was turning sour under the leadership of the anti-Oslo prime ministers Netanyahu, Barak (to a degree) and Sharon, for its original intent and potential under Rabin and Peres. Still, I admire the thesis of his major book during that time, Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness (Columbia University Press, 1997), that “National identity is constructed; it is not an essential, transcendent given….” I don’t always agree with Prof. Werner Cohn, but his blog posting on Khalidi’s apparent misuse of an alleged quotation provides a thoughtful criticism of the latter’s methodology. And NY Times contributor James Traub also tellingly critiques Prof. Khalidi on his new book, in the March 15th issue of the Sunday NY Times Book Review. The core of Traub’s review is as follows: “Sowing Crisis” vividly reminds us what it is like to be on the receiving end of American power. But it often reads like a polemic rather than a work of history. Khalidi’s sense of American motives and strategy seems flattened by his own preconceptions. God knows the United States has a great deal to answer for in the Middle East. -
Weekend Notes Review.Pdf
Tales of a City by the Sea – Weekend notes review by Julia Wakefield. Following its sold out premiere Melbourne season in 2014, Tales of a City by the Sea opened at The Bakehouse Theatre this week. Jomana and Rami, played by Osamah Sami The author is Palestinian/Australian/Canadian writer Samah Sabawi. She describes her work as 'a poetic journey into the ordinary lives of people living in abnormal circumstances and their struggle to survive'. The play grew out of a collection of poetry that Sabawi wrote while she was in Gaza during the three week bombardment of 2008/2009, prompted by her own experiences and those of her friends and family. She says she is not trying to put across a political message. Although this is a story based on real life events that took place during Israel's assault on Gaza in 2008, its main purpose is to highlight the resilience and compassion that people display in such dire circumstances. In this current era of global conflict and confusion, there are many places featured in news bulletins that are enduring similar situations. Sabawi wants us to see 'the detail of daily lives of people they see for brief seconds on the news'. The play was originally directed by Lech Mackiewicz, and the current director is Wahibe Moussa. When it opened in Melbourne the plan was to have two simultaneous performances on the West Bank and in Gaza. The play was performed on the West Bank a week later; the script has been read in Gaza but as yet there has been no opportunity to perform the play there. -
7Arakat Conference 2012
7ARAKAT CONFERENCE 2012 Theatre, Cultural Diversity and Inclusion 2–3 November 2012 La Trobe University City Campus latrobe.edu.au/7 TIME FRIDAY 2 NOVEMBER 8:30am–9:00am Registration 9:00am–9:30am Conference Opening: Welcome and Introductions. Wurundjeri Welcome To Country. Offical Opening: Prof. Tim Murray – Dean, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, La Trobe University Welcoming Remarks: Ambassador Izzat Abdulhadi – Head of the General Delegation of Palestine to Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific Welcoming Remarks: Jill Morgan – Chief Executive Officer, Multicultural Arts Victoria 9:30am–10:00am Keynote: Creative ecologies: Multi-arts approaches to resilience for newly arrived refugees, Prof. Michael Balfour (Griffith University) 10:00am Questions and Answers 10:15am–10:45am Keynote: Theatre: An act of beautiful resistance to build the peace within, Dr. Abdelfattah Abusrour (Alrowwad Theatre, Palestine) 10:45am Questions and Answers 11:00am–11:30am Morning Tea 11:30am–1:00pm Morning Panel: Acting Local/Thinking Global, Chair: Dr. Nicholas Rowe (Auckland University) 11:30am Unregulated to illegal: Palestinian theatre in the twentieth century, Samer Al Saber (University of Washington, Seattle) 12:00pm Looking at Shakespeare with a contemporary eye: Richard II a political play for our time, Iman Aoun (Ashtar Theatre, Palestine) 12:30pm Exploring the Ethics of a Cultural Boycott, Samah Sabawi (Independent Palestinian Activist and Playwright) 1:00pm–2:00pm Lunch 2:00pm–2:30pm Keynote: Reclaiming space: Reflections on dance education -
'Al-Haq's Questions and Answers on Palestine's UN Initiatives and The
15 September 2011 Ref. no. 286/2011 Al-Haq’s Questions and Answers: Palestine’s UN Initiatives and the Representation of the Palestinian People’s Rights As part of the ongoing public debate about Palestine‟s United Nations (UN) initiatives, a number of concerns have been raised with regards to potential changes in the mechanism of representation of the Palestinian people at the international level, both inside and outside of the UN system. In particular, it has been pointed out that the new profile of the State of Palestine could affect future rights claims, including the rights of return, to reparations and self-determination of all the Palestinian people – the Diaspora, refugees, Palestinians with Israeli citizenship and the Palestinians in the occupied territory, namely the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip. Although the details of the UN initiatives remain unknown, two main scenarios have been contemplated by public debate. Will the PLO be maintained in its present role and functions, while the State, which exists separately from the PLO, takes a seat at the UN? Or, will the PLO‟s role and functions be ceded to the State, which gains a seat at the UN, while the PLO ceases to function both inside the outside of the UN? To answer these questions, this legal brief, based on a strict application of international law and contemporary legal practice, examines the following four issues: (I) the UN initiatives and mechanisms for the representation of the Palestinian people‟s rights (II) the representation of the Palestinian people‟s rights by the State of Palestine; (III) the status and role of the PLO; and (IV) the possible effects of the UN initiatives on the representation of the rights of the Palestinian people.