DOCSLIB.ORG

Police, Politicians and the Regulation of Drug Trafficking in Latin America

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Police, Politicians and the Regulation of Drug Trafficking in Latin America Police, Politicians and the Regulation of Drug Trafficking in Latin America By Hernan Flom A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Alison E. Post (Co-chair) Professor Leonardo R. Arriola (Co-chair) Professor Ruth Berins Collier Professor Jonathan Simon Summer 2016 Copyright 2016 Abstract How do states regulate drug trafficking? The sale of illicit drugs generates an estimated US$870 billion per year – more than 1 percent of global GDP. At the same time, hundreds of thousands of people die annually from drug-related violence and ensuing state repression. While national-level governments establish the normative framework regarding drug trafficking, subnational governments carry out the lion’s share of drug enforcement, confiscating drugs, arresting (or killing) dealers and traffickers, or brokering peace bargains with, or extracting rents from drug gangs. Despite the recent immersion of political scientists into the study of drug trafficking, we have yet to explain how and why subnational governments choose the strategies they do when dealing with this organized criminal activity. This dissertation analyzes subnational states’ different approaches to drug trafficking, or drug trafficking regulatory arrangements. Most studies of drug trafficking and its associated violence treat the state as a unitary actor and neglect the role of the police, despite the latter’s fundamental importance (and discretion) in enforcing legislation related to drug trafficking and organized crime. By contrast, I propose that different types of interactions between subnational politicians, primarily governors, and their police forces influence state responses to drug trafficking, with differing consequences with respect to state and criminal violence as well as police corruption. Understanding the state’s regulation of drug trafficking requires incorporating the interests and strategies of police forces –which may well conflict with those of their political superiors- into empirical studies. I argue that subnational patterns of political competition shape the state’s regulation of drug trafficking in metropolitan areas by affecting police levels of autonomy. Two aspects of competition are central in shaping police force’s autonomy: the extent to which the same party remains in power over time (political turnover) and the dispersal of political power in a given period (political fragmentation). The different combinations of turnover, fragmentation and police autonomy yield four types of regulatory arrangements: tacit coexistence, protection- extraction rackets, particularistic negotiation and particularistic confrontation, which differ with respect to police violence, corruption and criminal violence. Low political turnover reduces police autonomy and generates coordinated regulatory arrangements -tacit coexistence and protection-extraction rackets. Entrenched governments are able to implement and sustain autonomy-reducing police reforms, or gain the necessary leverage to extract cooperation from the force. Fragmentation, in turn, affects the governments’ stance toward police rent extraction. Under conditions of low turnover, low fragmentation motivates incumbents to politicize the police and appropriate its rents from trafficking, while high fragmentation compels them to professionalize the force and restrict its rent extraction, as political rivals can either monitor the government’s extraction or compete for police rents. With low fragmentation, governments centralize police rents from drug trafficking and control violence through protection-extraction rackets. By contrast, when fragmentation is higher, governments reach tacit coexistence agreements with organized criminal actors, in which police and gangs restrain their mutual confrontation. Both cases exhibit lower state and criminal violence, while differing in their relative levels of corruption. By contrast, frequent changes in administration (high turnover) undermine both governments’ capacity to sustain reforms and their leverage over the police, increasing police 1 autonomy and generating uncoordinated regulatory arrangements, i.e. particularistic negotiation or particularistic confrontation. In this situation, high fragmentation might obstruct reformist initiatives or spark political competition for police rents, while low fragmentation is insufficient to reduce police autonomy. These arrangements are defined by either fragmented corruption deals between police officers and traffickers (particularistic negotiation) or dispersed attacks by police squads against drug gangs (particularistic confrontation). Both regulatory types result in high levels of criminal violence while diverging in their levels of state-driven violence. I test this theory with a subnational comparative research design, focusing on the main metropolitan areas of Argentina –the provinces of Buenos Aires and Santa Fe- and Brazil –the federal units of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. Relying on interviews with politicians, police officers, and actors from civil society, as well as on document analysis of newspapers, NGO reports and government briefs, I conduct process tracing to examine the within-case variation of each subnational case since the return of democracy, a period of over 30 years. This dissertation’s findings of how political turnover and fragmentation influence police autonomy and, through it, shape drug trafficking regulatory arrangements have several implications, not just for thinking about the state’s response to organized crime but for the relationship between political competition and public security, and the role of police in democracies with weak institutions. 2 Dedication A mis padres, en las buenas (y en las malas mucho más) A Bel Mil, la compañera perfecta, el amor de mi vida i Table of Contents Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Chapter 2 Theoretical framework 22 Chapter 3 Particularistic confrontation: The persistence and end of the police war against the drug gangs in Rio de Janeiro (1983-2015) 48 Chapter 4 The emergence of the “Argentine Medellin”: Particularistic negotiation in Santa Fe 83 Chapter 5 ‘O acordo de cavalheiros’ [a gentlemen’s agreement]: Tacit coexistence in São Paulo 112 Chapter 6 Managing the ‘Bonaerense’: Protection-extraction rackets in Buenos Aires 145 Chapter 7 Conclusion 179 References 194 Sources 211 Appendix 221 ii List of tables Table 1.1. Price structure of 1 kilo of pure cocaine and 1 kilo of pure heroin, selected countries and cities, mid-1990s and 2000 (dollars) 6 Table 1.2. Dimensions and outcomes of informal regulatory arrangements of drug trafficking (dependent variable) 7 Table 1.3. Central features of drug trafficking regulatory arrangements 9 Table 1.4. Summary of argument 12 Table 1.5. Summary of interviews 16 Table 2.1. Politicians and police incentives in regulating drug trafficking 29 Table 2.2. Summary of argument (expanded version). 36 Table 3.1. Political turnover, fragmentation, police autonomy and drug trafficking regulatory arrangement in Rio de Janeiro (1983-2014) 50 Table 3.2. State executive elections in Rio de Janeiro (1982-2014) 53 Table 3.3. Victims of police intervention in Rio de Janeiro (1993-1995) 60 Table 4.1. Political turnover, fragmentation, police autonomy and drug trafficking regulatory arrangements in Santa Fe, 1983-2015 84 Table 4.2. Governors of the Province of Santa Fe, 1983-2015 87 Table 5.1. Political turnover, fragmentation, police autonomy and drug trafficking regulatory arrangements in São Paulo (1983-2014) 113 Table 5.2. São Paulo governors’ electoral performance (1983-2014) 119 Table 6.1. Political turnover, fragmentation, police autonomy and drug trafficking regulatory arrangements in Buenos Aires, 1983-2015 146 Table 6.2. Governors of Buenos Aires and their electoral performance, 1983-2011. 149 Table 6.3. Evolution of crimes against individuals in the province of Buenos Aires, 2009-2012 176 Table 0.1. Rio de Janeiro security secretaries (1995-2014) 221 Table 0.2. Police pacifications units by date of establishment (2008-2013) – move to appendix 222 Table 0.3. List of provincial security ministers (2007-2015), since the official creation of the Ministry (Santa Fe, Argentina). 223 Table 0.4. List and tenure of state security secretaries in São Paulo (1983-2014) 224 Table 0.5. List and tenure of provincial security ministers per governor in the province of Buenos Aires, 1992-2015 225 iii List of figures Figure 3.1. Share of legislators belonging to Governor’s party, State Assembly of Rio de Janeiro (1982-2014) 54 Figure 3.2. Homicide rates in Rio de Janeiro (1991-2015) 64 Figure 3.3. Homicides resulting from police intervention, Rio de Janeiro (1998-2015) 74 Figure 3.4. Police officers killed on duty in Rio de Janeiro, 2000-2014 78 Figure 3.5. Distribution of homicides by region in Rio de Janeiro (2000-2015) 80 Figure 3.6. Distribution of homicides resulting from police intervention by region in Rio de Janeiro (2000-2015) 80 Figure 4.1. Share of provincial deputies and senators belonging to Governor’s party, Santa Fe (1983-2011) 88 Figure 4.2. Homicide rates per 100,000 individuals, Santa Fe province and national average (without Santa Fe), 1991-2007 96 Figure 4.3. Number of drug seizures in Santa Fe (2001-2012) 104 Figure 4.4. Volume of cocaine in kg seized in Santa Fe (2001-2012) 104 Figure 4.5. Homicide rates in the Department of Rosario (2002-2014)
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Líderes Do PMDB Dizem Adeus a Afrísio Vieira
    B2 POLÍTICA SALVADOR TERÇA-FEIRA 12/1/2016 Mila Cordeiro/ Ag. A TARDE MEMÓRIA Vice-presidente e ministro Emoção e participam de ato fúnebre em Salvador saudade durante o Líderes do sepultamento Emoção e muita saudade marcaram a despedida do PMDB dizem ex-deputado federal Afrísio Vieira Lima que, ao longo da vida pública, ocupou cargos no governo federal, em ór- adeus a gãos como Incra, Codeba (Companhia de Docas do Es- tado da Bahia) e foi presi- dentedaJuceb(JuntaComer- Afrísio Vieira cial da Bahia). Os filhos Lúcio, Geddel, e Afrísio Filho, que acompa- nharam o velório ao lado da mãe, dona Marluce Qua- PATRÍCIA FRANÇA mara e grande desafeto da dros, e dos sete netos, não presidente Dilma Rousseff escondiam a dor da grande O vice-presidente da Repú- (PT), Eduardo Cunha (RJ). perda. “Eu perdi o amor da blica e presidente nacional Mais do que prestar uma minha vida, meu grande do PMDB, Michel Temer, homenagem ao “velho” companheirodejornada.Es- acompanhado de três lide- Afrísio e aos irmãos Vieira tou mortificado”, disse Ged- ranças nacionais do partido, Lima, ambos favoráveis ao del, amparado por amigos, estiveram, ontem, em Salva- rompimento do PMDB com logo após o sepultamento. dor, para a cerimônia de se- o governo, a presença da cú- Dona Marluce disse à re- pultamento do ex-deputado pula ligada a Temer foi vista, portagem que Afrisio era a AfrísioVieiraLima,quemor- por políticos presentes ao “coisa maior” que tinha na reu na noite do último do- velório, como um recado à vida. “Um homem bom, um mingo, aos 86 anos.
    [Show full text]
  • Construction Companies Pressure for Credit and Low Interest Rate
    (http://globo.com) g1 (http://g1.globo.com) ge gshow (http://gshow.globo.com) famosos vídeos (http://globoplay.globo.com) Print () 12:00 AM (GMT ­03:00) – Jan 11 2017 Construction companies pressure for credit and low interest rate By Raymundo Costa and Andrea Jubé | Brasília Negotiations between construction companies involved in the Petrobras corruption scandal and the government about the Investment Partnerships Program (PPI) have stalled. Valor has learned that the companies started talks as if nothing had happened in the last two years, when the investigations of Operation Car Wash upended the industry’s relations with the government, and were sharply rebuked by PPI Secretary Moreira Franco. The companies made an extensive list of requests, but the main one is aimed at the Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES). Shut out of bank loans, the companies want subsidized credit from the development bank. They also want to renegotiate contracts signed when Dilma Rousseff was still president, due to the recession's effects. The government responded by asking them to forfeit their concessions if they are unable to pay. Companies pretended they didn’t understand the initial message and redoubled efforts in the last few days, resorting to patriotic arguments – “Brazil is in crisis,” the “nation” must start investing again and other similar claims. During one such talk, Mr. Franco, who is also under investigation by Car Wash, responded by saying the companies apparently had not understood that Brazil changed and the usual practices of before have become unacceptable now. The construction companies even said they may not bid in the PPI auctions under current conditions.
    [Show full text]
  • President Lula Takes Office LADB Staff
    University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 1-10-2003 President Lula Takes Office LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "President Lula Takes Office." (2003). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur/13105 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 52864 ISSN: 1089-1560 President Lula Takes Office by LADB Staff Category/Department: Brazil Published: 2003-01-10 Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva became Brazil's 36th president on Jan. 1. The 57-year-old former union leader took over from President Fernando Henrique Cardoso in Brazil's first transition between two democratically elected presidents in over 40 years. "The time has come to tread a new path," Lula said in his inaugural address, adding that Brazil's progress had been stalled by the "economic, social, and moral impasse" of a system based on self-interest. "Yes, we are going to change things, with courage and care, humility and daring," he said. "I am not the result of an election, but of history. I am bringing to life the dream that generations and generations before me tried but were unable to achieve," said Lula. Lula won the Oct. 27 runoff with 61% of the votes. As he takes office, he has a 76% approval rating, a record in Brazil and among the highest approval ratings of any head of state.
    [Show full text]
  • LATIN AMERICAN CITIES DECLARATION on the COMPACT of MAYORS Acknowledging That Tack
    C40 Chair: Mayor Eduardo Paes LATIN AMERICAN CITIES DECLARATION ON THE COMPACT OF Rio de Janeiro MAYORS C40 Board President: Michael R. Bloomberg Former Mayor of New York City Acknowledging that tackling climate change is vital to the long-term Addis Ababa health and prosperity of cities in Latin America, we, the undersigned Amsterdam Athens cities, are committing to taking action on climate change and publicly Austin Bangkok reporting on our progress. Barcelona Basel Beijing Berlin* We hereby declare our intent to comply with the Compact of Bogota Boston Mayors, the world’s largest cooperative effort among mayors and Buenos Aires* Cairo city leaders to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, prepare for the Cape Town Caracas impacts of climate change and track progress. Changwon Chicago Copenhagen* Curitiba The Compact of Mayors has defined a series of requirements that Dar es Salaam Delhi cities are expected to meet over time, recognizing that each city may Dhaka Hanoi be at a different stage of development on the pathway to compliance Heidelberg Ho Chi Minh City with the Compact. Hong Kong* Houston* Istanbul Jakarta* By signing this Declaration, we commit to advancing our city along Johannesburg* Karachi each stage of the Compact of Mayors, with the goal of becoming fully Lagos Lima compliant with all the requirements within three years. London* Los Angeles* Madrid Melbourne Specifically, the undersigned Mayors pledge to undertake the Mexico City Milan following for each of our cities: Moscow Mumbai • Develop and publicly report a greenhouse
    [Show full text]
  • 2 a Origem Do Crime Organizado No Brasil
    2 A origem do crime organizado no Brasil O início das organizações criminosas no Brasil ainda não foi devidamente estudado de maneira sistêmica. Assim, os autores que abordam o tema acabam divergindo em alguns pontos. Para o promotor de justiça do Ministério Público de São Paulo Eduardo Araújo Silva (2003, p. 25-26) a origem das organizações criminosas brasileiras encontra-se no fenômeno do cangaço. O autor ainda cita o jogo do bicho como a primeira infração penal organizada no Brasil. Para ele o movimento conhecido como cangaço, cuja atuação ocorreu no sertão nordestino, no final do século XIX, é o antecedente da criminalidade organizada brasileira. O movimento que acabou conhecido pela figura de seu líder Virgulino Ferreira da Silva, o Lampião era dotado de organização hierárquica, divisão de funções e, com o transcorrer do tempo, passou a atuar em frentes como os saques a vilarejos, fazendas e municípios de pequeno porte; práticas de extorsão de dinheiro através de ameaças de ataques; e, sequestros de pessoas importantes e influentes. Os jagunços, capangas e cangaceiros agiam com apoio de fazendeiros e parte da classe política, bem como com o apoio material de policiais corruptos que acabavam lhes fornecendo armamento e munição. No que diz respeito ao jogo do bicho, o autor (2003) afirma que se trata da primeira infração penal organizada no Brasil. Esta contravenção penal que se iniciou em nosso país no século XX consiste no sorteio de prêmios em dinheiro a apostadores mediante prévio recolhimento de apostas. A sua origem é imputada ao Barão de Drumond que, com esse jogo, teve como finalidade salvar os animais do Jardim Zoológico do Estado do Rio de Janeiro 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE
    Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America in Latin America Power and Political Evangelicals JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE We are a political foundation that is active One of the most noticeable changes in Latin America in 18 forums for civic education and regional offices throughout Germany. during recent decades has been the rise of the Evangeli- Around 100 offices abroad oversee cal churches from a minority to a powerful factor. This projects in more than 120 countries. Our José Luis Pérez Guadalupe is a professor applies not only to their cultural and social role but increa- headquarters are split between Sankt and researcher at the Universidad del Pacífico Augustin near Bonn and Berlin. singly also to their involvement in politics. While this Postgraduate School, an advisor to the Konrad Adenauer and his principles Peruvian Episcopal Conference (Conferencia development has been evident to observers for quite a define our guidelines, our duty and our Episcopal Peruana) and Vice-President of the while, it especially caught the world´s attention in 2018 mission. The foundation adopted the Institute of Social-Christian Studies of Peru when an Evangelical pastor, Fabricio Alvarado, won the name of the first German Federal Chan- (Instituto de Estudios Social Cristianos - IESC). cellor in 1964 after it emerged from the He has also been in public office as the Minis- first round of the presidential elections in Costa Rica and Society for Christian Democratic Educa- ter of Interior (2015-2016) and President of the — even more so — when Jair Bolsonaro became Presi- tion, which was founded in 1955. National Penitentiary Institute of Peru (Institu- dent of Brazil relying heavily on his close ties to the coun- to Nacional Penitenciario del Perú) We are committed to peace, freedom and (2011-2014).
    [Show full text]
  • BRAZILIAN POLITICS Agenda and Political Analysis for the Week – Since 1993
    BRAZILIAN POLITICS Agenda and political analysis for the week – Since 1993 Arko Advice Compiled exclusively for Arko Advice clients by Scenarios Murillo de Aragão and Cristiano Noronha & Political Analysis Brasília, DF Sunday, May 7, 2006 - Year XIV – Political Atmosphere for the Week The political week will probably be one of the most agitated due to the No. 972 following events: • Silvio Pereira’s allegations regarding the monthly payoff scandal • The OAB’s (Brazilian Bar Association) decision regarding Lula’s impeachment • PMDB party convention to decide on its own candidacy • Attempt to vote provisional measures in the House and Senate • Attempt to vote the mini tax reform in the House • Interview of the new Central Bank directors by the Senate Economic Affairs Committee • PT party’s decision as to its candidate for the government of São Paulo Issues for the Week Lula’s Impeachment. This Monday, the Brazilian Bar Association (OAB) will discuss the initiation of impeachment proceedings against President Lula. Silvio Pereira’s allegations should affect the OAB’s decision, which might take a little more time to ponder the issue. Central Bank. The interviews of Mário Mesquita and Paulo Vieira da Cunha have been scheduled for Tuesday, May 9 by the Senate Economic Affairs Committee as of 10:00 a.m. Mário Mesquita was nominated as Central Bank Director of Special Studies and Paulo Vieira as Central Bank International Affairs Director. Should the nominations be approved, they will follow on to be examined by a floor session, whose agenda is currently blocked by 5 provisional measures. Until these are analyzed the Central Bank directorship nominations cannot be voted.
    [Show full text]
  • Inside Out: the Challenge of Prison-Based Criminal Organizations
    Local Orders Paper Series BROOKINGS PAPER 3 | September 2016 Inside Out: The Challenge of Prison-Based Criminal Organizations BENJAMIN LESSING ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper is part of the Brookings seminar, “Reconstituting Local Orders.” The seminar is directed by Brookings Senior Fellows Vanda Felbab-Brown, Shadi Hamid, and Harold Trinkunas, who are grateful to the Foreign Policy Director’s Special Initiative Fund for its support. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any support- er is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence, and im- pact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment, and the analysis and recommendations of the Institution’s scholars are not determined by any donation. Local Orders Paper Series ABOUT THE RECONSTITUTING LOCAL ORDERS PROJECT Led by Brookings Senior Fellows Vanda Felbab-Brown, Shadi Hamid, and Harold Trinkunas, the Brookings Seminar on Reconstituting Local Orders seeks to better understand how do- mestic political order breaks down and is reconstituted. It draws out policy implications and recommends more effective action for local governments and the international community. It examines these issues by bringing together top-level experts and policymakers. The present disorder in the international system is significantly augmented by the break- down of domestic order across a number of key states. Around the globe, the politics of iden- tity, ideology and religion are producing highly polarized societies and deepening conflicts among non-state actors and between non-state actors and the state. In the Middle East, the Arab Spring disrupted long calcified political systems in ways that are still producing unpre- dictable effects on the regional order.
    [Show full text]
  • U20 Rome-Milan 2021 – Urban 20 Calls on G20 To
    TRADUZIONE ITALIANA DI CORTESIA Guidati dalle città co-presidenti di Roma e Milano, noi, i sindaci e governatori delle città sottoscritte, riuniti come Urban 20 (U20), invitiamo i Leader del G20 a collaborare con le città per realizzare società incentrate sull’uomo, eque, a emissioni zero, a prova di cambiamenti climatici, inclusive e prospere. La natura trasformativa dell'Agenda 2030 offre alle città un'opportunità chiave per promuovere un nuovo paradigma di sviluppo sostenibile e avviarsi verso una ripresa resiliente dalla crisi umanitaria causata dal COVID-19. Sindaci e governatori sono in prima linea nella risposta alla pandemia da COVID-19 e all'emergenza climatica. Il modo in cui i leader indirizzeranno i finanziamenti per la ripresa da COVID-19 rappresenta la sfida più significativa per qualsiasi governo impegnato nella risposta a pandemia ed emergenza climatica. La pandemia da COVID-19 ha messo in luce la solidarietà tra città e ha sottolineato l'importanza di lavorare insieme a soluzioni locali che garantiscano che nessuno e nessun luogo vengano dimenticati. Ha sottolineato che istituzioni pubbliche forti e la fornitura di servizi sono vitali per la coesione delle nostre comunità e per garantire l'accesso universale all'assistenza sanitaria in maniera equa per tutti. Per garantire che la fornitura di servizi pubblici a livello locale venga mantenuta, che le persone siano protette e che si realizzi una ripresa verde, giusta e sostenibile dalla pandemia da COVID- 19, le città devono avere accesso diretto a forniture e finanziamenti da fonti internazionali e nazionali, per esempio dai recovery plan nazionali. L'accesso equo ai vaccini deve essere garantito a tutti, in particolare alle città dei paesi in via di sviluppo.
    [Show full text]
  • Paulo Roberto Falcão (Depoimento, 2012)
    FUNDAÇÃO GETULIO VARGAS CENTRO DE PESQUISA E DOCUMENTAÇÃO DE HISTÓRIA CONTEMPORÂNEA DO BRASIL (CPDOC) Proibida a publicação no todo ou em parte; permitida a citação. A citação deve ser textual, com indicação de fonte conforme abaixo. FALCÃO, Paulo Roberto. Paulo Roberto Falcão (depoimento, 2012). Rio de Janeiro, CPDOC/FGV, 2012. 76p. PAULO ROBERTO FALCÃO (depoimento, 2012) Rio de Janeiro 2014 Transcrição Nome do entrevistado: Paulo Roberto Falcão Local da entrevista: Porto Alegre – Rio Grande do Sul Data da entrevista: 29 de outubro de 2012 Nome do projeto: Futebol, Memória e Patrimônio: Projeto de constituição de um acervo de entrevistas em História Oral. Entrevistadores: Bernardo Buarque (CPDOC/FGV) e Felipe dos Santos (Museu do Futebol) Transcrição: Carolina Gonçalves Alves Data da transcrição: 22 de novembro de 2012 Conferência da transcrição : Felipe dos Santos Souza Data da conferência: 28 de outubro de 2012 ** O texto abaixo reproduz na íntegra a entrevista concedida por Paulo Roberto Falcão em 29/10/2012. As partes destacadas em vermelho correspondem aos trechos excluídos da edição disponibilizada no portal CPDOC. A consulta à gravação integral da entrevista pode ser feita na sala de consulta do CPDOC. Bernardo Buarque – Falcão, boa tarde. P.R. – Boa tarde. B.B. – Muito obrigado por aceitar esse convite de compor o acervo, a memória do Museu do Futebol Brasileiro e a gente quer começar, Falcão, contando um pouquinho... Que você nos contasse a sua infância, sua cidade de nascimento, local... P.R. – É... O prazer é meu, evidentemente, não é, de participar junto com outros companheiros. É... Dessa memória do futebol tão rica, não é, do futebol brasileiro e..
    [Show full text]
  • The Puzzle of Social Accumulation of Violence in Brazil
    The puzzle of social accumulation of violence in Brazil: some remarks: (Comentários Sobre) O Enigma da Acumulação Social da Violência no Brasil LSE Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/101221/ Version: Published Version Article: Misse, Michel (2019) The puzzle of social accumulation of violence in Brazil: some remarks: (Comentários Sobre) O Enigma da Acumulação Social da Violência no Brasil. Journal of Illicit Economies and Development, 1 (2). pp. 177- 182. ISSN 2516-7227 10.31389/jied.32 Reuse This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) licence. This licence allows you to distribute, remix, tweak, and build upon the work, even commercially, as long as you credit the authors for the original work. More information and the full terms of the licence here: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ [email protected] https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/ Misse, M. 2019. The Puzzle of Social Accumulation of Violence in Brazil: Some Remarks. Journal of Illicit Economies and Development, 1(2), pp. 177–182. DOI: https://doi.org/10.31389/jied.32 RESEARCH The Puzzle of Social Accumulation of Violence in Brazil: Some Remarks Michel Misse Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, BR [email protected] The article comments on a new generation of researchers studying the illegal markets in Brazil. In doing so, I summarize the interpretative model of ‘social accumulation of violence’. Initially applied to Rio de Janeiro, several researchers have now expanded it to other Brazilian states as well as to countries with high violence rates, such as Colombia and Mexico.
    [Show full text]
  • Casaroes the First Y
    LATIN AMERICA AND THE NEW GLOBAL ORDER GLOBAL THE NEW AND AMERICA LATIN Antonella Mori Do, C. Quoditia dium hucient. Ur, P. Si pericon senatus et is aa. vivignatque prid di publici factem moltodions prem virmili LATIN AMERICA AND patus et publin tem es ius haleri effrem. Nos consultus hiliam tabem nes? Acit, eorsus, ut videferem hos morei pecur que Founded in 1934, ISPI is THE NEW GLOBAL ORDER an independent think tank alicae audampe ctatum mortanti, consint essenda chuidem Dangers and Opportunities committed to the study of se num ute es condamdit nicepes tistrei tem unum rem et international political and ductam et; nunihilin Itam medo, nondem rebus. But gra? in a Multipolar World economic dynamics. Iri consuli, ut C. me estravo cchilnem mac viri, quastrum It is the only Italian Institute re et in se in hinam dic ili poraverdin temulabem ducibun edited by Antonella Mori – and one of the very few in iquondam audactum pero, se issoltum, nequam mo et, introduction by Paolo Magri Europe – to combine research et vivigna, ad cultorum. Dum P. Sp. At fuides dermandam, activities with a significant mihilin gultum faci pro, us, unum urbit? Ublicon tem commitment to training, events, Romnit pari pest prorimis. Satquem nos ta nostratil vid and global risk analysis for pultis num, quonsuliciae nost intus verio vis cem consulicis, companies and institutions. nos intenatiam atum inventi liconsulvit, convoliis me ISPI favours an interdisciplinary and policy-oriented approach perfes confecturiae audemus, Pala quam cumus, obsent, made possible by a research quituam pesis. Am, quam nocae num et L. Ad inatisulic team of over 50 analysts and tam opubliciam achum is.
    [Show full text]