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Ethnic Consciousness and Cohabitation in a Slovak-Hungarian Village Community

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Ethnic Consciousness and Cohabitation in a Slovak-Hungarian Village Community Ethnic Consciousness and Cohabitation in a Slovak-Hungarian Village Community Zita Skovierova Skovierova, Zita 1994: Ethnic Consciousn ess and Cohabitation in a Slovak­ Hun garian Village Community - Ethnologia Europa ea 24: 51-58 . The ar ticle is a microsonde in to th e soeial relatio ns of a Slovak -Hungar ian village comm unity. Determ inants influ encin g the 20th century ethni c consc ious­ ness an d coh abitation of ethn ically mixed region in south ern Slovaki a are being analyze d. The changes of eth nicity and mu.tual relations hip of Slovaks and Hunga r.ians were mostly i.n:lluenced by extralocal factors (histor ical events, polit­ ical changes, in.fluence of surroun din gs). In t.ralocal fact ors (family, kins hi p and otbei· in formal group s) were consolidat ing the cohabitat ion of it! popul ati on. In traditional community ethnic influ ences intermingl ed with religious ones. Vil­ lage authorities and ambitions of individual people pla yed an important role, too. Zita Skovierovri, PhD, research fellow , Department of Ethnology , Comenius Uni­ versity, 818 01 Bratislava , Sl ovakia . lmeu, a village in the Danube lowlands, is sit­ more incidental than deliberate. I was at­ uated 20 km northwards of the Slovak-Hun­ tracted by the village which is claimed Slovak garian state border (Komarno district). Inhab­ and yet my colleagues who did not speak Hun­ itants of this area were well up to the 20th garian had problems to communicate with its century the bearers of middle European cul­ inhabitants in Slovak when carrying out their ture of the so-called Panonian type. After research. The second curiosity was the cancel­ Turkish invasions the devastat ed land was col­ lation of Hungarian school and maintenance of onized by Slovaks who proceeded to develop Slovak school. I wanted to find out what peasant culture. Due to strong Hungarianiza­ caused this paradox between the attitudes and tion since the late 19th century a great major­ behaviour of Imeu inhabitants. ity of local Slovaks were Hungarianized. More I followed the factors influencing the ethnic Slovaks were coming from northern areas and consciousness and declaration of ethnicity of settled there. Cultivation of corn, root -crops, its inhabitants and their cohabitation . They vine, cattle and sheep breeding were the main may be divided into extralocal (external) and subsistence sources in the first half of this cen­ intralocal (internal) factors. The former com­ tury. In their region Imeu inhabitants excelled prise historical events , political changes and in cultivation of tobacco, vegetables and in do­ measures on a general level which happened mestic craft. After agricultural collectivization without direct action oflocal community mem­ which ended in 1959, a minority of the inhabit­ bers (sometimes even against their will). Ob­ ants were involved in farming, while the ma­ jectively existing phenomena of wider (re­ jority of them worked in industry or in the gional) application belong there too. The latter sphere of services in nearby towns . Since the group of factors includes undertakings of for­ 1970's cultivation of vegetables is an addi­ mal institutions on the local level (state ad­ tional job of all families and a favourable ministration, educational system, church) and source of higher family incomes. also undertakings of informal, small social Finding this locality for my research was groups. I also enclose here factors connected 4* 51 L Fig. 1. Traditio nal type of vill age clay house with a thatched r oof. Photo : Slovak Institute for Monum ents ' Pres ervation 1960. with the individual personality, his social sta­ ulation spoke Hungarian. Neighbouring vil­ tus and character. lages as well as wider environment were pre­ Significant break-through events which vailingly inhabited by a population of Hungar­ principally influenced ethnic consciousness ian nationality. Hungarian as the main and life in ethnically mixed localities were his­ communicative language provided greater pos­ torical events and political measures. Disin­ sibilities of mutual contacts . Through mixed tegration of multinational Austro-Hungarian marriages this influence was transferred into Monarchy was the first historical turning the investigated village. Work contacts and point. In 1918 the Czechoslovak republic was visits of cultural events in surrounding vil­ formed. The Trianon treaty divided the terri­ lages had a similar effect. tory of Hungary and Czechoslovakia at the In Ime-G.the forms of job migration were al­ Danube river . Annexation of this part of Cze­ ready highly developed in the first half of the choslovak territory by Hungary during Hor­ 20th century. Especially landless people and thy 's occupation in 1938-1945 was next in­ small farmers who had no means of subsis­ terference. After World War II the exchange of tence took advantage of migration for job. They some Hungarians from southern Slovakia with migrated particularly to estates where they Slovaks from Hungary in 1946-4 7 followed carried out mostly agricultural, gardening and and the so-called re-Slovakization action "the seasonal work . There they generally met Hun­ return of re-Magyarized people in Slovakia to garian speaking population. Less often they the Slovak nation" (Sutaj, 1992: 182). were able to meet Slovak workers from north­ Ethnical and cultural influence of inhabit­ ern regions who lived and worked there in ants from surrounding villages also formed summer . After-war and prolonged job migra­ ethnocultural orientation of lme-G.inhabitants. tion to more distant Slovak or Czech enter­ In the past Ime-G.was one of the villages which prises did not seriously affect the migrants - mostly interferred with an area where the pop- coming home they again spoke Hungarian as it 52 Fig. 2. Family cooper ative ti es are very firm in Im eu : Women of thre e genera tions clean and prep are home br ed poultr y for sto ring (1993) . was more in use in the village. At present the and in some spheres they even cooperate. They majority of inhabitants work in the nearest coordinate th e time of masses, participate in surroundings and due to economic recession other religious masses and ceremonies to at­ ~s' they have increased cultivation of vegetables - tract more followers. they stay under the influence of local envi­ At the beginning of this century there was ronment. only a Hungarian church school in the villag e l­ Local administration was subordinate to vil­ in which after the constitution of Czechoslova­ e­ lage nationality and ruling politic al regime. kia Slovak language was taught 2 hours r­ Accordingly the village was alternately pro­ weekly. In the 1920's a state Slovak school was .n Hungarian and pro-Czechoslovak and it was establi shed there. However the church dis­ s­ governed by issued laws and regulations in suaded believers from attending the state !d contact with inhabitants, depending on the school. In 1944 the church schools were can­ ~o characters and ambitions of local cancellors celled and ther e were two state basic schools ,d and to what extent they followed the laws and which taught Slovak and Hungari an. The 1- regulations which contradicted the interests Hungarian school was canc elled du e to small and needs of the local public. number of pupils and up to now nobody ask ed l- There were two church communities in for its r e-establishment . Sinc e 1971 several ie Imeu: Roman Catholics and Calvinists . In pupils attend this kind of school in the next .d 1930 1 777 inhabitants lived in Imeu, out of village . Nearly all children attend Slovak 3- which 82 per cent were Catholics and 17 per school regardless of their parents' nationality cent Calvinists. Canonical langua ge was al­ (they regard the teaching process here to be on ways Hungarian in both churches . In the a good level). 1950's bilingual masses wer e established in There is only one kindergart en in the villag e 1- the Catholic church but at present they are and the parents apply in a written form for the T again carried out only in Hungarian . In 194 7 language in which education of their child 1- some Calvinist families were deported to Hun­ should be carried out . Imeulians expect the n gary, hence in 1991 Calvinists formed only 6 school and kindergart en to teach or improve l ­ per cent of its population. Two rows of benches the acquisition of Slovak language . Parents r- in the church are permanently vacant as a sign consider fluency in Slovak language an impor­ of solidarity with deported famili es. Lately tant condition for broader professional asser­ it both church communities are less reserved tion of their children . Excellent acquisition of 53 -- Fig . 3. Comm on work at threshing corn in th e 1940's. I Slovak language represents for them greater nationality . After deport ation of some Hungar­ life surveillance and they say : "Who knows ian families in 194 7 about 60 Slovak families what's going to happen ..." came to th e village from Romania and Hun­ Stratification of the village community ac­ gary but they did not settle there. cording to property and social status was In 1991 the numb er of inhabitant s was closely linked with religious faith in the first 2 282, out of which 48 per cent declare Slovak halfofthis century . Calvinists belonged to th e and 52 per cent Hungarian nationality . Ac­ rich strata of Imeuians. In 1930 they formed cording to statistical data in the last decades hardly one sixth of the inhabitants and they and the opinion of the majority of th e pop­ owned two fifths of the cataster . Especially ulation, the village is being gradually Hungar­ poor Slovak Catholic families migrated for job .
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