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Gang Violence in Latin America Lucía Dammert University of Santiago, Chile

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Gang Violence in Latin America Lucía Dammert University of Santiago, Chile 102 Gang Violence in Latin America Lucía Dammert University of Santiago, Chile The gang phenomenon has been blamed for many violent criminal problems of the late twen- tieth and early twenty-first centuries around the globe. As the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom stated, referring to riots that occurred in 2011, “gangs are a criminal illness that has infected the streets of our country” (Cameron, 2011). Even though there is still debate over gangs’ definition and characterizations in different contexts, blaming these groups for a variety of violent acts is commonplace worldwide (Bruneau & Dammert, 2011; Cruz, 2010; Decker & Pyrooz, 2015). Gangs have also been present in Latin America for decades (Wolff, 2015). Formed in mar- ginalized urban areas defined by segregation, fragmentation, and inequality, streets gangs depicted the social problems and economic challenges of Latin America. One of these prob- lems, perhaps most prominent since the 1990s, is the increasing level of violence and crime, which has impacted all countries in the region. In most cases, youth violence has been depicted as the driver of this violence and crime and has been linked to soccer gangs, street gangs, and drug-trafficking gangs. Indeed, gang violence is a growing problem in Latin America. In some cases, strongly linked to drug trafficking and transnational organized crime, gangs have developed and mutated since the mid-20th century, going from street gangs dedicated to illegal activities to criminal associations that use gang networks to consolidate transnational crime (Cruz, 2010). But that transition is not identical in all countries, cities, and even neighborhoods, which limits the pos- sibility of developing a Latin American gang perspective (Bruneau & Dammert, 201; Decker & Pyrooz, 2015). In many countries, gangs can become mafia-like structures with the capacity to retaliate against other similar structures. However, not all gangs conform to this type of development (Decker & Pyrooz, 2015). Unfortunately, gangs (particularly street gangs) have not received sufficient scholarly attention in Latin America (Bruneau & Dammert, 2011; Cruz, 2010). There is plenty of anecdotal evidence about street gangs, generally based on public opinions, general perceptions, and government policies. But most of these anecdotes are not based on The Wiley Handbook of Violence and Aggression, Peter Sturmey (Editor-in-Chief). © 2017 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Published 2017 by John Wiley and Sons, Ltd. whbva102.indd 1 24-12-2016 19:54:25 2 Lucía Dammert any empirical evidence that would allow us to fully understand the causes and consequences of such a dynamic phenomenon. This chapter aims to describe the phenomenon of youth gangs in Latin America with a special emphasis on Central American gangs, named maras, which have been linked to a substantial increase in homicides and violence since the 1990s. In order to fully grasp the various elements of the problem, there are four facts that need to be highlighted: (1) all gangs use symbols, colors, and tattoos to differentiate themselves from each other and to identify their territory; (2) most cities in Latin America have specific neighborhoods where street gangs have presence and territorial control; (3) in many countries, gang activity is highly linked to drug trafficking but not necessarily to transnational crime; and (4) gangs named maras are a specific type that developed in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras (the northern triangle of Central America) and are consistently linked to transnational drug trafficking. Notwithstanding most media coverage and political debates, there is little and contradictory information regarding gangs. In many countries, there are few public policies that aim to enhance the situation of millions of children and young people who face violence, poverty, and limited opportunities. Therefore, the decision to join a gang, in some neighborhoods, is a survival strategy rather than a true choice. Gangs in Latin America In Latin America, the formation of gangs—especially ones made up of young men—is a phenomenon that the literature has noted for decades (Cruz, 2010). During the 1980s and 1990s, in marginalized sectors of society, groups of young men looking for alternative methods of survival, mainly linked to the informal economic sector and illegality, formed gangs. As part of these identity-forming processes, origins (especially in countries with high levels of internal migration), place of residence, or even favorite soccer team became a frame of reference for individuals who felt isolated or removed from society. In this way, the presence of gangs is not a recent phenomenon that can only be linked to globalization or the transnationalization of crime (Cottrell-Boyce, 2013; Goldson, 2011; Rodgers & Baird, 2015). Society and the public’s response to these juvenile groups has mainly been one of rejection and stigmatization (Bruneau & Dammert, 2011); this has undoubtedly encouraged those who, in many cases, lack access to education, healthcare, and real possibilities of employment to identify with and thus differentiate themselves from society (Rodgers, Muggah & Stevenson, 2009; UNICEF, 2013; USAID, 2006). Most gang members display their affiliation in the type of clothing they wear, the symbols and colors they use, and the way they tattoo their bodies. For instance, the 18th Street gang uses various ways of expressing its name, including Mayan numerology for the number 18, XVIII, XV3, Dieciocho, or 666 as symbols and the colors black, silver, blue, and red (Bargent, 2015; Guerrero, 2015; Manwaring, 2010). Most of Central America’s urban graffiti (much of it incorporating symbols) can be found in disad- vantaged neighborhoods in the region’s main cities (Molina, 2015). The symbols have subtle differences—for example, a symbol may include the name of a soccer team or the name of a gang member who was killed by a rival gang or by the police—but all share a permanent envi- ronment of exclusion, abandonment, and the increasing use of violence (Washington Office on Latin America, 2006). whbva102.indd 2 24-12-2016 19:54:25 Gang Violence in Latin America 3 Gangs use violence as a normal tool for social interaction. Also, they are involved with various types of crime as a way of sustaining themselves economically. Daily interaction with the criminal justice system—in many cases violent and corrupt—has helped to create a vicious circle that strengthens youths’ perception of abuse and maltreatment by state insti- tutions, leading them to respond to law enforcement with ever-increasing violence (Bruneau & Dammert, 2011; Peterson & Morgan, 2013; Ungar, 2009). This situation is described in detail for the Argentinean case by Isla and Míguez (2003), who state that institutional vio- lence is one of the most important elements in understanding the increasingly violent response of youth. In most cases, gang members’ time in jail only worsens their addictions or mental health problems (Cunningham, McGinnis, Verdu, Tesliuc, & Verner, 2008; Rehm & Monteiro, 2005). In the case of Brazil, policies centering around increasing police and even military presence were disastrous and only served to alienate shanty town inhabitants, who felt discriminated against and therefore responded with greater use of violence (Wolff, 2015, p. 27). Violent juvenile gangs have not been tackled coherently in Latin America. In most cases, the response has been implemented via the criminal justice system in the form of punishment that neglects the social causes at the center of the problem. In addition, social investment in pre- vention is minimal and rehabilitation even less common. The governmental response is con- centrated on incarcerating violent youth (Müller, 2012). For example, there has been a systematic effort to lower the age of adult criminal responsibility in practically every country, and there is a tendency toward converting relatively open youth facilities for offenders into closed facilities whose main concern is the safety of those outside (Bruneau & Dammert, 2011; Müller, 2012). The development of these gangs has been analyzed from multiple perspectives. As men- tioned, there is no clear path of gang development anywhere in the world, let alone in Latin America. Still, some researchers propose that there are three types of gangs, which can be distinguished based on their criminal activities: The first type is mostly street based and con- sists of a group of three or more persons who engage in illegal activities and have some common sign or identifier (Cruz, 2010). The second type of gang is more commercial, obtaining the majority of its income from drugs and territorial domination. The third type has political aims, with a transnational presence and links with organized crime (Manwaring, 2010). However, empirical evidence that supports this theory is limited and specifically based on the situation in the northern triangle of Central America (Olate, Salas-Wright, Vaughn, & Yu, 2015). There are many studies that describe the presence of gangs in every country in Latin America. The gangs’ degrees of organization are quite diverse, but at least four common ele- ments can be observed: (1) intensive use of violence; (2) links with illegal activities, especially small-scale drug trafficking; (3) consolidation of territorial control; and (4) ongoing conflicts with rival gangs. In this regional context, Central American gangs known as maras are partic- ularly significant due to their strong links with the trafficking
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