PROTO-KAREN (*k-rjaNNNA) some cases, are problematical resulting from vowel harmony and the loss of final FAUNA consonants. The 73 reconstructed forms of Proto-Karen animals are presented and Theraphan Luangthongkum1 the Proto-Karen tones, onsets and rhymes drawn from Proto-Karen Phonology and Lexicon (L-Thongkum, 2013, ms.) are Abstract provided in the Appendix.
Even though the reconstruction of Proto- Introduction Karen has already been attempted and presented in different ways by a few The Karenic languages are spoken in linguists, some serious disagreements Myanmar and Thailand. There are among them on some major points have eighteen different groups of Karen in been found. The research objective, here, Myanmar: Pa-O, Lahta, Kayan, Bwe, is to offer a new look at the Proto-Karen Geko, Geba, Brek, Western Kayah, phonology and lexicon. However, the Eastern Kayah, Yinbaw, Yintale, emphasis of this paper is on the Manumanaw, Paku, Sgaw, Wewaw, reconstruction of Proto-Karen fauna. A Zayein, Eastern Pwo and Western Pwo wordlist consisting of 2,000 items with (Lewis 2009). In Thailand, only six groups English and Thai glosses divided into 21 are known of: Pa-O, Kayan, Kayah, sections based on semantic fields was Kayaw, Sgaw and Pwo. Among Burmese devised. The data on the six Karenic refugees and labourers, there may also be languages spoken in Thailand, i.e. Pa-O other groups. The total population of (two varieties), Kayan, Kayah, Kayaw, Karen is still debatable due to the lack of Pwo (two varieties) and Sgaw (two good official records; however, 4.5 million varieties) was collected by the author at seems to be a reasonable estimation. seven research sites in Thailand from January 2009 – January 2012. They With regard to the reconstruction of a represent Northern, Central and Southern Proto-Karen phonology and lexicon, there Karen languages. The cognate words have been a few attempts: Haudricourt found in the Bwe Karen Dictionary 1946, 1953 and 1961; Jones 1961; Burling (Henderson 1997) were added. To analyse 1969; Solnit 2001; Manson 2009. A the patterns of sound correspondence, the literature review of the previous works on comparative method was applied with an Karen comparative and historical awareness of areal linguistic features due linguistics can be found in Manson (2009). to language contact. A Proto-Karen (*k- The classifications of Karen have been rjaNA) phonology and lexicon were done by Jones (1961), Burling (1969), Kauffman (1993), Bradley (1997), reconstructed. With regard to the Proto- Manson (2001) and Shintani (2003). Karen phonology, the relationship Detailed information on the external and between the onsets and tones is quite internal classifications of the Karenic straightforward, so it is not difficult to languages can also be found in Manson (2009 reconstruct, unlike the rhymes which, in and 2011). Among these classifications, I have adopted Kauffman’s because of its 1 Professor of Linguistics, Department of geographical base which quite well suits Linguistics, Chulalongkorn University
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the starting point of my present research role due to the lack of cognates. The data work. Even though Proto-Karen was on Central Karen languages is completely reconstructed earlier by a few linguists and ignored in both Jones (1961) and Burling more data on many Karenic languages is (1969) as are the valuable works on Proto- available at present, I still feel that I Karen by Haudricourt. should start from zero. An attempt to do a comparative study using fresh data solely Manson contributed a few papers on his collected by one experienced field linguist diachronic studies of Karen. Most of the may help obtain a better solution since the language materials, the 11 Karenic data is equal in quality and, thus, compatible. languages used by Manson (2009, 2011), are from various documented sources. Because of his wide-ranging interest in the Even though he thinks that Haudricourt’s five language families of mainland analysis is the most natural and predictive Southeast Asia, Haudricourt seems to have among the existing reconstructions, he a good sense of what Southeast Asian does not, in the same way as Haudricourt, languages should be like from the reconstruct *ʔb, *ʔd, *x, *ɣ . Moreover, diachronic perspective; for example, his *hj, *hr, *ʔw and *ʔl are reconstructed reconstruction of the three categories of Proto-Karen initials, the preglottalised set whilst in Haudricourt they are not.
(*ʔb *ʔd), the velar fricative set (*x *ɣ), Solnit has worked on Proto-Karen since the two tones (*A and *B) and later, the 2001 but his reconstruction has not yet addition of one more tone (Bˊ) to cope been completed and published. Since I with the greater number of patterns of was aware of the previous reconstructions tonal correspondences pointed out by Luce of Proto-Karen, somewhat different (1959) and Jones (1971). Mazaudon (1977) methods and different sets of Karen clarified and expanded Haudricourt’s language data were used for my opinion on the Proto-Karen tones and their comparative study. When I compare my development in modern Karenic languages. findings with those of other linguists, even though they are different in some major Following his lengthy negative comments points, I feel that my reconstruction is on Jones (1961), which I agree with, quite similar to those of Haudricourt and Burling uses Jones’ Northern Karen and Solnit. Please see my reconstruction of the Southern Karen data to re-analyse and Proto-Karen phonology in the Appendix. present a new version of the Proto-Karen phonology and lexicon. Instead of two The main aim of my research is to offer a tones as reconstructed by Jones, he new look at the Proto-Karen phonology reconstructs six proto-tones, namely, *1 and lexicon based on my fresh field data *2 *3 *4 *ʔ1 and *ʔ2, the first four tones and the focus of this paper is on the occurring in non-checked syllables and the etymology of Karen fauna which cannot last two tones occurring in checked be found in the other reconstructions. syllables. Moreover, Burling’s reconstruction of the Proto-Karen lexicon, which consists Data of many hundred protoforms, is largely based on Sgaw and Pwo. Even though Pa- Funded by the Thailand Research Fund O is included, it seems to play a marginal (TRF), the data on the six Karenic
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languages spoken in Thailand was 2 of the Appendix. The reconstruction of PK collected at seven research sites in rhymes is more problematical resulting Thailand from January 2009 – January from vowel harmony and the loss of final 2012 with a devised wordlist of 2,000 consonants. The examples of the PK items. The English and Thai glosses were rhymes can be found in Table 3 of the divided into twenty-one sections based on Appendix. I have never had the semantic fields: action verbs, stative verbs, opportunity of reading Haudricourt’s bodyparts and body secretions, health and original papers on comparative Karen disease, fauna, parts of plants, flora, natural written in French (Haudricourt 1946, 1953 objects and phenomenon, manmade objects and 1961); however, from the secondary and construction, food stuffs, culture and sources, e.g. Matisoff’s additional notes in society, kinship terms, numerals, classifiers, Sino-Tibetan: A conspectus (Benedict, measurements, colour terms, time, direction 1972), Luce (1959), Henderson (1979), and location, pronouns, question words and Court (1972), Mazaudon (1977) and so on, miscellaneous. My corpus used for the I do appreciate Haudricourt’s work on reconstruction of a Proto-Karen phonology Proto-Karen the most. and lexicon consists of Northern Karen: two varieties of Pa-O; Central Karen: A Kayan, Eastern Kayah, Kayaw; Southern *k-rjaNNN ‘Karen’ Karen: two varieties of Sgaw and two varieties of Pwo. Clear cognates were Based on the autonames ka³³jaŋ⁵³ selected for diachronic comparison. The cognate words found in the Bwe Karen (Kayan), kɛ¹¹jɛ¹¹ (E. Kayah), kɔ³³jɔ³³ Dictionary (Henderson 1997) were added; (Kayaw), (pɣa³³) ka³³ɲɔ³³ (Sgaw) and therefore, altogether there are four Central names known among Thai people, i.e. Karen languages, i.e. Kayan, E. Kayah, Bwe (Blimaw) and Kayaw. The Kariang, Karang (Central Thai) and Yang comparative method was applied with an (Northern Thai), the protoform *k rjaNA awareness of language contact and areal was reconstructed. This etymon has linguistic features when analysing the regular sound changes like the other etyma patterns of sound correspondence. with the *-aŋ rhyme; for example,
With regard to the Proto-Karen (PK) phonology, the relationship between the Ex.1 PK: *Ɂbaŋᴮ ‘bamboo shoot’ onsets and tones is quite straightforward. Pa-O: baŋ⁵⁵ B2 (N.), baŋ³³ B2 (S.) Proto-Karen has three categories of initial Kayan: baŋ¹¹ B consonants: Class-one consonants (voiceless aspirated stops, voiceless nasals, Kayah: bɛ¹¹ B approximants and fricatives), Class-two Bwe: ɓa³³ B consonants (voiceless unaspirated stops, Kayaw: bɔ¹¹ B preglottalised voiced stops or implosives, ̃ preglottalised nasals and approximants) and Sgaw: bɔ³¹ B2 (N.), bɔ⁴⁵’ B2 (S.) Class-three consonants (plain voiced stops, Pwo: bɛ̃³³ B2 (N.), bɔ̃⁵⁵ B2 (S.) nasals and approximants). See the reconstructed PK three tones (*A *B *D) Ex.2 PK: *laŋᴬ ‘to descend’ and onsets (*C- *CC-) in Table 1 and Table Pa-O: laŋ³³ A3 (N.), laŋ⁵³ A3 (S.)
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Kayan: laŋ³³ A3 tones (*1 *2 *2 ́ *3); Manson (2009): four tones (*A *B *B ́ *C) Kayah: lɛ¹¹ A3
Bwe: la³³ A3 To support my view that three tones, Kayaw: lɔ³³ A3 namely *A *B *D, should be Sgaw: lɔ³³ A3 (N.), lɔ³³ A3 (S.) reconstructed, the tone systems of Modern Karenic languages and their development Pwo: lɛ̃⁵⁵ A3 (N.), lɔ̃³¹ A3 (S.) will be discussed. Both of the Pa-O varieties have four tones in the smooth Ex.3 PK: *khaŋᴮ ‘foot, leg’ syllable and two tones in the checked Pa-O: khaŋ⁵⁵ B1 (N.), khaŋ³³ B1 (S.) syllable: 31 ̈ (A12), 33 (A3), 55 (B12), 53 (B3) and 21 (D12), 45 (D3) in Northern or Kayan: haŋ¹¹ B Highland Pa-O; and 31 ̈ (A12), 53 (A3), Kayah: khɛ¹¹ B 33 (B12), 55 (B3), 21 (D12) and 45 (D3) Bwe: kha³³ B in Southern or Lowland Pa-O. This means Kayaw: khɔ¹¹ B that each of the proto-tones (*A *B *D) has split into two tones, i.e. *A > A12-3, Sgaw: khɔ³¹˜ B1 (N.), khɔ⁴⁵’ B1 (S.) *B > B12-3 and *D > D12-3. Pwo: khɛ̃³³ B1 (N.), khɔ̃⁵⁵ B1 (S.) With regard to Central Karen, Ex.4 PK: *thaŋᴮ ‘to ascend’ synchronically, Kayan and E. Kayah have four tones in the non-checked syllable and Pa-O: thaŋ⁵⁵ B1 (N.), thaŋ³³ B1 (S.) two tones in the checked one like Pa-O. Kayan: thaŋ¹¹ B However, the patterns of tone split and Kayah: thɛ¹¹ B merger differ. It is also noticeable that the Bwe: tha³³ B mid-falling tone in Kayan and E. Kayah which may be regarded as the fifth tone Kayaw: hɔ¹¹ B rarely occurs and when it does, more often Sgaw: thɔ³¹˜ B1 (N.), thɔ⁴⁵’ B1 (S.) than not, the words turn out to be Burmese Pwo: thɛ̃³³ B1 (N.), thɔ̃⁵⁵ B1 (S.) or Shan loanwords. Among the cognates, this tone has not been found. Perhaps, the mid-falling is a new-born tone in Kayan Proto-tones and their development and E. Kayah. In Kayan, E. Kayah, Bwe and Kayaw, the *A tone has split into two How many tones should be reconstructed, tones, i.e. A12-3, and there is no split in two, three, four or six? There are different the *B tone column. The *D tone in opinions, as follows: Kayan, E. Kayah and Bwe has split into *D12-3 while there is no split in the *D Haudricourt (1946, 1975): two or three tone column in Kayaw. There is a merger tones (*A *B, *A *B *Bʹ in smooth between *A3 and *B in E. Kayah and syllables); Jones (1961): two tones ( * ́ * ̀ Bwe. In Bwe, interestingly, there is also a in both checked and non-checked merger between *B and *D12. While syllables); Burling (1969): six tones (*1 *2 working with my E. Kayah and Kayaw *3 *4 *Ɂ1 *Ɂ2); Solnit (2001): four tones language consultants at Huai Suea Thao village in Mae Hong Son province, I (*A *B *B ́ *D); Shintani (2003): four noticed that their low tones always
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occurred with a breathy-voiced phonation information on Karen tonal development and that, in the stressed position, the CV can also be found in Mazaudon (1977). syllable always became CVɁ, or in other In my analysis of Proto-Karen, three tones, words, the -Ɂ disappeared in the unstressed i.e. *A, *B and *D were reconstructed. position no matter what tone that syllable The correspondence patterns of the tones had. in modern Karenic language varieties are illustrated in Table 1 in the Appendix. The As for Sgaw, I worked on many varieties *Aand *B tones occur in non-checked of the N. Sgaw especially those spoken in syllables while the *D tone occurs in the provinces of Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai, checked syllables. Resulting from the Lamphun and Mae Hong Son. The eight patterns of tonal correspondence varieties of S. Sgaw are the ones spoken in presented in Luce (1959) and the concept the provinces of Petchaburi and Prachuap Khiri Khan. Since the Sgaw Karen in these of the tone-box adopted, the *Bʹ tone areas have lived together with the Pwo (equivalent to the *C tone in Tai Karen (Phlong, Phlou), language contact languages) has been reconstructed by cannot be avoided. Resulting from this some linguists to solve the tonal problems fact, the Pa La-U Sgaw has four tones: 55 in a small number of words, e.g. ‘pus, (A12), 33 (A3), 45’ (B12), 31 (B3), 21’ paddy, blow, breathe, many, child,’ etc., (D12) and 11 ̈ (D3). Based on my which have tone A in Sgaw but tone B in fieldnotes, four patterns of tonal Pwo. In my opinion, it is, perhaps, too development have been found: type 1, no early to reconstruct the *Bʹ tone (or *C). split in the *A and *B columns while *D > When carefully looking at the tone boxes D12-3; type 2, no split in the *A column in Shintani (2003) and Manson (2009), it while *B > B12-3 and *D > D12-3; type 3: is startling to see that the so-called Bʹ tone *A > A12-3 and *D > D12-3 while no split in the *B column; and type 4: there is in modern Karenic languages has a split in every column, i.e. *A > A12-3, completely merged with the A, B or D *B > B12-3 and *D > D12-3. tone, unlike the C tone in Tai languages and dialects and in the Mien or Yao Like Pa-O, all Pwo varieties have four languages, which I have had the tones with an unusual split in the *A opportunity to work on. I feel that the column, i.e. *A > A1-23 while the split development of the PK *Bʹ, based on the patterns in the *B and *D columns are tone-box concept proposed by Shintani typical, i.e. *B > B12-3 and *D > D12-3. and Manson, is not convincing, even Southern Pwo or Western Pwo (Phillips, though their views can be traced back to 2002) varieties are mostly spoken in the Haudricourt’s proposal in 1975. The western areas of Central Thailand, uncommon type of tone splitting of the B especially in the provinces of tone in some Sgaw varieties, e.g. the Kanchanaburi, Uthai Thani, Ratchaburi, Proto-Karen tone *B > B13-2 (CVɁ²¹), Petchaburi and Prachuap Khiri Khan. In and*D > D12 (CVɁ⁴⁵)-3 (CV⁵³) may be the *D tone columns of Pwo, there is a tonal flip-flop: *D > D12 (high) – D3 the reason why the *Bʹ tone was added. In (low) in Northern Pwo but *D > D12 my opinion, the three reconstructed tones, (low) – D3 (high) in Southern Pwo. An namely, *A, *B and *D, are sufficient to
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handle the unusual development of tones 2. BAMBOO RAT *(jowᴮ) khanᴬ B and D in some Sgaw varieties. Please Pa-O: (ju⁵³) khan³¹¨ (N.), (S.) see the correspondence patterns of the tones in modern Karenic languages in the Kayan: (ɟu¹¹) khaŋ⁵³ Appendix. Kayah: - Bwe: khɛ⁵⁵ Fauna etymology Kayaw: (ju¹¹) khɔ⁵⁵
Sgaw: khɔ³³ (N.), khɔ⁵⁵ (S.) Even though many protoforms in the twenty-one semantic fields (see details in Pwo: khɛ̃³⁵ (N.), khɔ̃⁵³ (S.) the introductory part) were reconstructed, only the 73 etyma related to fauna or Note: The Karen regard this rodent as a animals are presented in this paper. They kind of rat or mouse (*jowᴮ, see no. 47) as are arranged in an alphabetical order A-Z can be seen in Pa-O, Kayan and Kayaw. started with the English gloss no. 1 ‘ant’ See also no.43 ‘mole’. and ending with no. 73 ‘weevil’. For each etymon, following the English gloss, is the / reconstructed protoform. In some cases, 3. BAT *plaᴬ ᴮ the protoforms of Tibeto-Burman cognates Pa-O: pla³¹¨ (N., S.) drawn from Benedict/PB (1972) and/or Kayan: bla¹¹ Matisoff/JM (2003) are also given. Kayah: ple¹¹, ple³¹ Additional information is provided under Note. The diacritic ¨, e.g. 31¨, 11¨, Bwe: plɛ¹¹ indicates breathiness which is a phonetic Kayaw: pla¹¹ correlate of the falling (31) and low (11) Sgaw: bla³³ (N.), bla⁵⁵ (S.) tones, and 31˜ is a creaky falling tone. Pwo: phla³³ (N.), phla⁵⁵ (S.) 1. ANT *dəŋᴮ Pa-O: thəŋ⁵³ (N.), təŋ⁵⁵ (S.) Note: Pa-O and Sgaw have tone A while Kayan, Kayah, Kayaw and Pwo have tone Kayan: tə¹¹ B. In this etymon, the PK cluster *pl- has Kayah: tɔ¹¹ become bl- in Kayan and Sgaw but phl- in Bwe: do³³ Pwo. The low tone (11) in Bwe suggests *D. The initials and tones of the word Kayaw: tə¹¹ ‘bat’ in Modern Karen seem irregular. I Sgaw: tə¹¹ (N.), tə³¹ (S.) suspect that its cause is language contact. Pwo: thã¹¹¨ (N.), thə̃ɨ³³ (S.) 4. BEAR *thamᴬ Note: The plain voiced *d- was Pa-O: tham³¹¨ (N., S.) reconstructed because of the onset d- in Kayan: thaŋ⁵³ Western Bwe (Blimaw, Geba) which has Kayah: the³³ /ɗ/ vs /d/ (Henderson 1997). It is also Bwe: thɛ⁵⁵ noticeable that PK *Ɂd- or *ɗ- is always d- in Modern Karen (see no. 30 ‘frog’), while Kayaw: thɔ⁵⁵ *d- has become t- or th-. Sgaw: (N., S.)
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Pwo: (phɨ¹¹¨) thɔ̃³⁵ (N.), (phou⁵³) thɔ̃⁵³ (S.) Kayan: nai⁵³ Kayah: ni³³ Note: This etymon has been lost in all of Bwe: gə nɪ³³ the Sgaw varieties. It was replaced by the Kayaw: ni⁵⁵ word ta³³ su³³ or ta³³ θu⁵⁵ which can be a euphemism for ‘bear’. There are curses in Sgaw:v kə¹¹ nɛ³³, kə¹¹ nɛ⁵⁵ (N.), nɛ⁵⁵ (S.) Sgaw, for example, “ta³³ su³³ waɁ⁴⁵ phɣɨ³³ Pwo: ni³⁵ (N.), ni⁵³ (S.) nəɁ⁴⁵ mɛɁ⁴⁵ sa¹¹”, meaning ‘(I wish) a bear hits your face with its paws’. The generic 8. BIRD *thoᴮ term for ‘bear’ maybe regarded as a taboo Pa-O: (N.), (S.) word. Kayan: thau¹¹
Kayah: thu¹¹ 5. BEDBUG *gramᴬ Bwe: tho³³ Pa-O: sam³³(N.), sam⁵³∼saŋ⁵³ (S.) Kayaw: thu¹¹ Kayan: caŋ³³ Sgaw: tho³¹˜, tho¹¹ (N.), thu⁴⁵̕ (S.) Kayah: khrɛ¹¹ Bwe: - Pwo: thu³³ (N.), thu⁵⁵ (S.) Kayaw: cɔ³³ Note: In Pa-O, it is wa⁵³ (N.) or wa⁵⁵ (S.). Sgaw: xɔ³³ (N.), xɔ³³ (S.) This can be regarded as a retention from Pwo: (N., S.) Tibeto-Burman *wa (PB, JM) since the Pa-O branched out earlier than the rest of Note: This etymon was replaced by phə̃⁵³ the Karenic peoples. It can also be (S. Pwo) and phɑ̃³⁵ (N. Pwo). interpreted as a loanword from the other Tibeto-Burman language.
6. BEE (Apis cerana) *kwatᴰ 9. BOAR (wild∼∼∼) *thɔɁᴰ miᴬ Pa-O: wat²¹ (N.), wat²¹ (S.) Pa-O: thɔɁ²¹ mi³³ (N.), thɔɁ²¹ mi⁵³ (S.) Kayan: hwɛɁ⁴⁵ Kayan: thauɁ⁴⁵ mi³³ Kayah: wɛ⁵⁵ Kayah: thɛ⁵⁵ mi¹¹ Bwe: wɛ³³ Bwe: - ∼ Kayaw: hwɛ³³ khwɛ³³ Kayaw: tho³³ mi³³ Sgaw: kwɛɁ⁴⁵, kwɛ⁵⁵ (N.), kwɛ⁵⁵ (S.) Sgaw: thɔɁ⁴⁵ mi³³ (N.), thɔɁ²¹ mi³³ (S.) Pwo: kwɛ⁵⁵ (N.), kwɛ³¹¨ (S.) Pwo: thoɁ⁴⁵ mei⁵⁵ (N.), thuɁ²¹ mɛi³¹,
thuɁ²¹ mɛi³¹¨ (S.) Note: Pwo, S.Sgaw and some varieties of N.Sgaw have a smooth syllable with tone A instead of a checked syllable with tone D. Note: See also no.53 ‘pig’.
7. BEE (Apis dorsata) *k hneᴬ 10. BUFFALO (water∼∼∼) *p/b naᴮ Pa-O: ne³¹¨ (N., S.) Pa-O: paɁ²¹ na⁵³ (N.), paɁ²¹ na⁵⁵ (S.)
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Kayan: buɁ⁴⁵ na¹¹ 13. CENTIPEDE *t/daʔD Ɂbaŋᴬ Kayah: pe⁵⁵ ne¹¹ Pa-O: taɁ⁴⁵ baŋ³¹¨ (N., S.) Bwe: bə³³ ne³³ Kayan: ta¹¹ baŋ⁵³ Kayaw: pa³³ na¹¹ Kayah: - Bwe: - Sgaw: pə³³ na¹¹¨, paɁ²¹ na¹¹¨, pəɁ⁴⁵ na¹¹¨ Kayaw: - (N.), pə¹¹ na³¹ (S.) Sgaw: daɁ⁴⁵ bɔ³³, daɁ⁴⁵ bɔ⁵⁵ (N.), da¹¹ Pwo: paɁ²¹ nɛ¹¹¨ (N.), pəɁ²¹ na³³ (S.) bɔ⁵⁵ (S.)
Pwo: (N.), daɁ⁴⁵ bɔ̃³¹, daɁ⁴⁵ bɔ̃¹¹ (S.) Note: The reconstructed form *boᴮ naᴮ is also possible because *boᴮ was reconstructed for Note: *Ɂbaŋᴬ means ‘yellow’. ‘ox’ (see no. 48). The meaning of *boᴮ could be ‘bovine’ or ‘cattle’. 14. CHAMELEON, LIZARD *kwiᴮ Pa-O: kwi⁵⁵ (N.) kwi³³ (S.) D 11. CATERPILLAR *siɁ Kayan: khwi¹¹ Pa-O: seɁ²¹ (N.), siɁ²¹ (S.) Kayah: khwi¹¹ Kayan: θɨɁ⁴⁵ Bwe: khwi³³ Kayah: si⁵⁵ Kayaw: khi¹¹ Bwe: θa³³ (?) Sgaw: khwi³¹˜, khwi¹¹ (N.), khwi⁴⁵’ (S.) Kayaw: si³³ Pwo: khwi³³ (N.), khwi⁵⁵ (S.) Sgaw: siɁ⁴⁵, sɨɁ⁴⁵ (N.), saiɁ²¹ (S.) Pwo: sɨ³⁵ (N.), θei³³, θeiɁ²¹ (S.) Note: See also no.44 and no.45 ‘monitor lizard’. Note: N.Pwo and some varieties of S.Pwo have tone A1 instead of D1. There is also 15. CHICKEN *chjaXᴬ, *chjaNᴬ an irregular vowel correspondence. Pa-O: ɕja³¹¨ (N., S.)
12. CATFISH *∼kuᴬ/ᴮ Kayan: ɕɨ⁵³ Pa-O: khu³¹¨ (N., S.) Kayah: cha³³ Kayan: ku⁵³ Bwe: ʃi⁵⁵ Kayah: ku¹¹ Kayaw: ɕi⁵⁵ Bwe: - Sgaw: chɔ³³, chɔ⁵⁵ (N.), chɔ⁵⁵ (S.) Kayaw: ku¹¹ Pwo: chɛ̃³⁵ (N.), chɔ̃⁵³ (S.) Sgaw: (N.), ku⁴⁵’ (S.) Note: The final of this etymon cannot be Pwo: (N.), ku⁵⁵ (S.) reconstructed. The dummy *-X became *-N and then nasalised vowels in Pwo but Note: Pa-O and Kayan have tone A while was lost in the other Karenic languages. Kayah, Kayaw, S.Sgaw and S.Pwo have The pattern of vowel correspondence is tone B. rather unusual. If PK had the *-aN rhyme,
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the normal correspondence would be –aN Note: Sgaw people call ‘civet cat’ thɔɁ⁴⁵ (Pa-O, Kayan), -e (Kayah), -ɛ (Bwe), -ɔ se³¹˜ or thɔɁ⁴⁵ se¹¹ ‘tree pig’ (N.) or thɔɁ⁴⁵ (Kayaw, Sgaw), -ɛ̃ (N.Pwo) and –ɔ̃ tu³³ pə¹¹ Ɂi⁵⁵ ‘sticky-rice pig’ (S.). (S.Pwo) as in no.2, no.4 and no.5. The second element of the initial cluster (*-j-) 18. CRAB *chwɛᴮ could also be the cause of vowel Pa-O: chwɛ⁵⁵ (N.), chwɛ³³ (S.) irregularity in this etymon. *chjaNᴬ could Kayan: chwɛ¹¹ be another solution, i.e. it is a loanword from Proto-Monic *tyaaŋ (> *chyaan in Kayah: chwa¹¹ Proto-Nyah Kur) and >*caiɲ̯ in Proto- Bwe: ʃwɛ³³ Mon) as reconstructed by Diffloth (1984). Kayaw: chɛ¹¹ It is also possible to interpret that this Sgaw: chwɛ³¹˜, chwɛ¹¹ (N.), chwɛ⁴⁵’ (S.) etymon is an earlier Austroasiatic Pwo: chwe³³ (N.), chwe⁵⁵ (S.) loanword, so the reconstruction of *-X may not be necessary. 19. CRICKET *s kiᴬ 16. CICADA *ŋjajᴬ Pa-O: ki³¹¨ (N.), ki³¹¨ (S.) Pa-O: ŋja³³ (N.), (S.) Kayan: ki53 Kayan: ji³³ Kayah: ki³³ Kayah: ja¹¹ Bwe: - Bwe: - Kayaw: dɛ¹¹ ki⁵⁵ Kayaw: - Sgaw: sə¹¹ ki³³, θaɁ²¹ ki³³, səɁ²¹ Sgaw: je³³, ze³³ (N.), (S.) ki³³ (N.), tə¹¹ ki⁵⁵ (S.) Pwo: jai⁵⁵ (N.), jai³¹, jai¹¹ (S.) Pwo: - (N., S.)
Note: In some N. Sgaw varieties, *j- has Note: N.Pa-O has tone A3 while the rest become z-. The voiced palatal fricative [ɟ] have tone A2. It is khaɁ²¹ raiɁ⁴⁵ in S. Pwo is, in fact, a variant of the onset j- in which is not cognate. Karenic languages. 20. CROCODILE *s hmaᴮ 17. CIVET CAT *thuᴮ Pa-O: - (N.), - (S.) Pa-O: - (N.), - (S.) Kayan: - Kayan: thu¹¹ (mi³³) Kayah: - Kayah: - Bwe: θə³³ mɛ³³ Bwe: thu³³ Kayaw: ma¹¹ Kayaw: thu¹¹ (mi³³) Sgaw: sə³³ ma³¹˜, θa³³ ma¹¹, sə⁵⁵ Sgaw: (N.), (S.) ma¹¹, səɁ⁴⁵ ma¹¹ (N.), Pwo: (N.), thuɁ21 thõ³¹¨, thu55 thõ11 (S.) ma⁴⁵’ (S.) Pwo: ma³³ (N.), ma⁵⁵ (S.)
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21. DEER (barking ∼∼∼) *d khejᴬ Pwo: thwi³³ (N.), thwi⁵⁵ (S.) (TB *d-key, *d-kəy) Pa-O: khi³¹¨ (N., S.) 24. DOVE *(thoᴮ) lwiᴮ Kayan: khɨ⁵³ Pa-O: (wa⁵³) lwi⁵³ (N.), (wa⁵⁵) lwi⁵⁵ (S.) Kayah: khə³³ Kayan: thau¹¹ lwi¹¹ Bwe: do¹¹ khi⁵⁵ Kayah: thu¹¹ lwi¹¹ Kayaw: khi⁵⁵ Bwe: tho³³ lwi³³ Sgaw: - (N.), - (S.) Kayaw: thu¹¹ li¹¹ Pwo: - (N.), khi⁵³ bɔ̃³¹¨ (S.) Sgaw: tho³¹˜ lwi¹¹¨, tho¹¹ lwi¹¹ (N.), thu⁴⁵’ lwi³¹ (S.) Note: In Sgaw, the etymon *d-khejᴬ had Pwo: thu³³ lei¹¹¨ (N.), thu⁵⁵ been lost and was replaced by the word ta³³ho³³, ta³³ho⁵⁵ (N. Sgaw). lwi³³ (S.)
22. DEER (sambha∼∼∼) *t khroɁᴰ 25. EARTHWORM *jɛɁᴰ (TB *d-yuk) Pa-O: jɛɁ⁴⁵ (N., S.) Pa-O: khjoɁ²¹ (N.), kjoɁ²¹ (S.) Kayan: ɟɛɁ²¹ (∼caɁ²¹ krɔ⁵³) Kayan: khjɔɁ⁴⁵ Kayah: ja³³ (∼khro³³) Kayah: khrɔ⁵⁵ Bwe: - Bwe: kho³³ Kayaw: je³³ (tha⁵⁵∼) Sgaw: - (N.), - (S.) Kayaw: khə³³ Pwo: - (N.), - (S.) Sgaw: ta³³ xɔ³³ (N.), thɔ³³ xɔ⁵⁵ (S.) Pwo: ta³³ xɔ⁵⁵ (N.), chə³³ xo³¹¨, Note: The first parts of the compounds in chə³³ xo¹¹ (S.) Sgaw and Pwo, i.e. thɔɁ⁴⁵ or thoɁ²¹; chɛ̃³⁵ or chɔ̃⁵³ mean ‘pig’ and ‘chicken’, Note: Northern and Central Karen have respectively. tone D (D12) while Southern Karen (Sgaw, Pwo) has tone A (A3) which 26. ELEPHANT *k chaŋᴬ suggests a voiced initial. (TB *tshaŋ, *tsaŋ)
Pa-O: chaŋ³¹¨ (N., S.) 23. DOG *thwiᴮ (TB *kwəy, *kwiy) Kayan: chaŋ⁵³ Pa-O: thwi⁵⁵ (N.), thwi³³ (S.) Kayah: chɛ³³ Kayan: thwi¹¹ Bwe: ɡə ʃa⁵⁵ Kayah: thwi¹¹ Kayaw: rɔ¹¹ chɔ⁵⁵ Bwe: thwi³³ Sgaw: kə¹¹ chɔ³³, kə¹¹ chɔ⁵⁵ (N.), kə¹¹ Kayaw: thi¹¹ chɔ⁵⁵ (S.) Sgaw: thwi³¹˜,thwi¹¹, chwi³¹˜, chwi¹¹ Pwo: ka¹¹ chɛ̃³⁵ (N.), kə¹¹ chɔ̃⁵³ (S.) (N.),thwi⁴⁵’ (S.)
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Note: This etymon is an Austroasiatic thwi³³ mi⁵³ (S.) loanword. The etyma meaning ‘elephant’ Kayan: thwi¹¹ mi³³ were reconstructed as *ksaŋ in Proto-Waic (Diffloth 1980) and *ciiŋ in Proto-Monic Kayah: thwi¹¹ mi¹¹ (Diffloth 1984). Bwe: - Kayaw: thi¹¹ mi³³ 27. FISH *daɁᴰ Sgaw: thwi³¹˜ mi³³, chwi¹¹ mi³³ (N.), Pa-O: thaɁ⁴⁵ (N.), thaɁ⁴⁵ (S.) Kayan: thwi⁴⁵’ mi³³ (S.) taɁ²¹ Pwo: - (N.), thwi⁵⁵ mɛi³¹¨ (S.) Kayah: te³³ Bwe: da¹¹ (-pho³³) Note: This etymon is a compound meaning ‘wild dog’: thwi or chwi (B12) ‘dog’ and Kayaw: tɔ³³ mi (A3) ‘wild’. See no. 23. Sgaw: - Pwo: - 30. FROG *Ɂdeᴮ
Note: This etymon has been kept in Pa-O: de⁵⁵ (N.), de³³ (S.) Northern and Central Karen but has been Kayan: dai¹¹ lost in Southern Karen. A shared Kayah: di¹¹ innovation in Sgaw and Pwo for ‘fish’ is Bwe: ɗi³³ ‘meat (animal) -offspring’, i.e. ɲa³¹˜ pho³³, Kayaw: di11 ɲa¹¹ pho³³ (N. Sgaw), ɲa⁴⁵’ phu⁵⁵ (S. Sgaw); Sgaw: de³¹˜, deɁ²¹ (N.), de⁴⁵’ (S.) ja³³ phu³³ (N. Pwo), ja⁵⁵ phu⁵⁵ (S. Pwo). Pwo: di³³ (N.), di⁵⁵ (S.) 28. FLEA *kliᴬ, *kliɁᴰ Note: See no. 69. (TB *s-liy, *s-ləy)
Pa-O: khli³¹¨ (N.), - (S.) 31. GRASSHOPPER *Ɂdwɛᴮ Kayan: khliɁ⁴⁵ Pa-O: dwɛ⁵⁵ (N.), dwɛ³³ (S.) Kayah: kla⁵⁵ Kayan: dwɛ¹¹ Bwe: kle³³ Kayah: - Kayaw: kle³³ Bwe: ɗɛ³³ Sgaw: kli⁵⁵ (N., S.) Kayaw: dɛ¹¹ Pwo: khlei³⁵ (N.), khlei⁵³ (S.) Sgaw: dwɛ³¹˜, dwɛɁ²¹ (N.), dwɛ⁴⁵’ (S.) Note: The tones of Northern Karen (Pa-O) and Southern Karen (Sgaw, Pwo) suggest PK Pwo: thwe¹¹¨ (N.), thwe³³ (S.) *A while the ones of Central Karen (Kayan, Kayah, Bwe, Kayaw) suggest PK *D. Note: There are some innovations in Pwo, i.e. PK *Ɂd > *d > th and *B > B3 while 29. FOX, WOLF *thwiᴮ miᴬ *B>B12 in the other Karenic languages. Pa-O: thwi⁵⁵ mi³³ (N.),
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32. HAWK *lekᴰ tones, i.e. tone A in Northern Karen (Pa- O), tone D in Central Karen (Kayan, Pa-O: leɁ⁴⁵ (N.), lek⁴⁵ (S.) Kayah, Bwe, Kayaw) but tone B in Kayan: liɁ²¹ Southern Karen (Sgaw, Pwo). This fact Kayah: la³³ suggests the idea that *-h was dropped in Bwe: le¹¹ NK and SK but became –Ɂ in CK. Kayaw: le³³ 35. LEECH (land ∼∼∼) *s waɁᴰ Sgaw: liɁ²¹, liɁ⁴⁵ (N.), lai¹¹ (S.) Pa-O: waɁ²¹ (N.), waɁ²¹ (S.) Pwo: laiɁ²¹ (N.), laiɁ⁴⁵ (S.) Kayan: θuɁ⁴⁵ 33. HORNET *phrɨNᴬ Kayah: swa⁵⁵ Pa-O: phrɨm³¹¨ (N.), phrɨn³¹¨ (S.) Bwe: - Kayaw: su³³ Kayan: phrɨ⁵³ Sgaw: suɁ⁴⁵, θuɁ⁴⁵ (N.), sɔuɁ²¹ (S.) Kayah: phlɨ³³ Pwo: waɁ²¹ (N.), waɁ⁴⁵, βwaɁ⁴⁵ (S.) Bwe: phlu⁵⁵ ‘wasp’
Kayaw: phrɨ⁵⁵ Note: Pa-O, Kayan, Kayah and Sgaw have Sgaw: phlə³³, phlə⁵⁵ (N.), phlɨ⁵⁵ (S.) tone D12 which suggests a voiceless Pwo: phlɑ̃³⁵ (N.), phlə̃ɨ⁵³ (S.) onset, while Pwo has tone D3 which indicates a voiced one, so *sw- seems to Note: In this etymon, *phr- remains phr- in be a good solution for both ways of tonal Northern Karen (Pa-O) but becomes phl- development, i.e. *D > *D12 due to the in Southern Karen (Sgaw and Pwo). With first voiceless element *s- and *D > D3 regards to Central Karen, both clusters, due to *w-, the onset of the root, which is phr- and phl- can be found. a voiced sound.
34. HORSE *k sreᵀ 36. LEECH (water∼∼∼) *k/s-lejᴬ Pa-O: se³¹ (N., S.) Pa-O: leu³³ (N.), ljeu⁵³ (S.) Kayan: θiɁ⁴⁵ Kayan: - Kayah: - Kayah: si⁵⁵ Bwe: ɡə³³ lɪ³³ Bwe: θə-r ³³, θri³³ ɪ Kayaw: su¹¹ li³³ Kayaw: si³³ ri³³ (?) Sgaw: sə¹¹ li³³, θa³³ li³³, θə¹¹ Sgaw: kə³³ se¹¹, kaɁ²¹ θe¹¹ (N.), kə¹¹ se⁴⁵’ (S.) li³³ (N.), tə¹¹ li³³ (S.) Pwo: kaɁ²¹ si³³ (N.), kə¹¹ θi⁵⁵ (S.) Pwo: lei⁵⁵ (N.), lei³¹¨, lei¹¹ (S.)
Note: This etymon is an Austroasiatic Note: Pa-O seems to have a strange rhyme. loanword. The reconstructed form for ‘horse” in Proto-Monic is *ksɛh (Diffloth 37. LEMUR (flying∼∼∼) *p/bleɁᴰ 1984). It is worth pointing out that the Pa-O: phliɁ²¹ (N.), - (S.) Modern Karenic languages have different Kayan: -
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Kayah: pla³³ 40. LOUSE (head∼∼∼) *swɨXᴮ, Bwe: bli³³ *swɨNᴮ (TB *sar, śar) Kayaw: ple³³ Pa-O: sɨ⁵⁵ (N.), sɨ³³ (S.) Sgaw: phliɁ⁴⁵, phliɁ²¹ (N.), plai¹¹ (S.) Kayan: θɨ¹¹ Pwo: phlaiɁ²¹ (N.), phlaiɁ⁴⁵ (S.) Kayah: so¹¹ Bwe: θo¹¹ Note: Tone D12 in N. Pa-O, Bwe and Kayaw: sɨ¹¹ some N. Sgaw varieties suggests PK *pl- but tone D3 in Kayah, both N. and S. Pwo Sgaw: su³¹˜, su¹¹ (N.), su⁴⁵’ (S.) and also S. Sgaw indicates *bl-. It is Pwo: sɑ̃³³ (N.), θə̃ɨ⁵⁵ (S.) noticeable that both *pl- an *bl- become phl- in Modern Karen while *phl- is likely Note: Similar to the etymon ‘chicken’ (no. to remain phl-. 15), the reconstructed final of the etymon ‘head louse’ is the dummy *-X. This PK 38. LORIS *k ch( )Nᴬ *-X became *-N and then –Ṽ∅ in Pwo Pa-O: - (N.), - (S.) Karen while it was dropped in the other Kayan: chəŋ⁵³ Karenic languages. The second element of Kayah: chɔ³³ the cluster onset (-w-) causes the lip Bwe: - rounding and backness of the vowels in Kayah, Bwe, Sgaw and N. Pwo. It is also Kayaw: chə⁵⁵ possible to interpret that this etymon is an Sgaw: kə¹¹ che³³ (N.), ta¹¹ chi⁵⁵ (S.) earlier Austroasiatic loanword as the Pwo: chãi³⁵ (N.), chɛ̃i⁵³, kə¹¹chɛ̃i⁵³ (S.) etymon ‘chicken’ (no.15), so there may be no need for the reconstruction of *-X. Note: The rhyme of this etymon is problematical, due to the lack of data from 41. MAGGOT *hloŋᴮ Pa-O. Pa-O: loŋ⁵⁵ (N.), loŋ³³ (S.)
Kayan: lo¹¹ 39. LOUSE, INSECT *ɡraᴮ Kayah: lɔ¹¹ Pa-O: sa⁵³ (N.), ɕa⁵⁵ (S.) Bwe: lo³³ Kayan: ca¹¹ Kayaw: lə¹¹ Kayah: khre¹¹ Sgaw: lə³¹˜, lə¹¹ (N.), lə⁴⁵’ (S.) Bwe: - Pwo: lãu³³ (N.), lõu⁵⁵ (S.) Kayaw: ca¹¹
Sgaw: xa¹¹¨ (N.), xa³¹ (S.) Note: With regard to the *B column, there Pwo: xa¹¹¨ (N.), xa³³ (S.) is no split as in Kayan, Kayah, Bwe, Kayaw and some Sgaw varieties, or a split Note: In Modern Karen, this etymon never between B12 and B3 as in Pa-O and Pwo. occurs alone but always in compounds, Due to the pattern of tone split in the *A such as chɔ̃⁵³ xa³³ ‘chicken louse’ (S.Pwo), column of Pwo Karen, i.e. between A1 ta¹¹ pho³³ xa¹¹¨ ‘insect’ (N. Sgaw) and so forth. and A23, three types of lateral sounds were reconstructed: voiceless (*hl),
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preglottalised (*Ɂl) and voiced (*l). The Kayan: (khwi¹¹ re³³) khɔɁ⁴⁵ split pattern of the *B tone, i.e. B12-3 or Kayah: khwɔ⁵⁵ no split at all, cannot help tell whether the Bwe: - onset of this etymon is *hl- or *Ɂl. Kayaw: (to³³) ko³³ Sgaw: (tə¹¹) khuɁ⁴⁵ (N.), khɔuɁ²¹ (S.) 42. MILLIPEDE *k/s wajᴬ/ᴮ Pwo: khauɁ⁴⁵ (N.), khɔuɁ²¹ (S.) Pa-O: cɔ⁵⁵ wɛ³³ (N.), cɔ¹¹ wɛ⁵³ (S.) Kayan: θaɁ²¹ kə¹¹ wi³³ Note: The highland Pa-O (N. Pa-O) use Kayah: si⁵⁵ kɔ⁵⁵ wi¹¹ lɛm⁵³∼lɛn⁵³ and the lowland Pa-O (S. Pa- Bwe: - O) use lɛm³³ which is a Tai loan. Unlike Kayaw: te¹¹ we³³ the other Karenic languages, Kayaw has unaspirated onset. Sgaw: siɁ⁴⁵ wɔ¹¹¨ de³³ (N.), si⁵⁵ wa³¹ de⁵⁵ (S.)
Pwo: wai¹¹¨ (N.), wai³¹¨, wai¹¹, 45. MONITOR LIZARD (water∼∼∼) βai¹¹ (S.) *k reA/*treA Pa-O: - (N.), - (S.) Note: Pa-O, Central Karen and S. Pwo Kayan: (khwi¹¹) re³³ have tone A3 while Sgaw and N.Pwo have tone B3. Kayah: (ta¹¹ khwa⁵⁵ ta¹¹) re³³ Bwe: tre⁵⁵ 43. MOLE *(jowᴮ) wiᴬ Kayaw: (te⁵⁵) re⁵⁵ (TB *bwiy, *bwəy) Sgaw: kreɁ⁴⁵, kə¹¹ re⁵⁵ (N.), re⁵⁵ (S.) Pa-O: (ju⁵³) wi³³ (N.), (ju⁵⁵) Pwo: - (N.), ɣei³¹¨, ɣei¹¹ (S.) wi⁵³ (S.) Kayan: - Note: Some varieties of N. Sgaw have tone Kayah: (jo¹¹) wi¹¹ D while most of the Karenic languages Bwe: wi³³ have tone A. In Bwe, *k-re becomes *t-re and the animal prefix *k- is dropped (*k-r- Kayaw: (ju¹¹) wi³³ >r-) in Kayan, Kayah, Kayaw and S. Sgaw: wi³³ (N.), wi³³ (S.) Sgaw, and >ɣ- in Pwo. Pwo: wei⁵⁵ (N.), wei³¹¨, wei¹¹, βei¹¹ (S.) 46. MONKEY/GIBBON(?) *k joɁᴰ Pa-O: joɁ⁴⁵ (N.), juɁ⁴⁵ (S.) Note: To the Karen, a ‘mole’ is a kind of Kayan: jɔɁ²¹ rat. See also no. 2 ‘bamboo rat’ and no. 47 Kayah: jɔ³³ ‘mouse, rat’. The Kayan use ɟu¹¹ ta¹¹ haɁ⁴⁵ which is not a cognate word. Bwe: jo¹¹ Kayaw: jə³³ 44. MONITOR LIZARD (land ∼∼∼) Sgaw: kə¹¹ ju³³ (N.), kə¹¹ ju³³ (S.) *khwoɁᴰ Pwo: kaɁ²¹ jɨ³³ (N.), kə³³ jɨ⁵³ (S.) Pa-O: - (N.), - (S.)
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Note: There are lexical innovations in or klɔ¹¹. The word klɔ¹¹ could be a Southern Karen, i.e. mɔ¹¹ liɁ⁴⁵, pha³⁵ laiɁ²¹ loanword from Mon, i.e. khlɔ̤w (< Proto- and chə⁵⁵ Ɂɔu³¹ in N. Sgaw, N. Pwo and S. Mon *klɛ̤ə̯ (Diffloth 1984)). Pwo, respectively, for ‘monkey’. Probably, the etymon *k joɁᴰ is related to 49. PANGOLIN, ANTEATER *joᴬ the word ‘gibbon’ in Sgaw and Pwo: kə¹¹ Pa-O: ju³³ (N.), - (S.) ju³³, zu³³ pɣa¹¹ (N. Sgaw), kə¹¹ ju³³ pha³¹ Kayan: ɟau³³ (S. Sgaw), kaɁ²¹ jɨ³³ pha³³ (N. Pwo) and Kayah: ju¹¹, ju³¹ kə³³ jɨ⁵³ pha³³ (S. Pwo). In N. Sgaw, ju³³ Bwe: jʊ³³ (-θo³³) (A) means ‘to swing’ and pɣa¹¹ (B) means Kayaw: ju³³ ‘forest’; therefore, the literal meaning of Sgaw: jo³³ (hɔ³¹˜, hɔ¹¹), zo³³ (ho¹¹) (N.), the word ‘gibbon’ is ‘animal (*k-) swinging in the forest’. ju³³ (hɔɁ⁴⁵) (S.) Pwo: - (N.), jɨ³¹¨, jɨ¹¹ (S.) 47. MOUSE, RAT *jowᴮ (TB *b- yuw, *b-yəw) 50. PARROT *(thoᴮ) kiᴮ Pa-O: ju⁵³ (N.), ju⁵⁵ (S.) Pa-O: ki⁵⁵ (N.), - (S.) Kayan: ɟu¹¹ Kayan: khi¹¹ Kayah: jo¹¹ Kayah: khwi¹¹ (?) Bwe: ju¹¹ Bwe: k(h)i³³ Kayaw: ju¹¹ Kayaw: ki¹¹, khi¹¹ Sgaw: jɨ¹¹, zɨ¹¹ (N.), jɨ³¹ (S.) Sgaw: kiɁ²¹ (N.), ki⁴⁵’ (S.) Pwo: jou¹¹ (N.), jou³³ (S.) Pwo: kei³³ (N.), kei⁵⁵ (S.)
Note: See also no. 2 ‘bamboo rat’ and no. Note: In N. Sgaw, this etymon should be 42 ‘mole’. ki³¹˜ (tone B12) which is a creaky falling
tone instead of kiɁ²¹. 48. OX *boᴮ
Pa-O: pho⁵³ (N.), po⁵⁵ (S.) 51. PEACOCK *(thoᴮ) braɁᴰ Kayan: pau¹¹ Pa-O: - (N.), - (S.) Kayah: pu¹¹ Kayan: praɁ²¹ Bwe: bo³³ Kayah: phre³³ Kayaw: pu¹¹ Bwe: (tho³³-) ba¹¹ Sgaw: - Kayaw: prɔ³³ Pwo: - Sgaw: bɣaɁ²¹,phɣaɁ²¹, phraɁ²¹, pwaɁ²¹ Note: Some groups of Pwo people call an (N.), pɣa¹¹¨ (S.) ox “something having horns”, e.g. chə⁵⁵ Pwo: sjaɁ²¹ (N.), ɕjaɁ⁴⁵ (S.) nɨ⁵³ (S. Pwo). In N. Sgaw, ‘ox’ is ta¹¹ tɔɁ⁴⁵
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52. PHEASANT *(thoᴮ) reɁᴰ 55. PORCUPINE (small kind) Pa-O: - (N.), - (S.) *s Ɂbaᴬ Kayan: - Pa-O: - (N.), - (S.) Kayah: ra³³ Kayan: bɨ⁵³ (?) Bwe: - Kayah: se³³ be³³ Kayaw: re³³ Bwe: - Sgaw: ɣiɁ²¹ (N.), ɣai¹¹¨ (S.) Kayaw: sa⁵⁵ ba⁵⁵ Pwo: ɣaiɁ²¹ (N.), ɣaiɁ⁴⁵ (S.) Sgaw: ba³³ (N.), ba⁵⁵ (S.) Pwo: - (N.), θə⁵⁵ ba³¹¨, θə⁵⁵ ba¹¹ (S.) Note: It is ɕja³³ tham³¹¨ in S. Pa-O. ɕja³³, the first part of the compound, is in fact Note: Kayan has an irregular vowel. ɕja³¹¨ ‘chicken’ (31>33). This suggests that Southern Pa-O people view ‘pheasants’ as 56. QUAIL *(thoᴮ) hrwiᵀ (?) ‘chickens’ not ‘birds’. Pa-O: rɨɁ⁴⁵ (N.), - (S.)
Kayan: rwiɁ⁴⁵ 53. PIG *thɔɁᴰ Kayah: rwi⁵⁵ Pa-O: thɔɁ²¹ (N., S.) Bwe: - Kayan: thauɁ⁴⁵ Kayaw: ri³³ Kayah: thɛ⁵⁵ Sgaw: pə¹¹ wi³³ (N.), pə¹¹ wi⁵⁵ (S.) Bwe: thɔ³³ Pwo: phu³³ wei³³ (N.), wei⁵⁵ (S.) Kayaw: tho³³ Sgaw: thɔɁ⁴⁵ (N.), thɔɁ²¹ (S.) Note: The reconstruction of the tone of this etymon is problematical, due to tonal Pwo: thoɁ⁴⁵ (N.), thuɁ²¹ (S.) variation, i.e. tone D in Northern and Central Karen, tone A in Sgaw but tone B Note: See also no. 9 ‘wild boar’. in Pwo.
54. PORCUPINE (big kind) *sunᴮ 57. RABBIT, HARE *p Ɂdɛᴬ Pa-O: sun⁵⁵ (N.), səm³³, sən³³ (S.) Pa-O: - (N.), - (S.) Kayan: θwaŋ¹¹ Kayan: dɛ⁵³ Kayah: sɨ¹¹ Kayah: dɛ³³ Bwe: θu³³ Bwe: pə³³ dɛ³³ Kayaw: su¹¹ Kayaw: dɛ⁵⁵ Sgaw: - (N.), su⁴⁵̕ (S.) Sgaw: pə¹¹ dɛ³³, pə¹¹ dɛ⁵⁵ (N.), pə¹¹ thɛɁ²¹ (S.) Pwo: - (N.), - (S.) Pwo: pa³³ dɛ⁵⁵, pə¹¹ de⁵³ (N.), pə³¹ dɛ³¹,
Note: The lexical innovations in N. Sgaw, pə³³ thɛɁ²¹ (S.)
N. Pwo and S. Pwo are pɔ³³ dɔɁ⁴⁵, paɁ²¹ Note: In some S. Sgaw and S. Pwo doɁ⁴⁵ and chə³³ ɣauɁ⁴⁵ chũ⁵⁵ ‘something varieties, *Ɂd > *d > th- and tone *A > D. shaking off its hair (spine)’, respectively.
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58. SEROW, MOUNTAIN GOAT Kayan: khlo⁵³ (?) *jajᴬ (TB *kye.l, *kyi[.]l) Kayah: - Pa-O: jai³³ (N.), - (S.) Bwe: khlo³³ Kayan: ɟai³³ Kayaw: - Kayah: je¹¹ Sgaw: khlo³¹˜, khlo¹¹ (N.), Bwe: ji³³ khlu⁴⁵’ (S.) Kayaw: ji³³ Pwo: khlu³³ (N.), khlu⁵⁵ (S.) Sgaw: - (N.), - (S.) Pwo: - (N.), - (S.) Note: In Kayan, this etymon has tone A instead of tone B like the rest. Also, the vowel Note: There is a lexical innovation in should be au not o. Language contact could be a cause of vowel and tone irregularity in Southern Karen: chə³³ phaɁ²¹ (S. Pwo) and Kayan. See also no. 62 ‘water snail’. ta³³ phaɁ⁴⁵ (N. Sgaw). 62. SNAIL (water∼∼∼) *s ŋwiᴮ 59. SHEEP *soᴬ/ᴮ Pa-O: ŋwi⁵⁵ (N.), ŋwi³³ (S.) Pa-O: sə⁵⁵ (N.), so³³ (S.) Kayan: ŋwi¹¹ Kayan: θɔ³³ Kayah: - Kayah: - Bwe: θə⁵⁵ mi³³ Bwe: θu⁵⁵ Kayaw: si¹¹ mi¹¹ Kayaw: so⁵⁵ Sgaw: - (N.), - (S.) Sgaw: so³³, so⁵⁵ (N.), su⁵⁵ (S.) Pwo: - (N.), - (S.) Pwo: - (N.), θu⁵⁵ (S.) Note: This etymon has not been kept in
Southern Karen. The word khlu (B12) is Note: This etymon has tone A in Kayan, Bwe, used for both ‘water snail’ and ‘land snail’ Kayaw and Sgaw but tone B in Pa-O and Pwo. with different modifiers, for example,
khlu⁵⁵ m ̃⁵⁵ ‘water snail’ and khlu⁵⁵ klaiɁ⁴⁵ 60. SKINK *blɛɁᴰ ‘land snail’ in S. Pwo. See also no. 60 Pa-O: plɛɁ⁴⁵ (N.), plɛɁ⁴⁵ (S.) ‘land snail’. Kayan: plɛɁ²¹ Kayah: pla³³ 63. SNAKE *rowᴮ (TB *b-ru.l) Bwe: bli¹¹ (ca⁵⁵) Pa-O: ru⁵³ (N.), ru⁵⁵ (S.) Kayaw: ple³³ Kayan: rəu¹¹ (?) Sgaw: plɛɁ²¹, phlɛɁ²¹ (N.), Kayah: ro¹¹, ru³¹ plɛ¹¹¨ (S.) Bwe: Ru³³ Pwo: phleɁ²¹ (N.), phleɁ⁴⁵ (S.) Kayaw: ru¹¹ Sgaw: ɣɨ¹¹¨ (N.), ɣ ̃³¹ (S.) / 61. SNAIL (land∼∼∼) *khloᴬ ᴮ Pwo: ɣou¹¹¨, ɣou³¹ (N.), Pa-O: khlo³¹¨ (N.), - (S.) βou³³, ɣũ⁵⁵ (S.)
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Note: Mostly, the PK final nasals were 66. TERMITE (winged∼∼∼) *biᴮ reconstructed from those that have been Pa-O: phi⁵³ (N.), pi⁵⁵ (S.) retained in Pa-O. This etymon in Pa-O has the CVØ syllable structure or open Kayan: pi¹¹ syllable. However, it is quite unusual that Kayah: pi¹¹ in some S. Sgaw and S. Pwo varieties, the Bwe: pə³³ Ɂi³³ word ‘snake’ has a nasalised vowel ̃ (S. Kayaw: pi¹¹ Ɂi¹¹ Sgaw) or the nasal vowel ũ (S. Pwo). Sgaw: pi¹¹¨ (N.), pi³¹ (S.) Perhaps, the final *-w became nasal (*-N) and then a nasalised vowel (ṽ). Pwo: phai³³, phɛi³³ (N.), phɛi³¹ (S.)
64. SPIDER *gaŋᴬ Note: The B3 tone in Pa-O, S. Sgaw, some N. Sgaw varieties and S. Pwo indicate that Pa-O: (kuŋ³³) kaŋ³³ (N.), the onset of this etymon should be *b-. (jɔŋ³¹) kaŋ⁵³ (S.) Pwo vowels are irregular. S. Pwo has tone Kayan: kaŋ³³ A23, while N. Pwo has tone B12. The Kayah: - reduction of the original compound into a monosyllabic word could have been the Bwe: ga¹¹ - gu¹¹ cause of these irregularities. Kayaw: kɔ³³ Sgaw: - (N.), - (S.) 67. TICK *khejᴮ Pwo: pu¹¹ khɛ̃⁵⁵, phu⁵⁵ khã⁵³ (N.), khɔ̃¹¹, Pa-O: ki⁵⁵ (N.), - (S.) khɔ̃³¹¨ (S.) Kayan: khɨ¹¹
Kayah: khə¹¹ Note: The etymon *gaŋᴬ has been retained Bwe: khi³³ in almost all of the Karenic languages, except in Sgaw, ‘spider’ is an innovated Kayaw: khi¹¹ word, i.e. kə¹¹ pɔ³³. Sgaw: khi³¹˜, khi¹¹ (N.), khi⁴⁵’(S.) Pwo: khei³³ (N.), khei⁵⁵ (S.) 65. SQUIRREL *hliᴮ Pa-O: li⁵⁵ (N.), li³³ (S.) 68. TIGER *k(h)eᴬ (TB *d-key, Kayan: - *d-kəy, *k-key) Kayah: - Pa-O: ke³¹¨ (N., S.) Bwe: li¹¹ (?) Kayan: khai⁵³ Kayaw: - Kayah: khi³³ Sgaw: liɁ⁴⁵, liɁ⁴⁵ lu¹¹¨ (N.), li⁴⁵’(S.) Bwe: khi⁵⁵ Pwo: lei³³ (N.), lei⁵⁵ (S.) Kayaw: khi⁵⁵
Note: N. Sgaw has tone D12 and Bwe has Sgaw: khe³³ jɨ¹¹¨ ‘lion’ (N.), - (S.) tone D3 (suggesting *l-), while the rest Pwo: khi³⁵ (N.), khi⁵³ (S.) have tone B12. Tone B12 and tone D12 indicate a voiceless onset, *hl- or *Ɂl. Note: The word meaning ‘tiger’ in Sgaw Karen is bɔɁ²¹ soɁ²¹, bɔɁ²¹ θo¹¹, bɔɁ²¹ so⁵³,
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bɔɁ²¹ səɁ²¹ ɁoɁ²¹ or bɔ¹¹ soɁ⁴⁵ ɁoɁ²¹ Note: In some N. Sgaw varieties, vultures depending upon each variety; however, are called “tho³¹˜ ta¹¹ Ɂɨ³¹˜, tho¹¹ ta¹¹ ɁɨɁ⁴⁵ khe³³ (A) is found in the compound or tho¹¹ taɁ²¹ ɁɨɁ²¹”, literally this means meaning ‘lion’, i.e. khe³³ jɨ¹¹. ‘rotten-thing birds’. This could be an Austroasiatic loanword. In Praok-Wa, the 69. TOAD *(Ɂdeᴮ) sowᴮ word meaning ‘vulture’ is (sim) klaŋ cuɁ Pa-O: de⁵⁵ su⁵⁵ (N.), de³³ su³³ (S.) (from the author’s fieldnotes collected in Kayan: dai¹¹ θu¹¹ December 1995).
Kayah: di¹¹ so¹¹ 72. WASP *(dəŋᴮ) Ɂdeᴬ Bwe: di³³ θu³³ Pa-O: lak⁴⁵ kaɁ²¹ de³¹¨ (N.), - (S.) Kayaw: di¹¹ su¹¹ Kayan: dauɁ⁴⁵ dai⁵³ Sgaw: de³¹˜ sɨ³¹˜ (N.), de⁴⁵’ Kayah: di³³ sɨ⁴⁵’ (S.) Bwe: - Pwo: di³³ sou³³, di³³ θu³³ Kayaw: di⁵⁵ (N.), di⁵⁵ sou⁵⁵, di⁵⁵ θou⁵⁵ (S.) Sgaw: tə¹¹¨ de³³, tə¹¹ de⁵⁵ (N.), tɨ³¹ de⁵⁵ (S.)
Pwo: thɑ̃¹¹¨ di⁵⁵, thə̃¹¹ di⁵³ (N.), thə̃³³ 70. TORTOISE *k(h)liɁᴰ di³¹¨, thə̃³³ di¹¹ (S.) Pa-O: kleɁ²¹ (N.), kliɁ²¹ (S.) Kayan: khlɨɁ⁴⁵ Note: To the Sgaw and Pwo, ‘wasp’ is a Kayah: kli⁵⁵ sub-species of ‘ant’. See also no. 1 ‘ant’.
Bwe: khli³³ 73. WEEVIL *roŋᴮ Kayaw: khli³³ Pa-O: roŋ⁵³ (N.), roŋ⁵⁵ (S.) Sgaw: khliɁ⁴⁵ (N.), khlaiɁ²¹ (S.) Kayan: ro¹¹ Pwo: khlaiɁ⁴⁵(N.), khlaiɁ²¹, khlaiɁ³¹ (S.) Kayah: rɔ¹¹
Bwe: - 71. VULTURE *hlaŋᴬ/ᴮ k daɁᴰ Kayaw: rə¹¹ Pa-O: lɛŋ⁵⁵ taɁ⁴⁵ (N.), ta³³ Sgaw: ɣə¹¹¨ (N.), ɣɨ³¹ (S.) lɔŋ³³ taɁ⁴⁵ (S.) Pwo: ɣãu¹¹¨ (N.), βõu³³, ɣõ³³ (S.) Kayan: -
Kayah: lɛ¹¹ ta³³ Conclusion and Discussion Bwe: lə³³ da⁵⁵ (?)
Kayaw: la¹¹ ta³³ Among the seventy-three etyma, twenty Sgaw: lɔ³³ kaɁ²¹ taɁ²¹, lɔ³³ kə¹¹ taɁ²¹ (N.), etyma, i.e. no. 1 ‘ant’, no.7 ‘bee’ (Apis lɔ³³ kə¹¹¨ ta¹¹¨ (S.) dorsata), no. 8 ‘bird’, no. 10 ‘buffalo’, no. Pwo: lɛ̃³⁵ kaɁ²¹ thaɁ²¹ (N.), lɔ̃⁵³ kaɁ²¹ 14 ‘chameleon’, no. 17 ‘crab’, no. 23 thaɁ²¹ (S.) ‘dog’, no.24 ‘dove’, no. 28 ‘flea’, no. 30 ‘frog’, no.32 ‘hawk’, no. 47 ‘rat’, no. 49
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‘pangolin’, no. 51 ‘peacock’, no. 53 ‘pig’, Acknowledgements no. 57 ‘rabbit’, no. 60 ‘skink’, no. 67 ‘tick’, no. 69 ‘toad’ and no. 70 ‘tortoise’, I would like to express my gratitude to the are not problematical because of the Thailand Research Fund (TRF) for availability of data for reconstruction from funding the Karen Linguistics Project for all of the languages selected as three years from 2009-2012. Many thanks representatives of the three major branches go to my Karen friends and the local of the Karenic languages. In addition, the authorities for their kind co-operation. I Karen seemed to be familiar with these also feel thankful to my research animals and could quickly recognise them assistants, Karnthida Kerdpol and Sujinat when the pictures were shown to them Jitwiriyanont, for typing the manuscript during my data collection. It is also and providing all kinds of assistance. possible that some of the etyma are Useful comments and suggestions from loanwords from Austroasiatic languages, James A. Matisoff, David Bradley and especially Mon and Wa; for example, no. David B. Solnit made me be more careful 15 ‘chicken’, no. 26 ‘elephant’, no. 34 when drafting my research report. Lastly, I ‘horse’ and no. 71 ‘vulture’. The names of would like to thank the two reviewers for some aggressive wild animals, such as no. their useful comments and suggestions. 4 ‘bear’, no. 68 ‘tiger’ etc., have become taboo words and have been replaced by References euphumisms as in Sgaw Karen. In the modernised mountainous areas of Benedict, Paul K. 1972. Sino-Tibetan: A Thailand, I noticed that children remember conspectus. New York: Cambridge fewer and fewer animal names in their University Press. own languages, especially non- domesticated animals, due to compulsory Bradley, David. 1997. Tibeto-Burman languages and classification. Papers in education with Thai as the medium of Southeast Asian linguistics 14, ed. instruction, good transportation, the mass David Bradley, 1-71. Canberra: Pacific media and tourism. Sooner or later a Linguistics. similar phenomenon will occur in Myanmar. In the near future, only a few Burling, Robbins. 1969. Proto-Karen: A Karen animal names will be in the lexicon. reanalysis. (Occasional papers of the A decrease of Karen words with an Wolfenden Society on Tibeto-Burman linguistics vol 1). Ann Arbor, MI: increase of Thai loanwords for animal Department of Linguistics, names could provide a good case for University of Michigan. studying “language change in progress” with regard to vocabulary loss and Court, Christopher [trans.]. 1972. Two morphological change as well as sound way and three-way splitting of tonal change. systems in some Far Eastern languages. Tai phonetics and phonology , eds. Jimmy G. Harris and Richard B. Noss,
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58-86. Bangkok: Central Institute of Jones, Robert B. 1961. Karen linguistic the English Language (CIEL), Ministry studies: Description, comparison and of University Affairs. [Translation and texts. Berkeley: University of expansion of Haudricourt 1961] California Press.
Diffloth, G. 1980. The Wa languages. ---. 1971. Some problems in Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area reconstructing Proto-Karen tones. 5.2: 1-182. Paper presented at 4th International Conference of Sino-Tibetan Languages ---. 1984. The Dvaravati Old Mon and Linguistics, Indiana. language and Nyah Kur, 402 pp., maps. Chulalongkorn University Kauffman, William G. 1993. The great Printing House [on behalf of the Mon tone split and Central Karen. and Nyah Kur Linguistics Project]. University of North Dakota: MA thesis.
Haudricourt, André-Georges. 1946. Lewis, M. Paul (ed.), 2009. Ethnologue: Restitution du Karen commun. Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition. Bulletin de la Société Linguistique de Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Paris 42:103-111. [Online] Available at http://www. Ethnologue.com [Accessed 14 May 2012]. ---. 1953. À propos de la restitution du Karen commun. Bulletin de la Société L-Thongkum, Theraphan. 2013. Proto Linguistique de Paris 49.1.129-132. Karen Phonology and Lexicon (ms.).
---. 1961. Bipartition et tripartition des Luce, Gordon H. 1959. Introduction to Systèmes de tons dans quelques langues the comparative study of Karen d'Extrême-Orient. Bulletin de la Société languages. Journal of the Burma de Linguistique de Paris 56.1:163-180. Research Society 42.1:1-18.
---. 1975. Les systèmes des tons de Karen Manson, Ken. 2001. Review of David commum. Bulletin de la Société de Solnit’s Eastern Kayah Li: Grammar, Linguistique de Paris 70:339-343. texts, glossary. Notes on Linguistics 4.4:234-236. Henderson, Eugénie J. A. 1979. Bwe Karen as a two-tone language? An ---. Prolegomena to reconstructing Proto- inquiry into the interrelation of pitch, Karen. LaTrobe Working papers in tone and initial consonant. In Southeast linguistics 12. Asian linguistic studies 3 edited by Nguyen Dang Liem, 301-326. ---. 2011. The subgrouping of Karen. Paper Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. presented at SEALS 21, organised by Kasetsart University, Bangkok, May 11 – ---. 1997. Bwe Karen dictionary: with texts 13, 2011. And English-Karen word list (2 vols). London: School of Oriental and Matisoff, James A. 2003. Handbook of African Studies. Proto-Tibeto-Burman: System and philosophy of Sino-Tibetan
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reconstruction. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Mazaudon, Martine. 1977. Tibeto-Burman tonogenetics. Linguistics of the Tibeto Burman area 3.2: 1-123.
Phillips, Audra. 2002. The West-Central Thailand Pwo Karen people. Minority language orthography in Thailand: Five case studies, eds. TU-SIL-LRDP, 69 83. Bangkok: TU-SIL-Language Research and Development Project.
Shintani, Tadahiko. 2003. Classification of Brakaloungic (Karenic) languages in relation to their tonal evolution. Cross Linguistics studies of tonal phenomena: historical development, phonetics of tone and descriptive studies, Shigeki Kaji (ed.), pp. 37-56. Tokyo: Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.
Solnit, David B. 2001. Another look at Proto Karen. Paper presented at the 34th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, Kunming.
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Appendix
Table 1 Correspondence patterns of the tones PROTO-KAREN N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah W. Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo
*A > A1 31¨ 31¨ 53 33 55 55 33 55 35 53
> A2 31¨ 31¨ 53 33 55 55 33 55 55 31¨
> A3 33 53 33 11 33 33 33 33 55 31¨
*B > B1 55 33 11 11 33 11 31˜ 45’ 33 55 108 > B2 55 33 11 11 33 11 31˜ 45’ 33 55
> B3 53 55 11 11 33 11 11¨ 31 11¨ 33
*D > D1 21’ 21’ 45’ 55 33 33 45’ 21’ 45’ 21’/31’
> D2 21’ 21’ 45’ 55 33 33 45’ 21’ 45’ 21’/31’
> D3 45’ 45’ 21’ 33 11 33 21’ 11¨ 21’ 33’/45’
Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM Note: Glottalised tone, e.g. 21’ is in fact CVɁ²¹ (checked syllable having tone 21).
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Table 2 Proto-Karen onsets
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*ph *pheᴬ phe³¹ phe³¹ phai⁵³ phi³³ phi⁵⁵ phe³³ phe⁵⁵ phi³⁵ phi⁵³ ‘chaff, bran’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*th *thejᴬ thi³¹ thi³¹ thɨ⁵³ thə³³ chi⁵⁵ thi⁵⁵ thi³³ thi⁵⁵ thei³⁵ thei⁵³ ‘water’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*ch *chaᴬ cha³¹ cha³¹ cha⁵³ che³³ ʃe⁵⁵ cha⁵⁵ cha³³ cha⁵⁵ cha³⁵ cha⁵³ ‘ill, painful’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*kh *khaᴮ kha⁵⁵ kha³³ kha¹¹ khe¹¹ khe³³ kha¹¹ kha³¹˜ kha⁴⁵̕ kha³³ kha⁵⁵ ‘bitter’ 109 (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*hm *hmaᴬ ma³¹ ma³¹ ma⁵³ me³³ mɛ⁵⁵ ma⁵⁵ ma³³ ma⁵⁵ ma³⁵ ma⁵³ ‘wife’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*hn *k hneᴬ ne³¹ ne³¹ nai⁵³ ni³³ (gə) nɪ³³ ni⁵⁵ kə¹¹ nɛ³³ nɛ⁵⁵ ni³⁵ ni⁵³ ‘bee (Apis dorsata)’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A3) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*hɲ *hɲawᴬ jo³¹ jo³¹ jau⁵³ ju³³ jo⁵⁵ ju⁵⁵ ɲɔ³³ ɲɔ⁵⁵ jɔ³⁵ jɔ⁵³ ‘easy’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*hŋ/Ɂŋ *hŋaᴬ ŋa³¹ ŋa³¹ ŋa⁵³ ŋe³³ ɲa³³ ɲa⁵⁵ ‘front’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM
*hw *hwaᴮ wa⁵⁵ wa³³ hwa¹¹ we¹¹ hʊ³³ wa³¹˜ wa⁴⁵ ̕ wa³³ wa⁵⁵ ‘bamboo’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
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Proto-Karen onsets (continued)
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*hr/Ɂr *hrunᴬ rən³¹ ruə̯n³¹ rwaŋ⁵³ rɨ³³ hʊ⁵⁵ ru⁵⁵ ‘silver, money’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12)
*hl/Ɂl *hlaᴮ la⁵⁵ la³³ la¹¹ le¹¹ lɛ³³ la¹¹ la³¹˜ la⁴⁵̕ la³³ la⁵⁵ ‘leaf’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*s *sejᴬ si³¹ si³¹ θɨ⁵³ sə³³ θi⁵⁵ si⁵⁵ si³³ si⁵⁵ sei³⁵ θei⁵³ ‘dead, to die’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*ɕ *ɕaᴮ cha⁵⁵ cha³³ cha¹¹ che¹¹ ʃɛ³³ cha¹¹ cha³¹˜ cha⁴⁵ ̕ sja³³ ɕha⁵⁵ ‘star’
110 (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*h *∼haᴬ˜ᴮ ∼ha³¹ ∼ha³³ ∼ha¹¹ ∼he³³ ∼hɛ³³ ∼ha⁵⁵ ha³³∼ ∼ha⁵⁵ ɣa⁵⁵ ‘last night, yesterday’ (A12) (A12) (B) (A12) (B) (A12) (A) (A12) (B12)
*p *pəᴮ pə⁵⁵ pə³³ pəɨ¹¹ po¹¹ bo³³ pə¹¹ ‘to look after (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (∼ things)’
*t *təᴮ tə⁵⁵ tə³³ təɨ¹¹ to¹¹ do³³ tə¹¹ ‘to arrive’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B)
*c *cɔᴮ cau⁵⁵ cau³³ cau¹¹ co¹¹ cɔ³³ co¹¹ cɔ³¹˜ cɔ⁴⁵ ̕ cɔ³³ co⁵⁵ ‘wet’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12) Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM *k *kaᴮ ka⁵⁵ ka³³ ka¹¹ khe¹¹ khe³³ kha¹¹ kha³¹˜ kha⁴⁵̕ kha³³ kha⁵⁵ ‘chin’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
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Proto-Karen onsets (continued)
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*Ɂ *Ɂeᴮ Ɂe⁵⁵ Ɂe³³ Ɂai¹¹ Ɂi¹¹ ɪ¹¹ Ɂi¹¹ Ɂe³¹˜ Ɂe⁴⁵ ̕ Ɂi³³ Ɂi⁵⁵ ‘dung, excrement’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (D3?) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*Ɂb *Ɂbaŋᴮ baŋ⁵⁵ baŋ³³ baŋ¹¹ bɛ¹¹ ɓa³³ bɔ¹¹ bɔ³¹˜ bɔ⁴⁵̕ bɛ̃³³ bɔ̃⁵⁵ ‘bamboo shoot’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*Ɂd *Ɂdaᴬ da³¹ da³¹ da⁵³ de³³ ɗɛ⁵⁵ da⁵⁵ da³³ da⁵⁵ da³¹ da⁵⁵ ‘to spread out (mats)’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A23) (A23)
111 *hm/Ɂm *hmeᴮ me⁵⁵ me³³ mai¹¹ mi¹¹ mɪ³³ mi¹¹ me³¹˜ me⁴⁵ ̕ mi³³ mi⁵⁵ ‘fire’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*Ɂn *Ɂneŋᴮ neŋ⁵⁵ neŋ³³ ne¹¹ na¹¹ ɗe³³ de¹¹ ni³¹˜ ni⁴⁵̕ nãi³³ nɛ̃i⁵⁵ ‘year’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*Ɂɲ/hɲ *Ɂɲ/hɲaᴮ ja⁵⁵ ja³³ ᭥a¹¹ ja¹¹ ja¹¹ ɲa³¹˜ ɲa⁴⁵̕ ja³³ ja⁵⁵ ‘flesh, meat’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*Ɂw *Ɂwiᴮ Ɂwi⁵⁵ Ɂwi³³ Ɂwi¹¹ wi¹¹ wi¹¹ Ɂwi³³ Ɂwi⁵⁵ ‘delicious’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12)
*Ɂj *ɁjɛNᴮ Ɂɛn⁵⁵ Ɂɛm³³ Ɂjaŋ¹¹ Ɂi¹¹ Ɂi¹¹ Ɂi³¹˜ Ɂi⁴⁵ ̕ Ɂãi³³ Ɂãi⁵⁵ ‘narrow’ Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*Ɂl *Ɂlaᴬ la³¹ la³¹ la⁵³ le³³ lɛ⁵⁵ la⁵⁵ la³³ la⁵⁵ la⁵⁵ la³¹ ‘moon, month’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A23) (A23)
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Proto-Karen onsets (continued)
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*b *biˀᴰ peˀ²¹ piˀ²¹ piˀ²¹ pi³³ bɪ¹¹ pi³³ phiˀ²¹ pai¹¹ phaiˀ²¹ phaiˀ⁴⁵ ‘to extinguish’ (D12) (D12) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3)
*d *dowᴮ thu⁵³ tu⁵⁵ tu¹¹ to¹¹ du¹¹ tu¹¹ tɨ¹¹ tɨ³¹ thou¹¹ thou³³ ‘to thread (needles)’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3)
*᭥ *᭥aᴮ cha⁵³ ca⁵⁵ ca¹¹ ce¹¹ jɛ³³ ca¹¹ ca³¹ ‘young, soft’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B3)
112 *g *goᴮ kho⁵³ ko⁵⁵ kau¹¹ ku¹¹ ku¹¹ ko¹¹ ku³¹ khu¹¹ khu³³ ‘sunlight, hot’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3)
*m *maᴬ ma³³ ma⁵³ ma³³ me¹¹ mɛ³³ ma³³ ma³³ ma³³ mɛ⁵⁵ ma³¹ ‘to do, to make’ (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A) (A3) (A3) (A3)
*n *naᴮ na⁵³ na⁵⁵ na¹¹ ne¹¹ nɛ³³ na¹¹ na¹¹ na³¹ nɛ¹¹ na³³ ‘ear’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3)
*ɲ *ɲaᴬ ja³³ ja⁵³ ᭥a³³ ja¹¹ ɲa³³ ja³⁵ ja⁵³ ‘palm (of the hand)’ (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A) (A1) (A1)
*w *wiᴬ wi³³ wi⁵³ wi¹¹ wi³³ wi³³ wi³³ wi³³ wei⁵⁵ wei³¹ ‘mole (rodent)’ Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A) (A3) (A23) (A23)
*j *jowᴮ ju⁵³ ju⁵⁵ ᭥u¹¹ jo¹¹ ju¹¹ ju¹¹ jɨ¹¹ jɨ³¹ jou¹¹ jou³³ ‘mouse, rat’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (D3?) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3)
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Proto-Karen onsets (continued)
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*r *reᴮ re⁵³ re⁵⁵ rai¹¹ ri¹¹ ri¹¹ ɣe¹¹ ɣe³¹ ɣi¹¹ ɣi³³ ‘rattan’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3)
*l *laˀᴰ laˀ⁴⁵ laˀ⁴⁵ laˀ²¹ le³³ lɛ¹¹ lɔ³³ laˀ²¹ la¹¹ laˀ²¹ laˀ⁴⁵ ‘below, underneath’ (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3)
*phr *phrɔᴬ phɔ⁵³ pho³³ phrɔ³³ pho⁵⁵ phɔ³³ phɔ⁵⁵ phɔ³⁵ pho⁵³ ‘to boil’ (A12) (A12) (A3) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*khr *khrejᴮ khri⁵⁵ khri³³ khrə¹¹ ci¹¹ xi³¹˜ xi⁴⁵ ̕ kei³³ kei⁵⁵ ‘body dirt’
113 (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*sr *sraᴬ sa³¹ sa³¹ θa⁵³ se³³ θrɛ⁵⁵ sa⁵⁵ ɕɣa³³ ɕɣa⁵⁵ sja³⁵ θa⁵³ ‘bamboo strip’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*t/kr *kreᴬ re³³ re³³ tre⁵⁵ re⁵⁵ kə¹¹ re³³ re⁵⁵ ɣei³¹ ‘monitor lizard (A3) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A23) (water∼)’
*br *s braᴮ phra⁵³ phra⁵⁵ pra¹¹ phre¹¹ (θa³³) bwɛ³³ pra¹¹ (saˀ⁴⁵) pɣa¹¹ pɣa³¹ sja¹¹ ɕha³³ ‘old (of people)’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3)
*᭥r *᭥ramᴬ sam³³ sam⁵³ caŋ³³ khre¹¹ cɔ³³ xɔ³³ xɔ³³ ‘bedbug’ (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A) (A3) Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM
*gr *graᴮ sa⁵³ ɕa⁵⁵ ca¹¹ khre¹¹ ca¹¹ xa¹¹ xa³¹ xa¹¹ xa³³ ‘louse, insect’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3)
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Proto-Karen onsets (continued)
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*phl *phloŋᴮ phroŋ⁵⁵ ploŋ³³ phləu¹¹ phlɔ¹¹ phlə¹¹ phlə³¹˜ phlɨ⁴⁵ ̕ phãu³³ phlõu⁵⁵ ‘clf. [ human, +flat]’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*khl *khlɔᴮ khau⁵⁵ klau³³ khlɔ³³ khlɔ³¹˜ khlɔ⁴⁵̕ khlɔ³³ khlɔ⁵⁵ ‘mat’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*pl *plaᴬ˜ᴮ pla³¹ pla³¹ bla¹¹ ple¹¹ plɛ¹¹ pla¹¹ bla³³ bla⁵⁵ phla³³ phla⁵⁵ ‘bat’ (A12) (A12) (B) (B) (D3?) (B) (A) (A12) (B12) (B12)
*kl *klaᴬ khra³¹ kla³¹ kle³³ ka⁵⁵ klaˀ⁴⁵ kla⁵⁵ kla⁵⁵ kla³¹ ‘forest, jungle’
114 (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (D12) (A12) (A23) (A23)
*Ɂbl *Ɂblaᴬ pla³¹ bla⁵³ plɛ⁵⁵ bla³³ bla⁵⁵ bla⁵⁵ bla³¹ ‘tasteless, pale’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A23) (A23)
*bl *blaᴮ phra⁵³ pla⁵⁵ pla¹¹ ple¹¹ bl(a)³³ pla¹¹ pla¹¹ pla³¹ phla¹¹ phla³³ ‘to wash (face)’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3)
*gl *glɛᴬ klai⁵³ khlɛ³³ klɛ³³ klɛ³³ klɛ³³ klɛ³³ klɛ³³ klɛ⁵⁵ ‘path, way’ (A3) (A3) (A12) (A3) (A3) (A) (A3) (A23)
*ml *k mlɔNᴬ mɔ⁵³ mɔ³³ mo¹¹ blɔ¹¹ kə¹¹ mlɔ³³ mlu³³ mlɔ̃⁵⁵ mlõ³¹ ‘trunk (of an (A3) (A3) (A3) (D3?) (A) (A3) (A23) (A23) elephant)’ Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM
*phr *phriᴬ phwi³¹ phwi³¹ phwi⁵³ phwi³³ phwi⁵⁵ phi⁵⁵ phɣi³³ phɣi⁵⁵ khwi³⁵ khwi⁵³ ‘light (adj.)’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A12)
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Proto-Karen onsets (continued)
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*thw *thwiᴮ thwi⁵⁵ thwi³³ thwi¹¹ thwi¹¹ thwi³³ thi¹¹ thwi³¹˜ thwi⁴⁵ ̕ thwi³³ thwi⁵⁵ ‘dog’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*chw *chwɛᴮ chwɛ⁵⁵ chwɛ³³ chwɛ¹¹ chwa¹¹ ʃwɛ³³ chɛ¹¹ chwɛ³¹˜ chwɛ⁴⁵̕ chwe³³ chwe⁵⁵ ‘crab’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*khw *khwaᴬ kho³¹ kho³¹ khau⁵³ khu³³ ∼kho⁵⁵ khu⁵⁵ khwa³³ khwa⁵⁵ khwa³⁵ khwa⁵³ ‘man’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
115 *hn/Ɂnw *hn/Ɂnwɛᴮ nwɛ⁵⁵ nwɛ³³ nwɛ¹¹ nwɛ³³ nɛ¹¹ nwɛ¹¹ nwɛ⁴⁵ ̕ nɛ³³ nɛ⁵⁵ ‘yam’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B3?) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*sw *swiᴮ swi⁵⁵ swi³³ θwi¹¹ swi¹¹ θwi³³ su¹¹ swi³¹˜ swi⁴⁵̕ swi³³ θwi⁵⁵ ‘blood’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*cw *cwikᴰ cok²¹ cuˀ²¹ cwiˀ⁴⁵ cwi⁵⁵ ci³³ (sə¹¹) wiˀ⁴⁵ (θə¹¹) ‘to suck’ (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D) (D12) waiˀ³¹ (D12) *kw *∼kiᴮ ∼ki⁵⁵ ( ∼khi¹¹ ∼khwi¹¹ ∼k(h)i³³ ∼ki¹¹ ∼kiˀ²¹ ∼ki⁴⁵ ̕ ∼kei³³ ∼kei⁵⁵ ‘parrot’ B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (D3?) (B12) (B12) (B12)
Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM *Ɂbw *Ɂbwaᴬ bwa³¹ bwa³¹ bau⁵³ bu³³ ɓʊ⁵⁵ bu⁵⁵ wa³³ wa⁵⁵ Ɂwɛ⁴² kwa³¹ ‘white’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A23) (A23) Ɂwa⁵⁵ (A23)
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Proto-Karen onsets (continued)
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*Ɂdw *Ɂdwɛᴮ dwɛ⁵⁵ dwɛ³³ dwɛ¹¹ ɗɛ³³ dɛ¹¹ dwɛ³¹˜ dwɛ⁴⁵ ̕ thwe¹¹ thwe³³ ‘grasshopper’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B3) (B3)
*dw *dwɛˀᴰ thɛˀ⁴⁵ tɛˀ⁴⁵ tuˀ²¹ tʉ³³ thɛ³³ tu³³ thɛˀ²¹ tɛ¹¹ theˀ²¹ theˀ⁴⁵ ‘torn’ (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D12) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3)
*gw *gwaᴬ wa³³ wa⁵³ gwa³³ we¹¹ wa³³ wu³³ wa³³ wa³³ wa⁵⁵ wa³¹ ‘husband’ (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A) (A3) (A23) (A23)
*mw *mwɛᴮ mwɛ⁵³ mwɛ⁵⁵ mwɛ¹¹ ma¹¹ mɛ¹¹ me¹¹ (B3) mɛ³¹ mɛ¹¹ mwɛ³³ ‘yes’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) 116
*ŋw *s ŋwiᴮ ŋwi⁵⁵ ŋwi³³ ŋwi¹¹ (θə⁵⁵) mi³³ (si¹¹) mi ¹¹ ‘water snail’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B)
*rw *rwiᴮ rwi⁵³ rwi⁵⁵ rwi¹¹ rwi¹¹ (kha³³) ri¹¹ ɣi¹¹ ɣi³¹ ɣei¹¹ βei³³ ‘root’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) wi³³ (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B)
*lw *∼lwiᴮ ∼lwi⁵³ ∼lwi⁵⁵ ∼lwi¹¹ ∼lwi¹¹ ∼lwi³³ ∼li¹¹ ∼lwi¹¹ ∼lwi³¹ ∼lei¹¹ ∼lwi³³ ‘dove’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3)
*chj *chjaNᴬ ɕhja³¹ ɕhja³¹ ɕhɨ⁵³ cha³³ ʃi⁵⁵ ɕhi⁵⁵ chɔ³³ chɔ⁵⁵ chɛ̃³⁵ chɔ̃⁵³ ‘chicken’ Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*kj *kjaˀᴰ khjaˀ²¹ khjaˀ²¹ khiˀ⁴⁵ khja⁵⁵ kiˀ⁴⁵ kaiˀ²¹ kaiˀ⁴⁵ kaiˀ³¹ ‘astringent’ (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12)
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Proto-Karen onsets (continued)
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*Ɂbj *Ɂbjaᴮ pja⁵³ pja³³ bja¹¹ (ɓe³³) ɓa³³ pa³³ bai⁵⁵ ‘flat’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B12) (B12)
*ŋj *ŋjaˀᴰ ŋjaˀ⁴⁵ ŋjaˀ⁴⁵ ŋiˀ²¹ ŋja³³ (ɔ³³ ) jɪ¹¹ ji³³ jiˀ²¹ jai¹¹ jaiˀ²¹ jaiˀ⁴⁵ ‘long (of time)’ (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3)
*rj *rjaᴬ rja³³ rja⁵³ ja³³ je¹¹ (gə) jɛ³³ ja¹¹ ja³³ ja³³ ja⁵⁵ ja³¹ ‘hundred’ (A3) (A3) (A3) (B) (B) (B) (A) (A3) (A23) (A23)
*khrw *khrwitᴰ chut²¹ chut²¹ chwiˀ⁴⁵ khrwi⁵⁵ khwi³³ chu³³ xi³³ (ta¹¹) xi⁵⁵ xei³³ xwi⁵⁵ ‘bone’ (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D) (A) (A12) (B12) (B12) 117
Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM
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Table 3 Proto-Karen rhymes
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*i *miᴬ mi³³ mi⁵³ mi³³ mi¹¹ mi³³ mi³³ mi³³ mei⁵⁵ mei³¹ ‘wild, e.g. ∼boar’ (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A) (A3) (A23) (A23)
*e *ceᴮ ce⁵⁵ ce³³ cai³³ ci¹¹ cɪ³³ ci¹¹ ce³¹˜ ce⁴⁵̕ ci³³ ci⁵⁵ ‘left side’ (B12) (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*ɛ *lɛᴮ lai⁵³ lai⁵⁵ lɛ¹¹ lɛ¹¹ lɛ³³ lɛ¹¹ lɛ¹¹ lɛ³¹ lɛ¹¹ lɛ³³ ‘wide’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3)
*ɨ *hm/Ɂmɨᴮ mɨ⁵³ mɨ³³ mɨ¹¹ mɔ¹¹ mo³³ mɨ¹¹ mɨ³¹˜ mɨ⁴⁵̕ mɨ³³ mɨ⁵⁵ ‘woman, female’
118 (B3) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*ə *phəᴮ phə⁵⁵ phə³³ phəɨ¹¹ pho¹¹ phə¹¹ phɨ³¹˜ phɨ⁴⁵̕ phəɨ³³ phɨ⁵⁵ ‘short, low’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*a *chaᴬ ca³¹ ca³¹ cha⁵³ che³³ ʃɛ⁵⁵ cha⁵⁵ cha³³ cha⁵⁵ cha³⁵ cha⁵³ ‘to sell’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*u *Ɂuᴬ Ɂu³¹ Ɂu³¹ Ɂu⁵³ Ɂu³³ u³³ Ɂu⁵⁵ Ɂu³³ Ɂu⁵⁵ Ɂu⁵⁵ Ɂu³¹ ‘to blow’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (B) (A12) (A) (A12) (A23) (A23)
*o *doᴮ tho⁵³ to⁵⁵ tu¹¹ do³³ tu¹¹ to¹¹ tu³¹ thu¹¹ thu³³ ‘handle (n.)’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3) Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM
*ɔ *srɔᴮ sau⁵⁵ ɕau³³ θau¹¹ so¹¹ θrɔ³³ so¹¹ ɕɣɔ³¹˜ ɕɣɔ⁴⁵̕ ɕjo³³ θo⁵⁵ ‘hemp’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
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Proto-Karen rhymes (continued)
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*ej *Ɂdejᴮ di⁵⁵ di³³ tɨ¹¹ də¹¹ ɗi³³ di¹¹ di³¹˜ di⁴⁵̕ dei³³ dei⁵⁵ ‘egg’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*aj *hl/Ɂlajᴮ lai³³ lai¹¹ lɪ³³ li¹¹ le³¹˜ li⁴⁵̕ lai⁵⁵ ‘to lick’ (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*aw *thawᴬ tho³¹ tho³¹ thau⁵³ thu³³ tho⁵⁵ thu⁵⁵ thɔ³³ thɔ⁵⁵ thɔ³⁵ tho⁵³ ‘long, tall’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*ow *hl/Ɂlowᴮ lu⁵⁵ lu³³ lu¹¹ lo¹¹ lu³³ lu¹¹ lɨ³¹˜ lɨ⁴⁵̕ lou³³ lou⁵⁵ ‘cotton thread’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12) 119
*im *Ɉimᴮ cim⁵⁵ cim³³ ci¹¹ ci¹¹ ci³³ ci¹¹ ci¹¹ ci³¹ chãi¹¹ chɛ̃i³³ ‘to squeeze, to (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3) ooze’
*in *hminᴬ min³¹ min³¹ mjəŋ⁵³ mi³³ mi⁵⁵ mi⁵⁵ mi³³ mi⁵⁵ mãi³⁵ mɛ̃i⁵³ ‘ripe, cooked’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*iŋ *∼khiŋᴬ˜ᴮ ∼khiŋ⁵⁵ khiŋ³³ khi⁵³ khi³³ khi⁵⁵ ∼khi³³ khãi³⁵ ∼khɛ̃i⁵³ ‘tilted’ (B12) (B12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A1) (A1)
*eŋ *Ɂneŋᴮ neŋ⁵⁵ neŋ³³ ne¹¹ na¹¹ ɗe³³ de¹¹ ni³¹˜ ni⁴⁵̕ nãi³³ nɛ̃i⁵⁵ ‘year’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM *ɛm *hl/Ɂljɛmᴮ lɛm⁵⁵ lɛm³³ ljaŋ¹¹ ja¹¹ li¹¹ le³¹˜ li⁴⁵̕ lãi³³ lãi⁵⁵ ‘to put out (∼the (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12) tongue)’
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Table 3 Proto-Karen rhymes
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*ɛn *Ɂɛnᴮ Ɂɛŋ⁵⁵ Ɂɛm/n³³ Ɂi¹¹ Ɂa¹¹ Ɂe³¹˜ Ɂi⁴⁵ ̕ Ɂãi³³ Ɂãi⁵⁵ ‘to bite’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*ɛŋ *thɛŋᴬ thɛŋ³¹ thɛŋ³³ thi⁵³ tha³³ the⁵⁵ thi⁵⁵ the³³ thi⁵⁵ thãi³⁵ thãi⁵³ ‘to weave (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1) (baskets)’
*ɨm *dɨmᴬ thom³³ təm⁵³ tɨ³³ tɨ¹¹ tɨ³³ tə³³ tɨ³³ thɑ̃⁵⁵ thə̯̃ɨ³¹ ‘a linear measure (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A) (A3) (A23) (A23) (½ yard)’
*ɨn *phrɨm/nᴬ phrɨm³¹ phrɨn³¹ phrɨ⁵³ phlɨ³³ phlu⁵⁵ ( phrɨ⁵⁵ phlə³³ phlɨ⁵⁵ phlɑ̃³⁵ phlə̯̃ɨ⁵³ ‘hornet’
120 (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*ɨŋ *nɨŋᴬ nəŋ³³ nəŋ⁵³ nɨ³³ nɨ¹¹ nə³³ nɨ³³ nɑ̃⁵⁵ nə̯̃ɨ³¹ ‘to win’ (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A) (A) (A23) (A23)
*əm *səmᴬ som³¹ səm³¹ θə⁵³ sɔ³³ θo⁵⁵ sə⁵⁵ sə³³ sə⁵⁵ sɑ̃³⁵ sə̃⁵³ ‘three’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
*əŋ *thəŋᴮ thoŋ⁵⁵ thəŋ³³ thə¹¹ thɔ¹¹ ∼tho³³ tə¹¹ ∼thə³¹˜ thə⁴⁵ ̕ thɑ̃³³ thə̃⁵⁵ ‘to stand’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*am *Ɂamᴮ Ɂam⁵⁵ Ɂam³³ Ɂaŋ¹¹ Ɂɛ¹¹ Ɂa³³ Ɂɔ³³ Ɂɔ³¹˜ Ɂɔ⁴⁵ ̕ Ɂɛ̃³³ Ɂɔ̃⁵⁵ ‘to eat’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12) Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM
*an *∼khanᴬ ∼khan³¹ ∼khan³¹ ∼khaŋ⁵³ khɛ⁵⁵ ∼khɔ⁵⁵ khɔ³³ khɔ⁵⁵ khɛ̃³⁵ khɔ̃⁵³ ‘bamboo rat’ (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A12) (A) (A12) (A1) (A1)
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Proto-Karen rhymes (continued)
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*aŋ *laŋᴬ laŋ³³ laŋ⁵³ laŋ³³ lɛ¹¹ la³³ lɔ³³ lɔ³³ lɔ³³ lɛ̃⁵⁵ lɔ̃³¹ ‘to descend’ (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A3) (A) (A3) (A23) (A23)
*um/n *chum/nᴮ chən⁵⁵ chum³³ chwaŋ¹¹ chɨ¹¹ ʃʊ³³ chu¹¹ chu³¹˜ chu⁴⁵ ̕ chɑ̃³³ chõ⁵⁵ ‘hair, fur, (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12) feather’
*uŋ *Ɂbluŋᴮ pləŋ⁵⁵ pwəŋ³³ bwaŋ¹¹ bɨ¹¹ ɓʊ³³ bu¹¹ bɔ³¹˜ bɔ⁴⁵̕ bɑ̃³³ bõ⁵⁵ ‘fat (adj.)’ (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12) (B12) (B12) (B12)
*om *plomᴮ pom⁵⁵ pom³³ blo¹¹ plu¹¹ plo³³ plə¹¹ pu³¹˜ (B12) pu⁴⁵ ̕ (B12) pãu³³ (B12) põu⁵⁵ ‘pile (clf.)’
121 (B12) (B12) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B12)
*oŋ *loŋᴮ loŋ⁵³ loŋ⁵⁵ ləu¹¹ lɔ¹¹ lo³³ lə¹¹ lə¹¹ lɨ³¹ lãu¹¹ lõu³³ (B3) ‘stone, rock’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B) (B) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3)
*ɔŋ *dɔŋᴮ thɔŋ⁵³ tɔŋ⁵⁵ tɔ¹¹ dɔ³³ (B) to¹¹ (B) to¹¹ tu³¹ thõ³³ ‘to pound’ (B3) (B3) (B) (B3) (B3) (B3)
*it *khrwitᴰ chut²¹ chut²¹ chwiˀ⁴⁵ khrwi⁵⁵ khwi³³ chu³³ xi³³ (A) xi⁵⁵ xei³³ xwi⁵⁵ ‘bone’ (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D) (A12) (B12) (B12)
*ik *cwikᴰ cuk²¹ cuˀ²¹ cwiˀ⁴⁵ cwi⁵⁵ ci³³ s wiˀ⁴⁵ θ waiˀ³¹ ‘to suck’ (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D) (D12) (D12) Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM
*iˀ *khiˀᴰ kheˀ²¹ khiˀ²¹ khɨˀ⁴⁵ khi⁵⁵ khi³³ khi³³ khiˀ⁴⁵ khaiˀ²¹ khaiˀ⁴⁵ khaiˀ³¹ ‘dark’ (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12)
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Table 3 Proto-Karen rhymes
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*ek *lekᴰ leˀ⁴⁵ lek⁴⁵ liˀ²¹ la³³ le¹¹ le³³ liˀ²¹ (D3) lai¹¹ laiˀ²¹ laiˀ⁴⁵ ‘hawk’ (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D) (D3) (D3) (D3)
*eˀ *Ɂdeˀᴰ deˀ²¹ diˀ²¹ da⁵⁵ ɗe³³ de³³ diˀ⁴⁵ daiˀ²¹ daiˀ⁴⁵ daiˀ³¹ ‘wing’ (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12)
*ɛˀ *dɛˀᴰ thɛˀ⁴⁵ tɛˀ⁴⁵ tɛˀ²¹ ta³³ de¹¹ te³³ tɛˀ²¹ tɛ¹¹ theˀ²¹ theˀ⁴⁵ ‘to fall’ (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3)
*əˀ *rəˀᴰ rəˀ⁴⁵ rəˀ⁴⁵ rəˀ²¹ rɔ³³ rə³³ ɣuˀ²¹ ɣə¹¹ ɣaəˀ²¹ ɣaəˀ⁴⁵ ‘flank (n.)’
122 (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3)
*ap/t *ŋjap/tᴰ ŋat⁴⁵ ŋap⁴⁵ ŋɛˀ²¹ ŋɛ³³ jɛ¹¹ jɛ³³ jɛ¹¹ jɛ³¹ jɛ¹¹ jɛ³³ ‘five’ (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D) (B3) (B3) (B3) (B3)
*ak *∼dakᴰ (ta³³) dak⁴⁵ (ta³³) daˀ⁴⁵ (ka¹¹) daˀ²¹ (kɛ⁵⁵) de³³ (kha¹¹) dɔ³³ (kɔˀ²¹) laˀ²¹ (tha⁵⁵) la¹¹ (kha³³) thaˀ²¹ (kaˀ²¹) laˀ⁴⁵ ‘palate, to click’ (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3)
*aˀ *saˀᴰ saˀ²¹ saˀ²¹ θaˀ⁴⁵ se⁵⁵ θa³³ sɔ³³ saˀ⁴⁵ saˀ²¹ saˀ⁴⁵ θaˀ²¹ ‘heart’ (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12)
*uk *kukᴰ khukˀ²¹ khuˀ⁴⁵ khɨ⁵⁵ θə⁵⁵ khu³³ khɨ³³ kuˀ⁴⁵ kɔuˀ²¹ kauˀ⁴⁵ kɔuˀ³¹ ‘to cough’ (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) Downloaded fromBrill.com10/01/2021 06:39:11AM
*uˀ *thuˀᴰ thɨ⁵⁵ thɨ³³ thuˀ⁴⁵ thɔuˀ²¹ thauˀ⁴⁵ thɔuˀ³¹ ‘wart’ (D12) (D) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12)
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Proto-Karen rhymes (continued)
Proto-Karen N. Pa-O S. Pa-O Kayan Kayah Bwe Kayaw N. Sgaw S. Sgaw N. Pwo S. Pwo Gloss
*ok *∼nokᴰ ∼nok⁴⁵ ∼nuˀ⁴⁵ ∼nɔˀ²¹ ∼nɔ³³ ∼no¹¹ ∼nə³³ ∼nuˀ²¹ ∼nɔ¹¹ ∼nauˀ²¹ ∼nɔuˀ⁴⁵ ‘brain’ (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D) (D3) (D3) (D3) (D3)
*oˀ *Ɂboˀᴰ boˀ²¹ buˀ²¹ bɔˀ⁴⁵ bɔ⁵⁵ bə³³ bɨˀ⁴⁵ bɔuˀ²¹ bauˀ⁴⁵ bɔuˀ³¹ ‘to reach into’ (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12)
*ɔt *kh/grɔtᴰ sɔt²¹ sɔt⁴⁵ chauˀ⁴⁵ xɔ¹¹ xɔˀ⁴⁵ xoˀ²¹ xoˀ²¹ xuˀ⁴⁵ ‘eight’ (D12) (D3) (D12) (D3) (D12) (D12) (D3) (D3)
*ɔˀ *prɔˀᴰ phrɔˀ²¹ phrɔˀ²¹ phrauˀ⁴⁵ phrɛ⁵⁵ pɔ³³ pro³³ bɣɔˀ⁴⁵ bɣoˀ²¹ pjoˀ⁴⁵ pjuˀ²¹ ‘to vomit’ (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D) (D12) (D12) (D12) (D12) 123
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