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Challengers to the Democratic Rule of Law in Rio De Janeiro Brazil from 2000 to 2010

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Challengers to the Democratic Rule of Law in Rio De Janeiro Brazil from 2000 to 2010 Parallel Power: Challengers to the Democratic Rule of Law in Rio de Janeiro Brazil from 2000 to 2010 Author: Jerome Francis Marston Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3033 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2013 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of Political Science PARALLEL POWER: CHALLENGERS TO THE DEMOCRATIC RULE OF LAW IN RIO DE JANEIRO BRAZIL FROM 2000 TO 2010 by JEROME F. MARSTON JR. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts May, 2013 © copyright by JEROME FRANCIS MARSTON JR. 2013 PARALLEL POWER: CHALLENGERS TO THE DEMOCRATIC RULE OF LAW IN RIO DE JANEIRO BRAZIL FROM 2000 TO 2010 Jerome Marston Thesis Advisor: Professor Jennie Purnell ABSTRACT This thesis seeks to explore how drug cartels achieved de facto sovereign control over the favelas of Rio de Janeiro between 2000 and 2010, effectively preventing the Brazilian state from guaranteeing the rule of law uniformly throughout national territory. It also investigates the extent to which Brazilian citizens have suffered human rights abuses as a result. Drawing on both primary and secondary evidence, I argue that drug cartels gained sovereignty over these enclaves as a combined result of state weakness and cartel strength. The Brazilian state forfeited these territories a century ago, because it was infrastructurally weak to such an extent that it was unable to systematically penetrate them in order to monopolize violence, enforce laws, and provide public services. The cartels, in turn, exploited the favelas as ideal locations for the transport, repackaging, and sale of drugs. Benefiting from the profits of illicit activities, the gangs transformed into well-armed, bellicose organizations that maintained authority over the communities by performing state-like duties. In due course, organized crime amassed sufficient control over the favelas to thwart most state encroachments. Examining the exceptions, I found that the limited police encroachments were largely rights abusive—save those made by the Pacifying Police Units. State weakness and cartel strength have disjointed the rule of law and undermined democracy in Brazil. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………..ii Introduction………………………………………………………………………………..1 Chapter I Survey of the Literature…………………………………………………...4 Chapter II Brazil……………………………………………………………………..36 Chapter III Abdicated Sovereignty…………………………………………………...64 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….89 Appendix…………………………………………………………………………………93 References Cited…………………………………………………………………………97 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Professor Purnell, thank you for telling me I’m a bad writer. The first to point this out, you provided me the tools and push to improve. I appreciate your positivity and encouragement, Professor Easter. In addition, your strategizing about PhD programs proved invaluable. My dearest friends Brian, Julianne, Kelsey, Melissa, and Mitch deserve my deepest gratitude. Thanks for all of the laugh-so-hard-I-cry-and-have-to-leave-the-table moments we’ve shared. Without you, I would have never made it to Boston. Uncle Bud, thank you for believing in me. I received a research grant from the Clough Center for the Study of Constitutional Democracy at Boston College to write an earlier draft of this thesis. ii INTRODUCTION On 30 September 2002, the words “Parallel Power” were graffitied onto two buildings in downtown Rio de Janeiro (Rio). That same day 235 Rio schools sent approximately 50,000 students home. Health clinics, banks, and supermarkets closed. The bus transit system shut down, leaving some 800,000 passengers stranded. Members of Comando Vermelho (The Red Command) scrawled those ominous— yet edifying—words in the downtown district of one of Latin America’s most metropolitan cities. On 30 September, Comando Vermelho, one of Rio’s three largest drug gangs, sent scores of its hardened, gun-totting members into the metropolis’ rich neighborhoods. Residents were told to stay home and businesses to close shop. On that day, as it would on many others, a drug gang challenged the Brazilian state (Faiola 2002; Rohter 2002: 1-2; Penglase 2005: 3-5). In much of Latin America, the governments no longer engage in the systematic abuse of human rights for political ends. The responsibility of the democratic regimes after the turn of the century lies, instead, in their failure to both prevent the arbitrary actions of government agents and to fight impunity within their territory (Pinheiro 1999: 3; Arias 2006: 1). In this thesis, I focus primarily on the latter, arguing that between the years of 2000 and 2010 the infrastructurally weak Brazilian state was unable to penetrate the favelas of Rio de Janeiro. As such, drug gangs claimed sovereignty over these swaths of territory, preventing the state from maintaining the rule of law uniformly throughout its domain. These gangs then proceeded with relative impunity to commit grave human rights abuses in the face of the Brazilian constitution. 1 This thesis seeks to explore how drug cartels were able to achieve and then exercise de facto sovereign control over the favelas of Rio de Janeiro between 2000 and 2010, effectively preventing the Brazilian state from guaranteeing the rule of law uniformly throughout its territory. It also investigates the extent to which Brazilian citizens have suffered human rights abuses as a result. In this thesis, I make the argument that drug cartels achieved de facto sovereign control over the favelas as a combined result of state weakness and cartel strength. The Brazilian state forfeited these territories over a century ago, because it was infrastructurally weak to such an extent that it was unable to systematically penetrate them in order to monopolize violence. Without routine policing in the favelas, agents of the state were unable to enforce official laws, provide public services, or build the loyalty of residents. The cartels, in turn, viewed the pockets of territory as ideal for the repackaging and sale of drugs due to the ample hiding spots, abundant unemployed youth, and acquiescent residents. Benefiting from the profits of illicit activities, the gangs transformed into well-armed, bellicose organizations that maintained authority over the communities by performing state-like duties, such as establishing rules and norms and providing goods and services. In due course, the cartels amassed sufficient control over the communities to thwart most state encroachments. To substantiate this argument, chapter one surveys the literature on the rule of law, organized crime, the state, and human rights, particularly as they pertain to Latin America. The subsequent chapter touches on the demographics, history, geography, and politics of Brazil, while also providing background on both the favelas of Rio and the city’s most powerful drug gang, Comando Vermelho. In addition, the second chapter 2 examines violence in Rio and the favelas, as well as the youth living in these communities who remain indifferent to official rules and norms. In the third chapter, I turn to the Brazilian case. In addition to synthesizing the primary argument, this chapter offers a statistical analysis of the provision of public services in Rio, and considers the Brazilian state’s attempts to establish sovereignty over the favelas. Additionally, the chapter contrasts the Brazilian case against the literature on the rule of law, while also briefly considering democracy and human rights. In the conclusion, I discuss an alternative theoretical explanation of gang-state relations, make suggestions for further research, and present questions concerning the future of the rule of law in Brazil. 3 CHAPTER I SURVEY of the LITERATURE This thesis seeks to explore how drug cartels achieved de facto sovereign control over swaths of Brazilian territory between 2000 and 2010. To understand how it is possible for drug gangs to rise to such levels, as well as the consequences thereof, several themes must first be considered: the rule of law, the state, organized crime, and human rights. First, the literature on the rule of law reveals that the legal state may fail to establish supremacy throughout the entirety of a territory, leaving areas where contumacious non-state actors operate with varying degrees of impunity. Subsequently, an introduction to the state demonstrates that it works to penetrate national territory uniformly, often by establishing a monopoly of violence and overcoming rival non-state actors—though some states are more successful at accomplishing this than others. A closer look at organized crime, in addition, reveals pugnacious, adaptive organizations that thrive throughout Latin America as a result of poverty, globalization, and the increasing demand for drugs. The final section on human rights introduces the significance of these rights and the conditions necessary for human dignity to flourish. It also establishes the international norms obliging the state to not only refrain from violating human rights but also to take appropriate measures to protect them. Each section attempts to provide an accepted definition of each theme, introduce its theoretical underpinnings, provide history where necessary, and discuss the implications for the region. Taken as a whole, these four interrelated themes go a long way in explaining how drug gangs came to
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