Social Exclusion and Violence in Latin America and the Caribbean

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Social Exclusion and Violence in Latin America and the Caribbean A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Berkman, Heather Working Paper Social exclusion and violence in Latin America and the Caribbean Working Paper, No. 613 Provided in Cooperation with: Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), Washington, DC Suggested Citation: Berkman, Heather (2007) : Social exclusion and violence in Latin America and the Caribbean, Working Paper, No. 613, Inter-American Development Bank, Research Department, Washington, DC This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/51438 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Inter-American Development Bank Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID) Research Department Departamento de Investigación Working Paper #613 Social Exclusion and Violence in Latin America and the Caribbean by Heather Berkman Inter-American Development Bank October 2007 Cataloging-in-Publication data provided by the Inter-American Development Bank Felipe Herrera Library Berkman, Heather. Social exclusion and violence in Latin America and the Caribbean / by Heather Berkman. p. cm. (Research Department Working paper series ; 613) Includes bibliographical references. 1. Marginality, Social—Latin America. 2. Violence—Latin America. 3. Youth and violence— Latin America. I. Inter-American Development Bank. Research Dept. II. Title. III. Series. HN110.5.Z9 B54 2007 305.56098 B54---dc22 ©2007 Inter-American Development Bank 1300 New York Avenue, N.W. Washington, DC 20577 The views and interpretations in this document are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the Inter-American Development Bank, or to any individual acting on its behalf. This paper may be freely reproduced provided credit is given to the Research Department, Inter- American Development Bank. The Research Department (RES) produces a quarterly newsletter, IDEA (Ideas for Development in the Americas), as well as working papers and books on diverse economic issues. To obtain a complete list of RES publications, and read or download them please visit our web site at: http://www.iadb.org/res. 2 Abstract1 This paper examines how social exclusion contributes to violence in communities throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Residents in socially excluded communities cannot depend on those institutions designed to protect them, and violence becomes an instrument to achieve certain outcomes, such as justice, security, and economic gain. When conventional methods of obtaining and working for increased social status, higher income, and wider influence are limited, as they often are in marginalized areas, some feel compelled to resort to violent acts. This paper discusses how social exclusion and violence interact in a vicious circle that leaves the socially excluded in a very hostile social environment where the borders between legal and illegal, legitimate and illegitimate are often fuzzy and uncertain. In this environment violence is used by a minority to acquire justice, security, authority and economic gain. The use of violence by this minority, however, affect the lives of the majority of excluded people that do not resort to violence. As youths are particularly vulnerable to this issue, this paper also examines the relationship between violence and the plight of Latin American youth gangs and street children. 1 This paper reflects the opinions of the author and not necessarily those of the Inter-American Development Bank. The author expresses gratitude to Gustavo Márquez Mosconi, Gustavo Beliz and Andrew Morrison for extremely helpful guidance throughout the development of this paper, and to Sebastián Calónico for help with translations. 3 “This [violence and robbery] cannot be, we do not respect each other anymore.” 2 “There used to be clear rules: no one would steal in the shantytown. If and when they stole, they would do it outside the shantytown. Now, they rob you in the shantytown and everywhere.”3 1. Introduction The past few decades in Latin America and the Caribbean have witnessed a series of economic, social and political transitions that have changed the patterns of inclusion and exclusion. Movements within the region, including migration from rural areas, related rapid urbanization, institutional change, and the characteristics of modern sector growth reinforce the historical reliance of many on informal mechanisms and transactions for survival. The judicial and law enforcement systems have weakly adapted to new challenges and continue to leave large segments of society without adequate access to justice and economic and physical security. As Figure 1 shows, regional rates of homicide in some Latin American and Caribbean countries reach levels typically only seen in areas ravaged by war. Yet such battles are taking place within socially excluded communities in Latin America, fought not by soldiers and guerillas, but by a minority that uses violence to fulfill their needs. Within such communities, residents cannot depend on those institutions designed to protect them, and violence becomes an instrument to achieve certain outcomes, such as justice, security, and economic gain through means that disrupt the life of the community. Where justice is acquired through revenge, security through violent assertion of authority, and economic gain through robbing, mugging, and intimidation, the vast majority of law-abiding residents are left without options. In such communities, people have come to recognize the person next door not as a neighbor, the policeman not as a protector, the community leader not as a consensus-builder, but as a potential threat. Many studies ranging from anthropological field work in the marginalized areas of shantytowns, favelas, barrios and villas (Caldeira, 2000; Márquez, 1999; Goldstein 2003), to advanced geo-spatial studies that record incidences of violence (Beato, 2002; Consejo de Seguridad, 2006), report that homicide rates are much higher in these neighborhoods than in middle- and upper-class neighborhoods. Violence is common not only on neighborhood streets, but also in other areas where the working classes spend their everyday lives, including the workplace or on public transportation (Caldeira, 2000). 2 Auyero (2000). 4 Social exclusion is a contributing factor to violent outcomes, regardless of whether violence takes place in a developed Western European country or in a burgeoning Central American state. Those who resort to violent acts most often lack access to legitimate economic opportunities and the personal or social contacts required to obtain many of the services and resources available to mainstream society. When conventional methods of obtaining and working for increased social status, higher income, and wider influence are limited, as they often are in marginalized areas, some feel compelled to resort to what the mainstream considers illegitimate means, including violent acts (Reiss and Roth, 1993). Furthermore, the weaknesses and failures on the part of judicial systems and security forces in much of Latin America has left many in socially excluded communities in a complex situation. Either residents accept the lack of justice and security and suffer at the mercy of those who step forward, or they take matters into their own hands. Residents of socially excluded communities are well aware of the lack of options available to them and the consequences of lacking the money to pay off corrupt police and judges, the influence to avoid extortion, or the confidence to decline the invitation to join a gang. For those with few or no prospects for economic advancement, profitable opportunities to be gained through illicit and violent means serve as a deadly magnet. As state institutions fail to provide security and justice, others—such as violent community leaders, gangs, or corrupt police—may step in to mete out alternative forms of justice and revenge. The issues of security, authority, justice, identity, and economics are tangible in the violent acts used to secure them in socially excluded areas, beyond the influence of state institutions and mainstream paradigms of conflict resolution. The consequences of such violence are severe and further sap scarce resources from Latin American and Caribbean countries that already face serious challenges in economic development and modernization of democratic institutions. Violence eats away at the delicate social fabric that holds communities together through difficult economic, social and political periods
Recommended publications
  • Introduction
    INTRODUCTION IN A CARTOON in a Rio de Janeiro satirical magazine (fig. I.1), two black city dwellers chat in vernacular Portuguese about the infamous urban reforms that took place under Mayor Francisco Pereira Passos between 1903 and 1906. Their conversation touches on key aspects of the relationship between people of color, the government, and the modernizing spaces of the city: “The government’s knocking down houses; Mister Passos too. Mister Oswaldo from the hygiene department, he’s shutting down everything that don’t smell good . Tell me, where are we supposed to live?” “Well, I hear the experts been talking ’bout workers’ housing problems.” “To hell with the experts! You don’t make a house with words, or letters on a page. By the time they sort this out we’ll be in a fine mess!” “Well, there’s no way I’m living on the streets. When I have nowhere to lay down my bundle I’ll make some noise and force the government to put a roof over my head . .” “That’s easy for you to say, you don’t have a wife and children . .” “Then be like me—don’t have any! Nobody can make us! This is a free republic.” 3 © 2020 University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. 4 DEFIANT GEOGRAPHIES The magazine’s cartoonist imagines a discussion in which the humble black worker on the left criticizes city and state officials for their inaction in the face of the housing crisis that they have aggravated in a frenzy of demolition related to the reforms.
    [Show full text]
  • Central America (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua): Patterns of Human Rights Violations
    writenet is a network of researchers and writers on human rights, forced migration, ethnic and political conflict WRITENET writenet is the resource base of practical management (uk) independent analysis e-mail: [email protected] CENTRAL AMERICA (GUATEMALA, EL SALVADOR, HONDURAS, NICARAGUA): PATTERNS OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS A Writenet Report by Beatriz Manz (University of California, Berkeley) commissioned by United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Status Determination and Protection Information Section (DIPS) August 2008 Caveat: Writenet papers are prepared mainly on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. The papers are not, and do not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. The views expressed in the paper are those of the author and are not necessarily those of Writenet or UNHCR. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms ................................................................................................... i Executive Summary ................................................................................ iii 1 Introduction........................................................................................1 1.1 Regional Historical Background ................................................................1 1.2 Regional Contemporary Background........................................................2 1.3 Contextualized Regional Gang Violence....................................................4
    [Show full text]
  • Social Disorganization and the Public Level of Crime Control: a Spatial Analysis of Ecological Predictors of Homicide Rates in Bogota, Colombia
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2012 Social Disorganization and the Public Level of Crime Control: A Spatial Analysis of Ecological Predictors of Homicide Rates in Bogota, Colombia Gipsy Escobar Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1730 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION AND THE PUBLIC LEVEL OF CRIME CONTROL: A SPATIAL ANALYSIS OF ECOLOGICAL PREDICTORS OF HOMICIDE RATES IN BOGOTA, COLOMBIA by Gipsy Escobar A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Criminal Justice in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2012 © 2012 GIPSY ESCOBAR All Rights Reserved ii This manuscript has been read and accepted by the Graduate Faculty in Criminal Justice in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Joshua Freilich ___________________________ ______________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee Joshua Freilich ___________________________ ______________________________ Date Executive Officer Desmond Arias Valerie West Michael D. White Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION AND THE PUBLIC LEVEL OF CRIME CONTROL: A SPATIAL ANALYSIS OF ECOLOGICAL PREDICTORS OF HOMICIDE IN BOGOTA, COLOMBIA by Gipsy Escobar Advisor: Joshua Freilich, J.D., Ph.D. Research in the social disorganization tradition has found community disadvantage to be one of the strongest and most consistent macro-level predictors of homicides in urban areas in the United States (Pratt & Cullen 2005).
    [Show full text]
  • 2 a Origem Do Crime Organizado No Brasil
    2 A origem do crime organizado no Brasil O início das organizações criminosas no Brasil ainda não foi devidamente estudado de maneira sistêmica. Assim, os autores que abordam o tema acabam divergindo em alguns pontos. Para o promotor de justiça do Ministério Público de São Paulo Eduardo Araújo Silva (2003, p. 25-26) a origem das organizações criminosas brasileiras encontra-se no fenômeno do cangaço. O autor ainda cita o jogo do bicho como a primeira infração penal organizada no Brasil. Para ele o movimento conhecido como cangaço, cuja atuação ocorreu no sertão nordestino, no final do século XIX, é o antecedente da criminalidade organizada brasileira. O movimento que acabou conhecido pela figura de seu líder Virgulino Ferreira da Silva, o Lampião era dotado de organização hierárquica, divisão de funções e, com o transcorrer do tempo, passou a atuar em frentes como os saques a vilarejos, fazendas e municípios de pequeno porte; práticas de extorsão de dinheiro através de ameaças de ataques; e, sequestros de pessoas importantes e influentes. Os jagunços, capangas e cangaceiros agiam com apoio de fazendeiros e parte da classe política, bem como com o apoio material de policiais corruptos que acabavam lhes fornecendo armamento e munição. No que diz respeito ao jogo do bicho, o autor (2003) afirma que se trata da primeira infração penal organizada no Brasil. Esta contravenção penal que se iniciou em nosso país no século XX consiste no sorteio de prêmios em dinheiro a apostadores mediante prévio recolhimento de apostas. A sua origem é imputada ao Barão de Drumond que, com esse jogo, teve como finalidade salvar os animais do Jardim Zoológico do Estado do Rio de Janeiro 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Inside Out: the Challenge of Prison-Based Criminal Organizations
    Local Orders Paper Series BROOKINGS PAPER 3 | September 2016 Inside Out: The Challenge of Prison-Based Criminal Organizations BENJAMIN LESSING ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper is part of the Brookings seminar, “Reconstituting Local Orders.” The seminar is directed by Brookings Senior Fellows Vanda Felbab-Brown, Shadi Hamid, and Harold Trinkunas, who are grateful to the Foreign Policy Director’s Special Initiative Fund for its support. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any support- er is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence, and im- pact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment, and the analysis and recommendations of the Institution’s scholars are not determined by any donation. Local Orders Paper Series ABOUT THE RECONSTITUTING LOCAL ORDERS PROJECT Led by Brookings Senior Fellows Vanda Felbab-Brown, Shadi Hamid, and Harold Trinkunas, the Brookings Seminar on Reconstituting Local Orders seeks to better understand how do- mestic political order breaks down and is reconstituted. It draws out policy implications and recommends more effective action for local governments and the international community. It examines these issues by bringing together top-level experts and policymakers. The present disorder in the international system is significantly augmented by the break- down of domestic order across a number of key states. Around the globe, the politics of iden- tity, ideology and religion are producing highly polarized societies and deepening conflicts among non-state actors and between non-state actors and the state. In the Middle East, the Arab Spring disrupted long calcified political systems in ways that are still producing unpre- dictable effects on the regional order.
    [Show full text]
  • As Ameaças Das Facções Criminosas À Segurança Nacional E Boas Práticas Para O Seu Enfrentamento
    1 JOÃO PAULO GARRIDO PIMENTEL AS AMEAÇAS DAS FACÇÕES CRIMINOSAS À SEGURANÇA NACIONAL E BOAS PRÁTICAS PARA O SEU ENFRENTAMENTO Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso - Monografia apresentada ao Departamento de Estudos da Escola Superior de Guerra como requisito à obtenção do diploma do Curso de Altos Estudos de Política e Estratégia. Orientador: Professor Coronel R/1 Ricardo Alfredo de Assis Fayal Rio de Janeiro 2019 2 ©2019ESG Este trabalho, nos termos de legislação que resguarda os direitos autorais, é considerado propriedade da ESCOLA SUPERIOR DE GUERRA (ESG). É permitida a transcrição parcial de textos do trabalho, ou mencioná- los, para comentários e citações, desde que sem propósitos comerciais e que seja feita a referência bibliográfica completa. Os conceitos expressos neste trabalho são de responsabilidade do autor e não expressam qualquer orientação institucional da ESG. ________________________ João Paulo Garrido Pimentel Dados Internacionais de Catalogação na Publicação (CIP) P644a Pimentel, João Paulo Garrido. As ameaças das facções criminosas à segurança nacional e boas práticas para o seu enfrentamento / João Paulo Garrido Pimentel. - Rio de Janeiro: ESG, 2019. 59 f. Orientador: Cel (R1) Ricardo Alfredo de Assis Fayal. Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso - Monografia apresentada ao Departamento de Estudos da Escola Superior de Guerra como requisito à obtenção do diploma do Curso de Altos Estudos de Política e Estratégia (CAEPE), 2019. 1. Segurança nacional. 2. Criminalidade. 3. Crime organizado. I. Título. CDD – 363.1 Elaborada por Patricia Imbroizi Ajus – CRB-7/3716 3 Ao meu pai, TEÓFILO, exemplo de dedicação à pátria, guerreiro pela vida e eterno apoiador dos meus trabalhos. 4 AGRADECIMENTOS A Deus, que me abençoa com pais, filhos, parentes e amigos incentivadores e de amor incondicional.
    [Show full text]
  • Women, Peace and Security"
    In 2000 the UN Security Council adopted Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on "Women, Peace and Security". It acknowledges the disproportionate effects of war and conflict on women, as well as the influence women can and must have in prevention and resolution of conflict, and in peace and reconstruction processes. Its main goals are to enhance women's role and decision-making capacities with regard to conflict prevention, conflict resolution and peace building; and to significantly improve factors that directly influence women's security. Finland launched its National Action Plan on the implementation of UNSCR 1325 in 2008. The main objective of this research is to contribute to the understanding of, and provide practical recommendations on, how the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland can: i) Implement Finland's National Action Plan on 1325 through development cooperation, especially its commitment to facilitate women's participation in decision-making in conflict situations, peace processes and post-conflict activities, as well as to protect women in conflicts; ii) Support conflict prevention and post conflict development by strengthening women's role, and empowering women in countries with fragile situations; and; iii) Monitor and measure the Security and Peace Women, progress of such implementation. In addition, the study explored three specific, innovative themes relevant for the question of Women, Peace and Security: i) Involvement of Men; ii) Internally Displaced Persons; and iii) Environment. This study was carried out from April to December 2009 and included case studies in Kenya, Nepal and North-Eastern India, all of which represent countries or areas in diverse and complex conflict and post-conflict situations.
    [Show full text]
  • Gang Violence in Latin America Lucía Dammert University of Santiago, Chile
    102 Gang Violence in Latin America Lucía Dammert University of Santiago, Chile The gang phenomenon has been blamed for many violent criminal problems of the late twen- tieth and early twenty-first centuries around the globe. As the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom stated, referring to riots that occurred in 2011, “gangs are a criminal illness that has infected the streets of our country” (Cameron, 2011). Even though there is still debate over gangs’ definition and characterizations in different contexts, blaming these groups for a variety of violent acts is commonplace worldwide (Bruneau & Dammert, 2011; Cruz, 2010; Decker & Pyrooz, 2015). Gangs have also been present in Latin America for decades (Wolff, 2015). Formed in mar- ginalized urban areas defined by segregation, fragmentation, and inequality, streets gangs depicted the social problems and economic challenges of Latin America. One of these prob- lems, perhaps most prominent since the 1990s, is the increasing level of violence and crime, which has impacted all countries in the region. In most cases, youth violence has been depicted as the driver of this violence and crime and has been linked to soccer gangs, street gangs, and drug-trafficking gangs. Indeed, gang violence is a growing problem in Latin America. In some cases, strongly linked to drug trafficking and transnational organized crime, gangs have developed and mutated since the mid-20th century, going from street gangs dedicated to illegal activities to criminal associations that use gang networks to consolidate transnational crime (Cruz, 2010). But that transition is not identical in all countries, cities, and even neighborhoods, which limits the pos- sibility of developing a Latin American gang perspective (Bruneau & Dammert, 201; Decker & Pyrooz, 2015).
    [Show full text]
  • Redefining and Combating Poverty
    We are at a point in history where economic inequalities are more widespread each in social cohesion, No. 25 Trends Trends in social cohesion, No. 25 day. The situation of extreme poverty experienced by the majority of the populations in developing countries (“Third World” countries) often coincides with an absence of democracy and the violation of the most fundamental rights. But in so-called “First World” countries a non-negligible proportion of inhabitants also live in impoverished conditions (albeit mainly “relative” poverty) and are denied their rights. The European situation, which this publication aims to analyse, is painful: the entire continent is afflicted by increasing poverty and consequently by the erosion of living conditions and social conflicts. The economic and financial crisis has resulted in the loss of millions of jobs, and created job insecurity for many still working. Economic insecurity raises social tensions, aggravating xenophobia, for instance. Yet the economic and financial crisis could present a good opportunity to rethink the economic and social system as a whole. Indeed, poverty in modern societies has never been purely a question of lack of wealth. It is therefore urgent today to devise a new discourse on poverty. In pursuit of this goal, the Council of Europe is following up this publication in the framework of the project “Human rights of people experiencing poverty”, co-financed by the European Commission. www.coe.int Redefining and combating poverty The Council of Europe has 47 member states, covering virtually the entire continent Human rights, democracy and common goods of Europe. It seeks to develop common democratic and legal principles based on the European Convention on Human Rights and other reference texts on the protection in today’s Europe of individuals.
    [Show full text]
  • From Stigma to Empowerment, a Health Rights Approach
    Empowering female sex workers in the city of Bogotá Empowering female sex workers in the city of Bogotá: From Stigma to Empowerment, a Health Rights Approach This project states and explains why stigma is a public health and economic issue for women in general and female sex workers (FSWs) in particular in the capital city of Bogotá. It also describes the social challenges and rights violation this population faces caused by different types of stigma present in the Colombian society. Additionally, it proposes a three phase plan to empower women by giving them access to technology with participatory methods such as photography and video. The social exposure of the project is intended to mobilize empathy and care ethics on a larger scale and question health barriers that FSWs and their children encounter. By making people aware of the problem of stigma we will be able to effect change on a political level through critical social inclusion praxis. 1. Introduction “…for most people the ‘L’ neighborhood is a dumpster that has to be cleaned up but they don’t know that there are families there, there are children, there are women living there because they have no place else to go. When the President orders to clean the neighborhoods and take back the space nobody asked us what we thought about that.” Stefanía Vinasco (2013), age 19 Every year 5% of the GDP (growth domestic product) of Colombia goes to victims of violent crimes and the direct and indirect costs associated with their treatment in health institutions. Research has come to prove that victims of violence suffer from more mental, behavioral and sexual problems, alongside with increased substance abuse related to violence-related traumas (Panamerican Health Organization [PHO], 2002).
    [Show full text]
  • The Right to a Remedy for Enforced Disappearances in India
    THE RIGHT TO A REMEDY FOR ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCES IN INDIA A LEGAL ANALYSIS OF INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC LAW RELATING TO VICTIMS OF ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCES APRIL 2014 IHRLC Working Paper Series No. 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This Working Paper was prepared by students in the International Human Rights Law Clinic under the supervision of Laurel E. Fletcher, Clinical Professor of Law and Director, International Human Rights Law Clinic for the Project on Armed Conflict Resolution and People's Rights (ACRes), Center for Social Sector Leadership, Haas School of Business at the University of California, Berkeley. Angana Chatterji, Co-Chair of ACRes and Mallika Kaur, Director of Programs, ACRes provided helpful comments. Clinical Fellow Katrina Natale ’15 gave invaluable editorial assistance. We thank Olivia Layug, Associate Administrator for Berkeley Law’s clinical program for her help with production. We would also like to thank Dean Sujit Choudhry and the individual donors to the International Human Rights Law Clinic without whom this work would not be possible. International Human Rights Law Clinic, University of California, Berkeley, School of Law 353B Boalt Hall, Berkeley, CA 94720-7200 Phone: (510) 643-4800 / www.humanrightsclinic.org The International Human Rights Law Clinic (IHRLC) designs and implements innovative human rights projects to advance the struggle for justice on behalf of individuals and marginalized communities through advocacy, research, and policy development. The IHRLC employs an interdisciplinary model that leverages the intellectual capital of the university to provide innovative solutions to emerging human rights issues. The IHRLC develops collaborative partnerships with researchers, scholars, and human rights activists worldwide. Students are integral to all phases of the IHRLC’s work and acquire unparalleled experience generating knowledge and employing strategies to address the most urgent human rights issues of our day.
    [Show full text]
  • Rompendo Um Ciclo Vicioso PRIMEIRO COMANDO DA CAPITAL E a AMEAÇA EMERGENTE ORIUNDA DAS PRISÕES NO BRASIL
    Rompendo um ciclo vicioso PRIMEIRO COMANDO DA CAPITAL E A AMEAÇA EMERGENTE ORIUNDA DAS PRISÕES NO BRASIL RYAN C. BERG MARÇO DE 2020 AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Sumário executivo m apenas alguns anos o Brasil emergiu como um transnacionais do pais, muitos dos quais têm Edos principais corredores do crime organizado suas origens nas perigosas e superlotadas prisões transnacional na América Latina. Os decisores políti- do país. cos brasileiros reagiram à insegurança generalizada do país e à crescente criminalidade construindo prisões e • O PCC tomou forma em São Paulo no inicio dos adotando uma política de encarceramento. Entretanto, anos 1990, quando os prisioneiros se organi- ao invés de manter os brasileiros a salvo dos crimino- zaram contra as precárias condições carcerárias, sos violentos, as prisões estaduais e federais do país para impor ordem e preservar vidas. Com o têm gerado, incubado e se tornaram a sede operacional tempo, o PCC desenvolveu uma capacidade de de um dos grupos do crime organizado transnacional projetar sua influência e controle bem além dos que mais crescem e ameaçadores da América Latina: muros das prisões, espalhando-se pelas vastas o Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC). Além de trafi- favelas urbanas do Brasil. car drogas e armas e de se envolver assaltos a bancos de alto nível, o PCC construiu uma estrutura adminis- • O PCC venceu muitos de seus rivais domésti- trativa extremamente funcional para sua governança cos, tem uma presença em cada estado no Bra- interna, ampliou seu controle para além dos muros das sil, realiza operações em quase todos os países prisões para fornecer ordem aos vastos territórios des- da América do Sul e tem hoje uma mentalidade governados do Brasil, realizou ataques sincronizados mais global do que nunca, recrutando guerrilhas altamente eficientes contra a infraestrutura pública e das Forças Revolucionárias Armadas da Colôm- continua a influenciar a política eleitoral do Brasil.
    [Show full text]