The subgrouping of Karen Ken Manson Payap University & SIL International [email protected] SEALS May 2011

Several classifications of Karen languages have been published (e.g. Jones 1961; Burling 1969; Kauffman 1993; Bradley 1997; Manson 2002; Shintani 2003). However they have all lacked in comprehensiveness and/or have not been based on the comparative method. Based on a database of over 130 language varieties, Karen languages are divided into at least 20 low level clusters based on shared phonological developments.

Introduction

Karen languages are unusual among Tibeto-Burma as being a distinct branch with no members of uncertain status. Internal relationships and reconstruction has been limited to either a few well known groups (normally the three largest groups: Sgaw, Pwo, and Pa’O, e.g. Haudricourt 1946, 1953; Jones 1961; Burling 1969) or only one aspect is compared (Manson 2002; Shintani 2003). This presentation, building on the lexical and phonological comparison of Manson (2002), considers tonal development, reflexes of proto-initials and proto- rhymes to identify higher-order subgroupings.

Previous reconstructions of Karen include Haudricourt (1946, 1953), Jones (1961) and Burling (1969). The reconstruction by Haudricourt was based on the orthographies of two languages (Sgaw & Pwo). Jones & Burling’s reconstructions are limited to four languages (Sgaw, Pwo, Pa’O & Palaychi) and are phonologically unmotivated with respect to tonal development.

Overview of Karen languages

Speakers of Karen languages are located primarily in eastern Burma from the southernmost tip of Burma to southern Shan State. There are also populations of Sgaw and Pwo in Thailand in the provinces along the western border with Burma. Bradley (1997:46) suggests a total population of 3.9 million, but notes that this is “substantially under enumerated”. The total population of ethnic Karen is somewhere between 6 and 10 million; however, not all ethnic Karen still speak Karen languages. Many now speak only Burmese, especially those living on the plains.

The actual number of Karen languages is unknown as there has never been a comprehensive survey of Karen. It would appear from the literature that there are between 20-30 Karen languages. Eighteen languages whose existence has been reasonably documented are shown in Figure 1, where they are listed in relative geographical position to each other. Karen languages found in the mountains of eastern Burma usually have numerous dialects, some often difficult to understand to other speakers of the same ethnicity (see Bennett 1991 for Kayah and Manson & Chou 2008 for Kayan).

N. Pa’O Pwo Lahta E. Kayah Kayan Yinbaw W. Kayah

Geker Kayaw Yintale

Gekho Bre Manu Geba Pwo

Palaychi Sgaw Bwe Paku Dermuha

Sgaw

Pwo

S. Pa’O

Figure 1: Geographic distribution of Karen language clusters

Figure 2: Karen language relationships (Bradley 1997)

2 Tonal development

It is a well known fact that voiced initial consonants cause the syllable to be pronounced at a lower pitch than a voiceless initial. Most languages of Southeast Asia typically have a reduced first syllable, and where there have been phonological changes in the initial consonants, often pitch and/or phonation differences remain. From about the 10th-17thC there was a “Great Tone Split” that affected all the languages of the area (Weidert 1987). Karlgren (1915) was the first to deduce that the split in tones was conditioned by the initial consonant. Haudricourt (1961) (see Court (1972) for an English translation) expanded on Karlgren’s work and showed that for all the language families of South-east Asia there was a split in the tones of the language. Usually there was a 2-way split, but in some languages there was a 3-way split, based on the manner of articulation of the syllable initial consonant.

The development of tone in Karen can be traced back to a three-way distinction in open syllables (*A, *B, *B´) plus closed syllables (*C). There were at least six steps in the development of modern-day tonal systems in Karen. No all Karen languages have undergone all the steps. 1. Initial proto-voiced consonants caused the following vowel to be pronounced with breathy phonation 2. This breathiness caused a lowering of the pitch (Thurgood 2002, 2006) 3. Proto-voiced stops became voiceless unaspirated 4. Proto-voiceless became voiced (or no change) 5. (Breathy phonation caused the initial consonant to be pronounced aspirated) 6. Breathy phonation lost, leaving only a tonal difference *pʰa³ pʰa³ *pa³ ba³/pa³ *ba³ ba̤³ ba̤¹ pa̤¹ pa¹ pʰa̤¹ pʰa¹

Figure 3: The development of tone and initial consonant

3 Karen Tone Box

Manson (2009) proposed a Tone Box for Karen languages in a similar vein to the Gedney Tone Box for Tai languages (Gedney 1972):

A B B′ C

1 (III) 4 (VI) 7 (Va) 10 (VIII) Water [*tʰi] Star [*sʰa] Bone [*kʰri] Sky [*m̥ oʔ] Branch [*pʰaŋ] Leaf [*l ̥a ] Child [*pʰo] Iron [*tʰaʔ] aspirated Flower [*pʰɔ] Fingernail [*m̥ i] Right [*tʰwe] Pig [*tʰɔʔ] Chicken [*sʰan] Fire [*m̥ e] Spicy [*hɛ] Skin/bark [*pʰeʔ] Sleep [*m̥ i] Give [*pʰe] Take [*pʰi] Shoot [v] [*kʰaʔ] - Proto Die [*tʰi] Bitter [*kʰa] Pus [*pʰi/mi] Dark [*kʰeʔ/kʰuʔ]

2 (II) 5 (VIa) 8 (V) 11 (VIIIa) Silver [*r̥ɔn] Egg [*ti] Paddy [*pɨ] Alcohol [*siʔ] Ginger [*ʔeŋ] Cheek [*pu] Blow/howl [*ʔu] Wing [*teʔ]

voiceless Rabbit [*tɛ] Liver [*sɨn] Head [*klo] Heart [*saʔ] Navel [*te] Eat [*ʔam] Hand [*su] Call/shout [*kaʔ] Spear [*pan] Left [*se] Breathe [*sa] Near [*pɔʔ] - Proto White [*pwa] Be at, exist [*ʔɔ] Many [*ʔa]

3 (I) 6 (IV) 12 (VII) Nest [*bwe] Sun [*mɤ] Monkey [*zoʔ]

voiced Tongue [*ble] Stone [*loŋ] Eye/face [*meʔ] Person [*bra] Snake [*ru] Brain [*nɔʔ] Name [*min] Arrow [*bla] Intestines [*breʔ] - Proto Drunk [*mun] Old [humans] [*bra] Rib [*rɤʔ] Red [*le] Hot [*go] Deep [*jɔʔ] Table 1: Karen Tone Box (Manson 2009)

The words in each cell have been retained in all/most modern-day Karen languages. The phonological elements in square brackets in Table 1 are my reconstructed form for the lexical item; however there will be some variation in manner of articulation depending on the language variety under investigation, yet the position of articulation should not change. Luce’s (1985) tone patterns (Roman numerals in brackets) are included.

Tone patterns

Taking the Karen Tone Box and applying it to Karen language varieties shows a number of striking patterns (Table 2): • the top two rows prototone *B´ merged with prototone *C • all languages except Pwo had a 2-way split1 • breathy phonation is associated with protovoiced initial consonants • closed syllables with non-voiced initials are either high (5) or mid (3) tone

1 Palaychi also had a 3-way split, but has yet to be included in the analysis.

4 5 1 3 3 5 1 3 3 5 3 3 3 3 1 5 5 5 1 3 3 5 1 3 3 5 3 3 3 3 1 5 5 4̤ 1̤ 2̤ 2̤ 3̤ 5̤ 3 3 1 1̤ 4̤ 3̤ Kayaw Kayan Bwe-Geba Kayah

4 3 5 5 5 1 5 5 5 2 5 5 1 5 5 5 4 3 5 5 5 1 5 5 5 2 5 5 1 5 5 5 1̤ 1̤ 3̤ 1̤ 3̤ 5̤ 3 2 3 1̤ 3̤ 4̤ Yintale Yinbaw Paku Manu

5 2 5 3 2 4 2 3 2 5 5 3 5 2 5 3 2 4 2 3 1 5 5 3 3 1 1 1 5 1 1 3 4 Sgaw Pa’O Pwo

Table 2: Tone Boxes for Karen languages

Taking Kauffman’s (1993:45-55) proposal for the development of tone in “Central” Karen as a starting point I proposed a possible scenario for the development of tone in Karen languages (Manson 2009). This proposal has been revised and expanded (see Supplement 1: The development of tone in Karen languages). The development in tone cannot be separated from the development of consonants. The four high-level clusters (Peripheral; Northern; Central; Southern) each share significant consonant developments that align with tonal development.

5 Proto-Karen initial consonants and clusters

Proto initial consonants are fairly well preserved throughout Karen languages. The main variation in reflexes is found in proto initial consonant clusters, especially for Cr clusters. Consider bilabial initials:

*pʰ *p *b *pʰl *pl *bl *pʰr *pr *br

Manu pʰ b p pʰl pl pl ? pʰ pj Kayaw pʰ b p pl pl pl ? pr pr Yinbaw pʰ b p pʰl bl pl pʰr pr pr Pwo pʰ ɓ pʰ pʰl bl pʰl pʰl pj pj Pa’O pʰ b pʰ pʰr pʰr pʰr/pl pʰr pʰr pʰr Kayan pʰ b p pʰl pl pl pʰr pr pr Lahta pʰ b p pl ? p(l) ? pl pl Paku (L) pʰ ɓ p pʰl ɓl pl pʰɣ ɓ bʀ Sgaw pʰ b p pʰl bl pl pʰɣ bɣ pɣ Yintale pʰ b p pʰl pl pl ? pw pj Palaychi pʰ b p pʰl bl pl ? p ɣ Dermuha pʰ ɓ p pʰl ? ɓl pʰl p p Geker pʰ ɓ p ? ɓl pl pʰr pr pr Gekho pʰ b b ? bl bl pr br br E Kayah pʰ b p pl ? pl pʰr pʰr pʰr W Kayah pʰ b p pl pl pl pr pr pr Bwe pʰ ɓ b pʰl pl pl pw p bj Geba pʰ b p pʰl pl pl pl p pl Paku pʰ ɓ p pʰl ɓl pɣ pʰɣ p(ɣ) bj

Table 3: Reflexes of proto-bilabial initial consonants

The pronunciation of consonant clusters in Karen languages ranges from co-articulation to the clear insertion of an epithetic schwa. For example the word for ‘sea, river’ is pəle in Pwo and ple̤ in Kayan.

6 Proto-rhymes

Vowels show the greatest variation in Karen languages and even within a language there can be divergent dialects which look more like another Karen language. In many Karen languages, especially from the southern region, the simple vowel rhymes have not changed.

Nasal final rhymes are key to identifying historical developments within Karen. For example, Sgaw, Palaychi and Paku have merged *am, *an2, and *aŋ to ɔ. Geker and Gekho show this change only for *aŋ, Geker and Gekho *am is denasalised and fronted, a pattern seen also in Kayah, Bwe and Geba. *aŋ in Manu and Kayaw has merged with *aʔ and then denasalised and backed to ɔ.

*a *aʔ *aŋ *am

Manu a ɔ ɔ a Kayaw a ɔ ɔ a Pwo a aʔ ã ã Pa’O a aʔ aŋ am Kayan a a aɴ aɴ Yintale a a aɴ aɴ Lahta a a aɴ/a aɴ/e Yinbaw a a ã ã Paku (L) a a ɔ ɔ Sgaw a a ɔ ɔ Palaychi a a ɔ ɔ Dermuha a a o o Geker a a ɔ ɛ Gekho a a ɔ ei E Kayah e e ɛ e W Kayah ɛ ɛ ja e Bwe ɛ a a ɛ Geba ɛ a a ɛ Paku i/e a a a

Table 4: Reflexes of selected proto-rhymes

Proto-Karen had lost its distinction between syllable final stops /p, t, k/ at the time Proto-Karen speakers came into contact with Mon-Khmer. Only Pa’O has syllable final consonants, and they only occur in apparent loans from Mon-Khmer, see Luce (1985 Charts E-J, especially Chart E ‘Austric connections’). Further Southern

2 *an is not a strongly supoorted reconstruction for Proto-Karen.

7 Pa’O and Northern Pa’O often show variable final consonants: ‘spicy’ S.Pa’O hap⁵, N.Pa’O hat⁵; ‘weather’ S.Pa’O kʰan⁵, N.Pa’O kʰam⁵; ‘slow’ S.Pa’O jɯʔ⁵, N.Pa’O ʑɨk⁵.

Synthesis

Creating a classification of Karen based on shared innovations, rather than shared retentions has been done emphasising rhyme development over consonant changes or tonal splits.

Pa’O Peripheral Pwo

Kayan Lahta Northern Yinbaw Yintale

W Kayah E Kayah Karen Central Geba Bwe Paku Geker Gekho Kayaw Manu

Sgaw Southern Paku (L) Dermuha Palaychi

Figure 4: The Classification of Karen languages

Each branch has been labelled based on geographic location. The Peripheral branch (Pa’O and Pwo) are found to the north, east and south of the Karen languages. This branch is identified by proto voiced stop initials appearing as aspirated stops (e.g. *p > pʰ). The Northern branch (Kayan, Lahta, Yinbaw and Yintale) are identified by the merging of nasal finals (e.g. *am, *an > aɴ) and the merging of stop final rhymes with the open rhyme equivalent (e.g. *aʔ, *a > a). The Central Karen languages (Kayah, Bwe, Geba) are identified by vowel raising (e.g. *a > ɛ). In the Southern branch (Sgaw, Luce’s Paku, Palaychi, Dermuha) nasal final rhymes have merged and the rhyme has then been raised (e.g. *am, *aŋ > ɔ).

The final two clusters show developments found in both the Southern and Central branches and so are tentatively associated with both until more thorough research can be done. Geker and Gekho both show *aŋ > ɔ and *am > ɛ. Kayaw and Manu form a cluster based on the merging of velar consonant final rhymes (e.g. *aʔ, *aŋ > ɔ) and bilabial consonant final rhymes merging with the simple rhyme (e.g. *am > a).

8 Bibliography

Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Two more Kayah Li dialects: A comparison of dɔ tə̀ má and dɔ shò pía dialects with Western and Eastern Kayah. presented at 24th ICSTLL, Bangkok Bradley, David. 1997. Tibeto-Burman languages and classification. Papers in Southeast Asian linguistics 14. ed. David Bradley 1-71. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics Burling, Robbins. 1969. Proto-Karen: A reanalysis. Occasional Papers of the Wolfenden Society on Tibeto-Burman Linguistics 1 Court, Christopher [trans]. 1972. Two-way and three-way splitting of tonal systems in some Far-Eastern languages. Tai phonetics and phonology, eds. Jimmy G. Harris and Richard B. Noss, 58-86. Bangkok: Mahidol University. [Translation and expansion of Haudricourt 1961] Gedney, William J. 1972. A checklist for determining tones in Tai dialects. In Studies in linguistics in honor of George L. Trager. ed. M. Estellie Smith, 423-437. The Hague: Mouton Haudricourt, André-Georges. 1946. Restitution du Karen commun. Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris 42:103- 111. Haudricourt, André-Georges. 1953. A propos de la restitution du Karen commun. Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris 49:129-132. Haudricourt, André-Georges. 1961. Bipartition et tripartition des systemes de tons dans quelques langues d'extreme- orient. Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris 56.1:163-180 Haudricourt, André-Georges. 1975. Le systeme de tons du Karen commun. Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris 70:339-343. Jones, Robert B. 1961. Karen linguistic studies: Description, comparison and texts. Berkeley: University of California Press. Karlgren, Bernhard. 1915. Études sur la phonologie chinoise. Archives d’Études Orientales. Kauffman, William. 1993. The great tone split and Central Karen, University of North Dakota: MA. Luce, Gordon H. 1959. Introduction to the comparative study of Karen languages. Journal of the Burma Research Society 42:32-51. Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases of Pre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Manson, Ken. 2002. Karen language relationships: A lexical and phonological analysis. Chiang Mai: Dept of Linguistics, Payap University. Manson, Ken. 2009. A prolegomena to reconstructing Proto-Karen. La Trobe Working Papers in Linguistics 12. Manson, Ken. 2011a. Karen tone boxes. Karen Linguistic Discussion Group, Research paper 1. Chiang Mai: Dept of Linguistics, Payap University Manson, Ken. 2011b. Proto-Karen bilabials. Karen Linguistic Discussion Group, Research paper 2. Chiang Mai: Dept of Linguistics, Payap University Manson, Ken. 2011c. Proto-Karen velars. Karen Linguistic Discussion Group, Research paper 3. Chiang Mai: Dept of Linguistics, Payap University Manson, Ken. 2011c. Proto-Karen vowels. Karen Linguistic Discussion Group, Research paper 9. Chiang Mai: Dept of Linguistics, Payap University Manson, Ken & Grace Chou. 2008. A survey of Kayan. ms. Shintani, Tadahiko. 2003. Classification of Brakaloungic (Karenic) languages, in relation to their tonal evolution. Proceedings of the symposium Cross-linguistic studies of tonal phenomena: Historical development, phonetics of tone, and descriptive studies, ed. Shigeki Kaji, 37-54. Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. Solnit, David. 2001. Another look at Proto-Karen. Presented at 34th ICSTLL, Kunming Thurgood, Graham. 2002. Vietnamese and tonogenesis: Revising the model and the analysis. Diachronica 19:333-363. Thurgood, Graham. 2006. Tonogenesis revisited: Revising the model and the analysis. Ms Weidert, Alfons K. 1987. Tibeto-Burman tonology: A comparative account. Amsterdam: John Benjamins

9

Supplement 1 A B B´ C The development of tone 5 1 3 ʔ3 in Karen languages Proto‐Karen

No change B´‐A merge A‐B flip

5 1 3 ʔ3 5 1 5 ʔ3 1 5 3 ʔ3 Proto Sgaw Proto Pa’O‐Pwo

THE GREAT TONE SPLIT

B’‐C merge (ʔ ‐> ø)

5 1 3 3 5 1 5 ʔ3 1 5 3 ʔ3 5 1 3 3 5 1 5 ʔ3 1 5 3 ʔ3 4̤ 1̤ 2̤ 4̤ 1̤ ʔ2̤ 1̤ 4̤ ʔ2̤ Proto Sgaw Proto Pa’O‐Pwo

5 1 3 3 5 1 3 3 5 3 3 3 3 1 5 5 4 3 5 5 5 1 5 5 5 2 5 5 1 5 5 5 5 2 5 3 2 4 2 3 2 5 5 3 5 1 3 3 5 1 3 3 5 3 3 3 3 1 5 5 4 3 5 5 5 1 5 5 5 2 5 5 1 5 5 5 5 2 5 3 2 4 2 3 1 5 5 3 4̤ 1̤ 2̤ 2̤ 3̤ 5̤ 3 3 1 1̤ 4̤ 3̤ 1̤ 1̤ 3̤ 1̤ 3̤ 5̤ 3 2 3 1̤ 3̤ 4̤ 3 1 1 1 5 1 1 3 4 Kayaw Kayan Bwe / Geba Kayah Yintale Yinbaw Paku Manu Sgaw Pa’O Pwo No change 1̤ >3̤; 2̤ > 1 3‐5 flip 4̤ >1̤ 3 > 5 3 > 5 B‐C merge B´‐A merge B´‐A merge B‐B´ merge 4̤‐2̤ flip 1, 1̤, 4 >3 4̤‐1̤ flip Push chain Push chain 4̤‐2̤ merge Push chain 1 >3; 3 >5; 4̤ ‐> 1̤; 1̤ ‐> 3̤; H > L; L ‐> M; Loss of Loss of Loss of 5 >4 2̤ ‐> 5̤ M > H breathiness breathiness breathiness

Missing: Geker Gekho Palaychi Dermuha Bre Gloss ProtoInitial Rhyme Proto Box Tone (M) Pekon Kayan (S) Padaung (K) Padaung (B) Padaung Yinbaw,(Km)N Yeinbaw(B) (M) Lahta,KW Latha(MD) Geko(Km) Geker(LB) PaO,(B)N PaO,(B)S PaO(J) (L) Pa-O Yintale(B) Yintale,WA(MD) Kayaw(B) Kayaw,(MD) S Kayaw,(MD)H moon *ʔl a 2 la⁵ la⁴ la³¹ la⁴² la⁴ la⁴ la la⁴ la⁴ laŠ la²¹ la²¹ la¹ la² la³ la⁵¹ l a̰ ⁵ la⁴ la⁴ work *m a 3 m a̤ ¹ ma³¹ m¹ a̤ ³ m a̤ ¹ m a̤ ² mʊ̤ ² mə mɔ¹ ma³¹ mi³ ma² ma² ma³ ma¹ m a̤ ¹ ma¹ ma¹ ma¹ ma⁴ *a bitter *kʰ a 4 kʰa⁵³ kʰa³¹ kʰaʔ¹ kʰa¹ kʰ¹ a̤ ʔ³ kʰa¹ hɔ - kʰa³¹ kʰaʔ³¹ kʰa³⁴ kʰa³⁴ kʰa⁵ kʰa⁵ kʰa³ kʰa¹ kʰa¹ kʰa¹ kʰa¹ leaf *hl a 4 la⁵³ laʔ³¹ laʔ¹ la¹ la³¹ la⁵ lɔ la¹ la⁴⁵ laʔ⁵³ la⁴⁵ la⁴ la⁵ la⁵ la³ la³ la¹ la¹ la¹ bear *tʰ am 1 tʰan⁵ tʰaŋ⁵ tʰa¹ ɯ̃ ³ ̃ tʰaɯ ⁴ tau³ tʰãu⁵ tʰan tʰan⁴ tʰei⁴ tʰɛ‘ tʰam⁵² tʰɔʔ⁵ tʰam¹ tʰam² tʰɔ⁵ tʰaŋ⁵¹ tʰa⁵ tʰa⁴ tʰa⁴ *am earth *hl am 4 han⁵³ haŋ³¹ hã² haɯ̃ ¹ haŋ³¹ hã¹ - han¹ - hɛ² ham⁴⁵ ham³⁴ ham⁵ ham⁵ ha³ haŋ³ hã¹ ha⁴ ha³ eat *ʔ am 5 an⁵³ aŋ³¹ ã ɯ ¹ ̃ aɯ ¹ aŋ³ ã² ɔ an¹ ei³¹ ɛʔ⁵³ am³⁴ am³⁴ ʔam⁵ am⁵ a³ aŋ³ ɛ¹ a¹ a¹ yellow *p aŋ 2 ban⁵ baŋ⁵ bã ɯ ³¹ bʊɯ̃ ⁴ ba³⁵ bã¹ baŋ - bə⁴⁵ ɓɔ⁵ - - baŋ³ - ba³ baŋ¹⁵ bɔ⁵ bɔ⁴ bɔ⁴ spear *p aŋ 2 ban⁵ baŋ⁵ bã ɯ ³¹ bʊɯ̃ ⁴ - bã² pan baŋ³ ba⁵ ɓɔ⁴ baŋ⁵² baŋ²¹ baŋ¹ baŋ² - baŋ⁵ bɔ⁵ bɔ⁴ bɔ⁴ *aŋ leg *kʰ aŋ 4 kʰan⁵³ ka³ ka⁵ ka³ gəŋ² kə̃ ¹ - kʰan¹ kʰa³¹ kə kʰaŋ³⁴ kʰaŋ³⁴ kʰaŋ⁵ kʰaŋ⁵ kʰã³ kʰa¹ kʰɔ¹ kʰɔ¹ kʰɔ¹ dream *m aŋ 6 man³ - maɯ̃ ⁵ m ãɯ̃ ¹ ma³⁵ m a̤ ⁵ mɔn man⁴ mau³¹ mɔʔ⁵³ maŋ⁵² maŋ⁴⁵ man⁵³ maŋ⁵³ m a̤ ¹ ma¹ mɔ¹ mɔ¹ mɔ¹ son-in-law m aʔ 12 m a̤ ⁵ - m a̤ ³ m a̤ ma³ m a̤ ⁵ ma ma¹ ma³¹ ma³ maʔ⁵³ maʔ⁴⁵ maʔ¹ maʔ³¹ - ma¹ mɔ̤ ³ mɔ³ mɔ³ *aʔ iron tʰ aʔ 10 tʰa¹ tʰa⁵ tʰaʔ¹ tʰa² tʰaʔ³ tʰaʔ⁵ tʰɔ tʰa¹ tʰaʔ³ tʰaʔ⁵³ - - tʰaʔ⁵ - tʰa⁵ tʰa⁵ tʰɔ³ tʰɔ³ tʰɔ³ sew s aʔ 10 sʰa¹ - cʰaʔ⁵ sʰa¹ sʰa³ ʃʰa⁵ sʰɔ sʰa¹ sʰa³⁵ sʰaʔ⁵³ cʰaʔ¹ sʰaʔ¹ cʰaʔ⁵ cʰaʔ³⁵ sʰa³ sʰa⁵ ʃʰɔ⁵³ ʂɔ³ ʃɔ³ LANGUAGE CLUSTER: Kayan Yinbaw Lahta Pa'O Yintale Kayaw *pʰ flower *pʰ ɔ 1 pʰau⁵ pʰaw⁵ pʰəu³¹ pʰo⁴ pʰṳ⁵ pʰu⁵ fə pʰɔ⁵ pʰo⁵ pʰo⁴ ------pʰo⁵ pʰo⁵ pʰo⁵ *p bamboo shoot *p aŋ 5 ban⁵³ baŋ³¹ ̃ baɯ ʔ¹ baɯ̃ ¹ bo³ bã¹ bɔŋ baŋ⁴ bə³¹ ɓɔʔ⁵³ baŋ³ ban³⁴ - baŋ⁵ ba³ baŋ³ bɔ¹ bɔ¹ bɔ¹ *b pot *b əŋ 3 pə̤ n¹ pə³¹ pəɯ³¹ pʊɯ¹ ba³¹ pʊ̤ ¹ paŋ pəʊn⁵ bə³¹ pɜɯ³ pʰɤŋ² pʰʌŋ²¹ pʰʉŋ¹ pʰɤŋ¹ pɤ³ pɯ̤ ⁴ pɤ³ po³ *pr vomit *pr ɔʔ 11 prau¹ prɔ⁴ prau³¹ prau² prau³ prau⁴⁵ pɔ plɔ³ brauʔ³ prɜoʔ⁵ pʰrɔʔ¹² pʰrɔʔ⁵ - pʰrɔʔ³⁵ pʰrɔ⁵ pwɔ⁵ pro³ pro⁴ pro³ *br human *br a 3 p r a̤ ¹ pra¹ ¹p r a̤ ³ p r a̤ ¹ pʰra³ p r a̤ ⁵ - pla¹ bra⁴³⁴ pra³ - - pʰra³ pʰra¹ p j ã ̤ ¹ pjaŋ¹ - pra³ pra³ tongue *bl e 3 *bl p l e̤ ¹ play¹ p¹ l e̤ i³ p l e̤ i¹ blei² p l e̤ ¹ pi plɪ³ blei³¹ plei³ pʰre² pʰre² pʰre³ pʰre¹ p l i̤ ¹ pli³ plei⁴ p l i̤ ³ ple³ arrow *bl a 6 p l a̤ ³ pla¹ pla⁵³¹ pla² bla³ pla² pɔ pla¹ bla⁴⁵ pla¹ pla³⁴ pla³⁴ pla⁵ pla⁵ p l a̤ ³ pla¹ p l a̤ ¹ p l a̤ ¹ pla¹

Supporting data for Manson (2011) The subgrouping of Karen, presented at SEALS 21, Bangkok 1 Gloss (MD) D Monu, Manu(B) Kayah,(B) W Kayah,E (B) Kayah,E(S) Kayah,(Br)W Kayah,(MD)K T(L) Pwo, Pwo,(L)D (J) M Pho, (J) B Pho, Pwo,O Pwo,SP Pwo,RM Pwo,NR TA Pwo, Pwo,E (Kt) Pwo,(Kt) W moon la¹ la¹ lɛ³ le³ le³ lɛ³ lɛ³ la¹ la⁵³ la³ la⁵ la³¹ la³¹ lɛ̤ ³ l a̤ ³ lɛ̤ ³ la¹ la⁵ work ma¹ m a̤ ¹ m e̤ ¹ me¹ me¹ m e̤ ¹ - ma¹ ma⁵³ ma³ ma⁵ ma³¹ ma³¹ mɛ³ ma³ mæ³ ma¹ ma⁵ *a bitter kʰa⁵ kʰã⁴ kʰɛ¹ kʰe¹ kʰe¹ kʰɛ¹ kʰɛ¹ kʰa⁵ kʰa³¹ kʰaʔ⁵ kʰa¹ kʰa⁴⁵ kʰa⁴⁵ kʰæ³ kʰa¹ kʰɛ³ kʰa⁵ kʰa¹ leaf la⁵ la¹ lɛ¹ le¹ le¹ lɛ¹ lɛ¹ la⁵ la³¹ laʔ⁵ la¹ la⁴⁵ la⁴⁵ lɛ³ l a̤ ¹ lɛ³ la⁵ la¹ bear tʰa¹ tʰa¹ tʰe³ tʰe³ tʰe³ tʰe³ tʰe³ tʰã² tʰã³¹ tʰan¹ tʰan¹ tʰɔ̃ ⁵¹ tʰəŋ⁵¹ - - - - - *am earth ha⁵ ha⁵ he¹ he¹ he¹ he¹ he¹ ʀã⁵ ʀã³¹ ɣanʔ⁵ ɣan¹ ɣɔ̃ ³ ɣaŋ³¹ ɣo³ ha¹ ɣã³ ɣaɴ⁵ ɣaɴ¹ eat a⁵ ã⁴ e¹ e¹ ʔe¹ e¹ e¹ ã⁵ ã³¹ ʔanʔ⁵ ʔan¹ ʔɔ̃ ⁴⁵ ʔəŋ⁴⁵ ʔɔ̃ ³ ʔã³ ʔã³ ʔaɴ⁵ ʔaɴ¹ yellow boɔ¹ bɔ¹ bja³ bɛ³ bɛ³ bja³ bja³ - - ban³ ban⁵ ɓɔ̃ ³¹ ɓaŋ³¹ bɔ³ bə̃ ³ bã³ baɴ¹ ɓaɴ⁵ spear bɔ¹ bɔ¹ bja³ bɛ³ - bja³ bja³ pʰã¹ pʰã⁵³ pʰan³ pʰan⁵ pʰɔ̃ ³¹ pʰəŋ³¹ bɔ̤ ³ pʰən pʰən³ phaɴ¹ phaɴ⁵ *aŋ leg kʰa⁵ kʰɔ⁴ kʰa³ kʰɛ⁵ kʰɛ¹ kʰa³ kʰɜ¹ kʰã⁵ kʰã³¹ kʰanʔ⁵ kʰan¹ kʰɔ̃ ⁴⁵ kʰəŋ⁴⁵ kʰɔ³ kʰə³ kʰã³ kʰaɴ⁵ kʰaɴ¹ dream - m õ ̤ ³ m j a̤ ⁴⁵ mɛ̃ ¹ mɛʔ² m j a̤ ⁴ mja⁵ mã³¹ mã⁵ man⁵ manʔ⁵ mɔ̃ ³ məŋ³¹ mo³ mɔ¹ mə̃ ³ mɔ³ maɴ⁵¹ son-in-law mɔ¹ mɔ̤ ³ m a̤ ³ maʔ⁵ - mɛ̤ ³ mɛ³ maʔ⁵³ maʔ⁵ maʔ³ maʔ¹ maʔ³ maʔ³ maʔ³ mæʔ³ maʔ³ ma⁵ maʔ³ *aʔ iron tʰɔ⁵ tʰɔ³ tʰɛ⁵ tʰe⁵ tʰe⁵ tʰɛ⁴ tʰɛ⁵ - - tʰaʔ¹ tʰaʔ¹ tʰaʔ³¹ tʰaʔ³¹ tʰaʔ³ tʰa³ tʰaʔ³ tʰa¹ tʰaʔ³ sew ʂɔ⁵ ʃʰɔ³ sʰɛ³ tɕʰe⁵ cʰe⁵ sʰɛ⁴ sʰɛ⁵ sʰaʔ³⁵ sʰaʔ⁵ sʰaʔ¹ sʰaʔ¹ tʃʰaʔ³¹ tʃʰa³¹ çʰa³ çʰa³ çʰa³ cʰa¹ sʰaʔ³ LANGUAGE CLUSTER: Monu Kayah Pwo *pʰ flower pʰo¹ pʰɵə¹ pʰo³ pʰo³ - pʰo³ pʰo³ pʰɔ² pʰau³¹ pʰon¹ pʰon¹ pʰo⁵¹ pʰo⁵¹ pʰɔ⁵ pʰɔ⁵ pʰo⁵ pʰɔ⁵¹ pʰau¹ *p bamboo shoot bɔ⁵ bɔ³ bja¹ bɛ¹ bɛ¹ bja¹ bja¹ ɓã⁵ ɓã³¹ - - ɓɔ̃ ³ ɓaŋ⁴⁵ bɔ³ bɔ³ bã³ - - *b pot po¹ po¹ pɔ̤ ¹ pɔ¹ - pɔ̤ pɔ¹ pʰə̃ ¹ pʰə̃ ⁵³ pʰən³ pʰən⁵ pʰə³¹ pʰɨŋ³¹ pɨ³ pʰã³ pʰã³ pʰəɴ¹ pʰə⁵ *pr vomit po⁵ pʰɯə³ prja⁵ pʰrɛ̰ ⁵ pʰrɛ⁵ prja p r j a̤ ⁴ pjʊʔ³⁵ pjʊʔ⁵ - - pjuʔ³¹ pjuʔ³¹ pjo³ pju¹ pju³ pjo¹ pjoʔ *br human - pɔ̤ ³jɔ̤ ¹ prɛ̤ ¹ pʰre¹ pʰre¹ prɛ̤ ³ prɛ¹ hə¹ pə³⁵ ɣa³ ɣa⁵ - - pjɛ̤ ³ - - ɣa¹ ɣa⁵ tongue *bl ple¹ p l e̤ ¹ p l i̤ ¹ pli¹ pli¹ p l i̤ ¹ pli¹ pʰle¹ pʰle⁵³ pʰle³ pʰle⁵ pʰli³¹ pʰli³¹ plɛ̤ ³ pʰli⁵ pʰli³ pʰli¹ pʰle⁵ arrow pla¹ p l a̤ ³ plɛ̤ ⁴⁵ plḛ¹ pleʔ² plɛ̤ ³ plɛ̤ ⁴ pʰla³¹ pʰla⁵ pʰla⁵ pʰlaʔ⁵ - - plæ̤ ¹ pʰla³ - pʰla³ pʰla⁵¹

Supporting data for Manson (2011) The subgrouping of Karen, presented at SEALS 21, Bangkok 2 Gloss (L) Sgaw (J) M Sgaw, Sgaw,B(J) (L) Paku (Km) Paku K Paku, S Paku, Dermuha(V) (LB) Palachi (J) Palaychi (L)Bwe, W Bwe(B) Bwe,B(H) Bwe,DE (LB) (LB)Bwe, DW Geba(L) Geba1 (B) Geba2 (B) Geba,(Km) KP moon la⁵ la⁵ la⁵ la⁵ laʔ³ li³ leʔ⁵³ la¹ la⁴ la¹ lɛ⁵ ɬɛ⁵ lɛ⁵ ɬɛ⁴ lɛ⁴ hlɛ⁵ hlɛ⁵ lɛ⁵ hleʔ work ma³⁵ ma³ ma³ ma⁵³ ma³⁵ mi² mɛ² ma³ ma³ m a̤ ⁵ mɛ⁵³ mɛ̤ ³ mɛ³ mɛ³ mɛʔ⁵³ mɛ⁵³ m e̤ ³ mɛ̤ ³ me *a bitter kʰa³¹ kʰaʔ⁵ kʰa¹ kʰa³⁵ kaʔ³⁵ kʰɛʔ⁵³ kʰɛ² kʰa⁵ kʰaʔ⁵³ kʰa⁵ kʰɛ⁵³ kʰɛ³ kʰɛ³ kʰɛʔ⁵³ kʰɛ² kʰɛ⁵³ kʰɛ⁴³ kʰɛ³ kʰe leaf la³¹ laʔ⁵ la¹ la³⁵ la⁴⁵ liʔ⁵³ leʔ⁵³ la⁵ la⁴ la⁵ lɛ⁵³ lɛ³ lɛ³ ɬɛʔ⁵³ lɛ³ hlɛ⁵³ ɬɛ³ lɛ⁴ ʰleʔ bear tʰɔ⁵ tʰɔ⁵  tʰɔ⁵  - tʰa³⁵ tʰaʔ⁵³ - tʰo⁵ tʰɔʔ⁵³ tʰɔ¹ tʰɛ⁵ tʰɛ⁵ tʰɛ⁵ tʰɛ³¹ tʰɛŠ tʰɛ⁵ tʰɛ⁴⁵ tʰɛ⁵ tʰe *am earth hɔ³¹ ɣɔʔ⁵ hɔ¹ hɔ³⁵ hau³ haʔ⁵³ haʔ⁵³ ho⁵ xo² hɔ⁵ ha⁵³ ha³ ha³ ha¹ hɔ¹ ha⁵³ ha³ ha³ ha eat ɔ³¹ ɔʔ⁵ ɔ¹ ɔ³⁵ ɔʔ³ aʔ⁵³ aʔ⁵³ o⁵ ɔ² ʔɔ¹ a⁵³ a³ a³ aʔ⁵³ aʔ⁵³ a⁵³ a³ a³ aʔ yellow - bɔ⁵ bɔ⁵ - bo³ - - ɓo³ ɓɔʔ⁵³ bɔ¹ - ba⁵ ɓa³ ɓa⁵ ɓa⁵ - ba⁵ ba⁵ ba spear ɓɔ⁵ bɔ⁵ bɔ⁵ ɓɔ⁵ - ɓaʔ⁵³ ɓaʔ⁵³ - bɔʔ⁵³ bɔ¹ ɓa⁵ ba⁵ ɓa⁵ ɓaʔ⁵³ ɓa⁵ ba⁵ ba⁴⁵ ba⁵ baʔ *aŋ leg kʰɔ³¹ kʰɔ ʔ ⁵ kʰɔ ¹ kʰɔ³⁵ kʰa³ kʰaʔ⁵³ kʰaʔ⁵³ kʰo⁵ kʰɔʔ⁵³ kʰɔ⁵ kʰa⁵³ kʰa³ kʰa³ kʰa² kʰaʔ⁵³ kʰa⁵³ kʰa³ kʰa³ kʰa dream mɔ² mɔ ⁵ mɔ⁵  mɔ³⁵ mo³⁵ ma³ ma⁴ mo⁵ mɔ⁴ mɔ̤ ⁵ ma⁵³ ma³ ma³ ma¹ maʔ⁵³ hma⁵³ hma³ ma³ me son-in-law maʔ¹ maʔ¹ maʔ¹ ma⁵³ ma³⁵ ma³¹ maʔ⁵³ ma¹ - m a̤ ⁵ ma³⁵ m a̤ ³ ma¹ maʔ⁵³ ma⁵¹ ma³⁵ m a̤ ³ m a̤ ³ ma *aʔ iron - tʰaʔ³ tʰaʔ³ - tʰa³⁵ tʰa⁴ tʰiʔ⁵³ tʰa⁵ tʰaʔ⁵³ tʰa¹ - - tʰa³ tʰaʔ⁵³ tʰaʔ⁵³ - tʰa³ tʰa³ tʰa sew sʰaʔ⁵³ sʰaʔ³ sʰaʔ³ sʰa⁵ sʰa³¹ tʃe⁴ tʃɛ⁴ sʰa¹ sʰa² sʰa¹ ʃa⁵³ ʃʰʲa³ ʃa³ sʲaʔ⁵³ sʲaʔ⁵³ sʰa³⁵ ʃʰa³ sʰa³ sʰa LANGUAGE CLUSTER: Sgaw Paku Mopwa Bwe Geba *pʰ flower pʰɔ⁵ pʰɔ⁵ pʰɔ⁵ pʰɔ⁵ fʰə²¹ pʰo² pʰɔ² pʰu³ pʰo⁴ pʰo¹ pʰɔ⁵ pʰɔ⁵ pʰɔ⁵ pʰɔ¹ pʰɔ⁵ pʰɔ⁵ pʰɔ³ pʰɔ⁵ pʰo *p bamboo shoot ɓɔ³¹ - - ɓɔ³⁵ bo³¹ ɓaʔ⁵³ ɓaʔ⁵³ ɓo⁵ ɓɔʔ⁵³ - ɓa⁵³ ba³ ɓa³ ɓaʔ⁵³ ɓaʔ⁵³ ɓa⁵³ ba³ ba³ baʔ *b pot pə³⁵ pə⁵ pə⁵ pœ⁵³ pʰə⁴⁵ pɔ³¹ pə³ pʰə¹ pəʔ⁵³ pɨ̤ ⁵ bo⁵ p o̤ ³ bo⁵ bəʔ⁵³ boʔ⁵³ bo⁵³ p o̤ ³ pʰœ³ po *pr vomit ɓʀoʔ⁵³ - - ɓʊ⁵ bo³¹ pɣo⁴ pɔʔ⁵³ pu³ poʔ⁵³ - pɔ⁵³ pɔ³ pɔ³ pɔ⁵ pɔʔ⁵³ pɔ⁵³ pɔ³ pɔ⁵ po *br human pʀa³⁵ pɣa³ pɣa³ bʀa⁵³ - pja³ pja³ pə³ plɔʔ⁵³ ɣa⁵ bwɛ⁵³ pwɛ̤ ³ bəya³ pi³ja¹ bja¹ bwɛ⁵³ pwɛ̤ ¹ p j a̤ ¹ bja tongue *bl ple³⁵ ple³ ple³ ble⁵³ pli³ pɣɛʔ⁵³ pɣɛ³ pʰli³ pli³ p l e̤ ⁵ blɪ³⁵ plɛ̤ ³ blɪ¹ pliʔ³¹ pleʔ⁵³ bli⁵³ p l e̤ ³ p l e̤ ³ ble arrow pla² pla¹ pla¹ pla³⁵ bla³ p l a̤ ¹ pɣe³ pʰlaʔ⁵ plaʔ⁵³ p l a̤ ¹ blɛ⁵³ p l e̤ ¹ blɛ³ pleʔ⁵³ plɛʔ⁵³ ble⁵³ p l e̤ ³ pli³ -

Supporting data for Manson (2011) The subgrouping of Karen, presented at SEALS 21, Bangkok 3

Karen language sources California Press PaO (J): Jones, Robert B. 1961. Karen linguistic studies: Description, comparison and texts. Berkeley: University of California Bwe (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Press Bwe, B (H): Henderson, Eugénie J. A. 1997. Bwe Karen dictionary: with texts and English-Karen word list. London: School of Pa-O (L): Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases of pre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press Oriental and African Studies PaO, N (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Bwe, DE (LB): Saw Lar Baa. 2001. The phonological basis of a Northwest Karenic orthography. Payap University: MA Thesis PaO, S (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Bwe, DW (LB): Saw Lar Baa. 2001. The phonological basis of a Northwest Karenic orthography. Payap University: MA Thesis Pho, B (J): Jones, Robert B. 1961. Karen linguistic studies: Description, comparison and texts. Berkeley: University of Bwe, W (L): Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases of pre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press California Press Dermuha (V): Naw Veronica. 2011. The phonology of Derhuma and a phonological and lexical comparison between Dermuha, Pho, M (J): Jones, Robert B. 1961. Karen linguistic studies: Description, comparison and texts. Berkeley: University of Sgaw Karen and Pwo Karen. Payap University: MA thesis California Press Geba (L): Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases of pre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press Pwo, D (L): Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases of pre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press Geba 1 (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Pwo, E (Kt): Kato, Atsuhiko. 2009 A basic vocabulary of Htoklibang Pwo Karen with Hpa-an, Kyonbyaw, and Proto-Pwo Geba 2 (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Karen forms. Asian and African Languages and Linguistics 4:169-218 Geba, KP (Km): Kim, Seung. Field notes Pwo, NR: Culy, Martin M. 1993. 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