The Syntax of Verbs
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University of California Santa Cruz Ungrammatical
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ UNGRAMMATICAL DOUBLE-ISLAND SLUICING AS A DIAGNOSTIC OF LEFT-BRANCH POSITIONING A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in LINGUISTICS by Sara Cantor June 2013 The Thesis of Sara Cantor is approved: Professor Jorge Hankamer, Chair Professor Sandy Chung Professor Pranav Anand Tyrus Miller Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Contents 1 Introduction 1 2 The Problem 3 3 The Facts 5 3.1 Islands that do not form a barrier to amelioration . 5 Complex Noun Phrase: Relative Clause . 6 Complex Noun Phrase: Noun with CP Complement . 8 CoordinateStructure . 10 Adjunct ............................ 12 3.2 Islands that do form a barrier to amelioration . 14 Subjects............................ 14 SententialSubjects . .. .. 16 Topicalization......................... 18 4 Background on Sluicing 19 4.1 MovementandDeletion ....................... 20 4.2 LF-CopyingandMerger ....................... 22 5 Proposal 23 5.1 Certain islands are barriers to island amelioration . 23 5.2 MovementorSpecifiers? ....................... 24 Movement to a Non-Specifier Position: Leftward Adjuncts 25 Movement to a Non-Specifier Position: Heavy NP Shift . 27 Base-Generated Specifiers: Small Clause Subjects . 30 Generalization about Amelioration Blocking . 32 5.3 NotaRecencyEffect ......................... 32 5.4 NotPropositionalvs.PFIslands . 33 6 Theoretical Implications 34 6.1 ImplicationsforCoordinateStructures . 34 6.2 Extraposition ............................. 36 7 Future Questions 40 7.1 Non-SluicingContexts ........................ 40 7.2 D-Linking ............................... 41 8 Conclusion 42 9 References 43 iii Abstract Ungrammatical Double-Island Sluicing as a Diagnostic of Left-Branch Positioning Sara Cantor Sluicing, as described by Ross (1969), Chung, Ladusaw, and McCloskey (1995), and Merchant (2001), ameliorates island violations. In this paper, I identify constructions in which sluicing does not ameliorate island viola- tions. -
A Minimalist Study of Complex Verb Formation: Cross-Linguistic Paerns and Variation
A Minimalist Study of Complex Verb Formation: Cross-linguistic Paerns and Variation Chenchen Julio Song, [email protected] PhD First Year Report, June 2016 Abstract is report investigates the cross-linguistic paerns and structural variation in com- plex verbs within a Minimalist and Distributed Morphology framework. Based on data from English, German, Hungarian, Chinese, and Japanese, three general mechanisms are proposed for complex verb formation, including Akt-licensing, “two-peaked” adjunction, and trans-workspace recategorization. e interaction of these mechanisms yields three levels of complex verb formation, i.e. Root level, verbalizer level, and beyond verbalizer level. In particular, the verbalizer (together with its Akt extension) is identified as the boundary between the word-internal and word-external domains of complex verbs. With these techniques, a unified analysis for the cohesion level, separability, component cate- gory, and semantic nature of complex verbs is tentatively presented. 1 Introduction1 Complex verbs may be complex in form or meaning (or both). For example, break (an Accom- plishment verb) is simple in form but complex in meaning (with two subevents), understand (a Stative verb) is complex in form but simple in meaning, and get up is complex in both form and meaning. is report is primarily based on formal complexity2 but tries to fit meaning into the picture as well. Complex verbs are cross-linguistically common. e above-mentioned understand and get up represent just two types: prefixed verb and phrasal verb. ere are still other types of complex verb, such as compound verb (e.g. stir-fry). ese are just descriptive terms, which I use for expository convenience. -
Identification of Zero Copulas in Hungarian Using
Proceedings of the 12th Conference on Language Resources and Evaluation (LREC 2020), pages 4802–4810 Marseille, 11–16 May 2020 c European Language Resources Association (ELRA), licensed under CC-BY-NC Much Ado About Nothing Identification of Zero Copulas in Hungarian Using an NMT Model Andrea Dömötör1;2, Zijian Gyoz˝ o˝ Yang1, Attila Novák1 1MTA-PPKE Hungarian Language Technology Research Group, Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Faculty of Information Technology and Bionics Práter u. 50/a, 1083 Budapest, Hungary 2Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Egyetem u. 1, 2087 Piliscsaba, Hungary {surname.firstname}@itk.ppke.hu Abstract The research presented in this paper concerns zero copulas in Hungarian, i.e. the phenomenon that nominal predicates lack an explicit verbal copula in the default present tense 3rd person indicative case. We created a tool based on the state-of-the-art transformer architecture implemented in Marian NMT framework that can identify and mark the location of zero copulas, i.e. the position where an overt copula would appear in the non-default cases. Our primary aim was to support quantitative corpus-based linguistic research by creating a tool that can be used to compile a corpus of significant size containing examples of nominal predicates including the location of the zero copulas. We created the training corpus for our system transforming sentences containing overt copulas into ones containing zero copula labels. However, we first needed to disambiguate occurrences of the massively ambiguous verb van ‘exist/be/have’. We performed this using a rule-base classifier relying on English translations in the English-Hungarian parallel subcorpus of the OpenSubtitles corpus. -
Malagasy Extraposition: Evidence for PF Movement
Nat Lang Linguist Theory https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-021-09505-2 Malagasy extraposition Evidence for PF movement Eric Potsdam1 Received: 28 August 2018 / Accepted: 23 January 2021 © The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature B.V. part of Springer Nature 2021 Abstract Extraposition is the non-canonical placement of dependents in a right- peripheral position in a clause. The Austronesian language Malagasy has basic VOXS word order, however, extraposition leads to VOSX. Extraposed constituents behave syntactically as though they were in their undisplaced position inside the predicate at both LF and Spell Out. This paper argues that extraposition is achieved via movement at Phonological Form (PF). I argue against alternatives that would derive extraposi- tion with syntactic A’ movement or stranding analyses. Within a Minimalist model of grammar, movement operations take place on the branch from Spell Out to PF and have only phonological consequences. Keywords Malagasy · Extraposition · Movement · Phonological Form · Word order 1 Introduction Extraposition—the non-canonical placement of certain constituents in a right- peripheral position—has been investigated in detail in only a small number of lan- guages. There is a considerable literature for English, SOV Germanic languages Ger- man and Dutch, and the SOV language Hindi-Urdu. The construction has not been widely explored in other, typologically distinct languages. This lacuna means that we have probably not seen the full range of options and have also not tested pro- posed analyses in the widest possible way. The goal of this paper is to investigate in some detail extraposition in Malagasy, an Austronesian language with basic VOXS word order spoken by approximately 17 million people on the island of Madagascar. -
Glossary of Linguistic Terms
Glossary of Linguistic Terms accent Often used to refer to distinctive pronuncia tions which differ from that of Received Pronunciation It differs from dialect which includes syn tax and vocabulary as well acronym A word formed from the initial letters of the words which make up a name, e.g. NATO (from North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) active A clause in which the subject is the actor of the verb; in a passive clause the actor is not the grammatical subject; seep. 14 addressee The person being addressed or spoken to in any form of discourse adjective In traditional grammar a word which de scribes a noun, as happy in 'the happy man'; an adjective phrase is a group of one or more words fulfilling the function of an adjective; seep. 11 adverb In t:r:aditional grammar a word which de scribes a verb; in 'he ran slowly', slowly describes how he ran An adverb phrase is a group of one or more words fulfilling the function of an adverb; see p. 11 affix A morpheme which is attached to another word as an inflection or for derivation Affixes include prefixes at the beginning of a word and suffixes at the end of a word, e.g. un-god-ly with prefix un- and suffix -ly A derivational affix is used to form a new word, e.g. the suffix -less with hope gives the new word hopeless; an inflectional affix marks grammatical relations, in comes, the -s marks third person singular present indicative 159 160 Glossary alliteration The repetition of the same sound at the beginning of two or more words in close proximity, e.g. -
Subject Placement in the History of Latin
Catalan Journal of Linguistics 16, 2017 125-161 Subject Placement in the History of Latin Lieven Danckaert CNRS/Université de Lille 3 [email protected] Received: May 2, 2017 Accepted: July 17, 2017 Abstract The aim of this paper is to provide further support for one aspect of the analysis of Classical and Late Latin clause structure proposed in Danckaert (2017a), namely the diachrony of subject place- ment. According to the relevant proposal, one needs to distinguish an earlier grammar (‘Grammar A’, whose heyday is the period from ca. 200 BC until 200 AD), in which there is no A-movement for subjects, and a later grammar (‘Grammar B’, which is on the rise from ca. 50-100 AD, and fully productive from ca. 200 AD onwards), where subjects optionally move to the inflectional layer. Assuming the variationist acquisition model of language change developed in Yang (2000, 2002a,b), I present corpus evidence which confirms that it is only in the Late Latin period that TP-internal subjects fully establish themselves as a grammatical option. Keywords: Latin; language change; word order; subject placement; grammar competition Resum. La posició del subjecte en la historia del llatí L’objectiu d’aquest article és proporcionar un suport addicional a un aspecte de l’anàlisi de l’estructura oracional del llatí clàssic i llatí tardà proposada a Danckaert (2017a), a saber, la dia- cronia de la posició del subjecte. D’acord amb la proposta rellevant, cal distingir una gramàtica anterior (‘Gramàtica A’, l’apogeu de la qual és aproximadament el període comprès entre el 200aC i el 200dC), en què no hi ha moviment-A per als subjectes, i una gramàtica posterior (‘Gramàtica B’, que sorgeix aproximadament el 50-100dC, i esdevé totalment productiva a partir del 200dC en endavant), on els subjectes es mouen opcionalment a la capa flexional. -
On the Syntax of Multiple Sluicing and What It Tells Us About Wh Scope Taking
On the syntax of multiple sluicing and what it tells us about wh scope taking Anonymous April 22, 2020 Abstract This paper takes as its starting point the observation that across many languages multiple sluicing obeys a clause-mate constraint. We suggest that this observation can be understood on the assumption that covert phrasal wh- movement is clause bound and subject to superiority. Both assumptions have substantial independent empirical support. With this analysis as background, the fact that the distribution of multiple sluicing is substantially narrower than that of multiple wh-questions, under both the single pair and the pair- list interpretation, then entails that there must be mechanisms for scoping in- situ wh-phrases that do not rely on covert phrasal wh-movement. While long distance single-pair readings are handled straightforwardly by existing theo- ries, we develop a novel approach to pair-list readings adopting a functional analysis for cases where phrasal wh-movement is ruled out, as in superiority violating configurations. The paper provides independent evidence for the idea that there is syntactic structure at the ellipsis site, that movement oper- ations within the ellipsis site are subject to locality constraints, that pair-list readings of multiple questions are rooted in functional readings and presents a new perspective on pair-list readings of questions with quantifiers. Keywords: syntax, locality, sluicing, ellipsis, multiple sluicing, syntax-seman- tics interface, wh-scope, covert movement, wh-in-situ, multiple wh-questions 1 Introduction This paper begins with the observation that multiple sluicing across many languages obeys a clause-mate condition: all remnants of multiple sluicing must originate in the 1 same clause. -
Preposition Stranding Vs. Pied-Piping—The Role of Cognitive Complexity in Grammatical Variation
languages Article Preposition Stranding vs. Pied-Piping—The Role of Cognitive Complexity in Grammatical Variation Christine Günther Faculty of Arts and Humanities, Universität Siegen, 57076 Siegen, Germany; [email protected] Abstract: Grammatical variation has often been said to be determined by cognitive complexity. Whenever they have the choice between two variants, speakers will use that form that is associated with less processing effort on the hearer’s side. The majority of studies putting forth this or similar analyses of grammatical variation are based on corpus data. Analyzing preposition stranding vs. pied-piping in English, this paper sets out to put the processing-based hypotheses to the test. It focuses on discontinuous prepositional phrases as opposed to their continuous counterparts in an online and an offline experiment. While pied-piping, the variant with a continuous PP, facilitates reading at the wh-element in restrictive relative clauses, a stranded preposition facilitates reading at the right boundary of the relative clause. Stranding is the preferred option in the same contexts. The heterogenous results underline the need for research on grammatical variation from various perspectives. Keywords: grammatical variation; complexity; preposition stranding; discontinuous constituents Citation: Günther, Christine. 2021. Preposition Stranding vs. Pied- 1. Introduction Piping—The Role of Cognitive Grammatical variation refers to phenomena where speakers have the choice between Complexity in Grammatical Variation. two (or more) semantically equivalent structural options. Even in English, a language with Languages 6: 89. https://doi.org/ rather rigid word order, some constructions allow for variation, such as the position of a 10.3390/languages6020089 particle, the ordering of post-verbal constituents or the position of a preposition. -
Interrogating Possessive Have: a Case Study Argumentum 9 (2013), 99-107 Debreceni Egyetemi Kiadó
99 József Andor: Interrogating possessive have: a case study Argumentum 9 (2013), 99-107 Debreceni Egyetemi Kiadó József Andor Interrogating possessive have: a case study Abstract Major, standard grammars of English give an account and interpret interrogatively used possessive have as a unique specialty of genres and text types of British English. Reviewing descriptions offered by some of these grammars and presenting empirically based evidence on acceptability of usage and function, the present paper offers results revealing the occurrence of inverted possessive have in other regional varieties, specifically in American English. It is suggested that have, retaining its possessive lexical meaning behaves as a semi-auxiliary in such constructions. Keywords: possessive, inversion, do-support, corpus-based, semi-auxiliary, notionally and morpho-syntactically based categorization 1 Introduction What made me start researching the functional-semantic and pragmatic-contextual force of interrogative sentences with the possessive lexical status of have was finding the example Have you a pen? on page 88 of the recently published Oxford Modern English Grammar authored by Bas Aarts (2011). The sentence was given under section 4.1.1.6. titled “Subjects invert positions with verbs in interrogative main clauses”, which section, due to its scope, did not address discussing syntactic variation concerning possessive usage of have, contrasting syntactic as well as cognitive-semantic and pragmatic, usage based issues of formally pure cases of inversion with the co-occurrence of have and do-support (also called do-periphrasis) or the have got construction. This came to me as a surprise, as types of have-based possession could have been discussed in a dictionary based on one of the most valuable corpora of British English, the British component of the International Corpus of English (ICE-GB). -
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Pied-Piping in Wh-Questions
Pied-piping in wh-questions: What do children say about it? Natalia Pavlou In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by research University of York Department of Language and Linguistic Science September 2011 To my mother An everyday hero ii Abstract Errors/non-target responses characterizing sub-extraction of a wh-phrase from complex DPs in child speech are found in first language acquisition studies (van Kampen 1997 among others) and have provided the basis for arguing the complexity of question formation involving pied-piping. In this dissertation, data were drawn from 81 children, aged 3;0-6;0, participating in two experiments, with one eliciting a D-linked question in complex phrases such as inda milo ‘which apple’ in Cypriot Greek. The results validated previous literature on sub-extraction phenomena and have provided the first observation for such cases in the specific variety. Errors were characterized by movement of the operator and stranding of the noun in which+NP structures, such as ‘which apple’. Another error involved movement of the operator and pied-piping of a noun, but stranding of the second noun in wh+NP+NP structures, such as ti xroma tsenda (lit., ‘which color bag’). Results from the production experiment show that children show high percentages of omission of the NP in D-linked questions (up to 50%) in all age groups. Their responses involve stranding of the NP (7%-17%), which does not seem to fade out even in the oldest age group. These errors appear across ages when children produce a wh-question with the wh-phrase ti ‘which’. -
Adverbs in Kenyang
International Journal of Linguistics and Communication June 2015, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 112-133 ISSN: 2372-479X (Print) 2372-4803 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development DOI: 10.15640/ijlc.v3n1a13 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.15640/ijlc.v3n1a13 Adverbs in Kenyang Tabe Florence A. E1 Abstract Kenyang (a Niger-Congo language spoken in Cameroon) has both pure and derived adverbs. Characteristic features of Kenyang adverbs can be captured from event structure constituting different functional projections in the syntax. Thus the behaviour of adverbs in this language is inextricably bound to both syntactic and semantic phenomena. The nature of the interface between them is explained based on their distribution and properties in the language. The adverbs can appear left-adjoined or right-adjoined to the verb. From a cartographic perspective, Kenyang adverbs can occupy different functional heads comprising the CP, IP and VP respectively. Each syntactic position affects the semantics of the proposition. The possibility of adverb stacking is constrained by the pragmatics of the semantic zones and the co-occurrence and ordering restrictions in the syntax. The ordering is a relative linear proximity rather than a fixed order. The theoretical relevance of the analysis is obtained from the assumption that there is a feasible correlation between the classes of adverbs and independently motivated functional projections, on the one hand, and on the existence of a one-to-one correlation between syntactic positions and semantic structures, on the other hand. Keywords: event structure, adverb taxonomy, interface, adverb focus, adverb ordering 1.0 Introduction Adverbs have been treated as the least homogenous category to define in language because their analysis as a grammatical category remains peripheral to the basic argument structure of the sentence.