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A University of Sussex DPhil thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://eprints.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details IIssllaannddss ooff IInneeqquuaalliittyy:: TThhee EEnnvviirroonnmmeennttaall HHiissttoorryy ooff TToobbaaggoo aanndd tthhee CCrriissiiss ooff DDeevveellooppmmeenntt aanndd GGlloobbaalliissaattiioonn iinn tthhee CCaarriibbbbeeaann 11776633 –– 22000077 Lowell Woodcock Dphil University of Sussex March 2009 i Declaration I hereby declare that this thesis has not been submitted, either in the same or different form to this or any other University for a degree. Signature: ii University of Sussex Doctor of Philosophy Islands of Inequality: The Environmental History of Tobago and the Crisis of Development and Globalisation in the Caribbean 1763 – 2007 Abstract This thesis explores the origins and logic of the interplay between landscape and public policy in the Caribbean island of Tobago. Tobago is the location of the world’s oldest protected tropical forest, established in 1763. This was the first but by no means the last occasion when particular policies have been formulated to regulate the relationship between land, commerce and people in Tobago. The thesis traces the emergence of particular ethics of land use and property in the Tobago from 1763 up to the present day and their interplay within the logic of policy. The central research aim was to analyse the disjuncture between the intention of government development plans in Tobago, and the actual outcome of those plans for the people and landscape. This was approached both by ethnographic field study, and by archival and oral historical work that could discern the historical development of the language of modern policy. The project involved the writing of an environmental history of Tobago and an ethnographic account of debates and trends in contemporary environment and development policy in Tobago. The fieldwork revealed many gaps in the existing literature with respect to Caribbean environmentalism and the history of Caribbean landscapes. The detailed archival research, coupled with a revised theoretical frame that it supports, should reframe and improve modern debates concerning environment and tourism. Drawing together the findings of the thesis research is intended to help form a new understanding of the origins of contemporary Caribbean policy processes, the beliefs from which they derive, the debates they generate and their interaction with the physical environment. iii Acknowledgements This thesis would never have been possible had Clare Rogers not pushed me through the office doors of Professor Richard Grove and Professor James Fairhead with the announcement that I was interested in writing a D.Phil. As it began with the encouragement of these three people it is only fitting that they come first in the list of acknowledgements. Thank you, James for constantly pushing for tighter redrafts and making me think about every single detail during that laborious final write up. Thank you, Richard for suggesting Tobago and giving me an early tour, if you hadn’t found that old India Office envelope in your desk for the Leverhulme application then I’d have never got back to Tobago. It is a source of deep regret that you were not able to make the rest of the journey with me. Thanks to that peculiar piece of stationery that you found I can thank the Leverhulme Trust for the financial support that made the fieldwork in Tobago possible. Without the moral and financial support of my parents, Corinne and George Woodcock, who kindly allowed a strategic withdrawal to their home during the period 2005 to early 2006, this would all certainly have not happened. During my fieldwork I am deeply indebted to the co- operation and friendship of a great many people in Tobago, most of who must stay behind the shroud of anonymity. I would add a special apology to Hema for my swimming off so abruptly when that shark appeared. I am especially grateful to Mr William John who was there to vouch for me at the airport and to help with house hunting during the first fortnight. I am also very grateful to Dr Rita Pemberton of the University of the West Indies (St Augustine) who encouraged me in my research and offered me advice on things Tobago as well as drawing maps to various points in Port of Spain with the injunction I shouldn’t look at them too obviously in case I looked too like a tourist. I am also indebted to the ladies of the A-Level Politics class I taught at Northampton School for Girls. It was teaching them that gave me both the funds for the early archive work as well as a regular dose of lively conversation to keep the brain ticking over during the wilderness months. The same can be said for all those who tolerated my behaviour by buying drinks and listening to me spout nonsense. Those most senior in this order of merit are, Felix Marsh, Austin Haffenden, Timothy ‘The Beast’ Howells and Sarah Quinnell. After my supervisors the person who has most supported the academic side of the work and been a critical foil for ideas, also a source of G&Ts and coffee, and a regular nag to read a lengthening list of books about things I never thought would be significant, is Dr Vinita Damodaran, a true friend. At this point I would like to say that I haven’t forgotten Jennifer Jackson. You were a constant source of companionship in Tobago, whether it was your quick thinking during that botched carjacking or your general enthusiasm for chauffeuring me about the island, you were always around when most needed. In the two years from our return until the viva you helped organise, support, and generally focus my life in such a way as to make the impossible possible at every turn. As with so much in my life it was you who did everything to make it the joyous adventure it has been so far. iv Contents DECLARATION .......................................................................................................................... I ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................ II ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ....................................................................................................... III CONTENTS ............................................................................................................................... IV INTRODUCTION....................................................................................................................... 1 KEY THEMES AND CONSIDERATIONS IN THE HISTORY OF CARIBBEAN DEVELOPMENT POLICIES ...................................... 2 CHAPTER 1: AN ESSENTIALLY IMAGINARY PLACE OR JUST NOT THIRD WORLD ENOUGH? ATTITUDES TO CARIBBEAN DEVELOPMENT IN CONTEXT AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY ............................................................... 13 THE SNAKE IN THE GARDEN: POSTCOLONIAL MORALITY AND THE CRITIQUE OF REASON IN RELATION TO NATURE ......... 31 DEVELOPMENT IS THE DEVELOPMENT OF WHAT? DISCUSS ................................................................................. 40 BELIEVING IS SEEING .................................................................................................................................... 50 BACKGROUND AND METHODS ....................................................................................................................... 54 CHAPTER 2: FROM COLONISATION TO UNION: A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE MORAL ECONOMY OF LANDSCAPE AND OWNERSHIP IN TOBAGO 1763 – 1900 ................................................................................................................................................... 63 PLANTING THE GARDEN: THE KINGDOM OF GOD OR THE KINGDOM OF I? .............................................................. 64 A VISION OF DEVELOPMENT AND EMPIRE: THE GORRIE RULINGS AND THE POST EMANCIPATION LANDSCAPE .............. 69 WHAT’S IN A PLAN? THE 1897 ROYAL WEST INDIA COMMISSION AND TOBAGO’S UNION TO TRINIDAD ..................... 75 CHAPTER 3: THE PLAN TAKES FORM: THE AFTERMATH OF UNION ................. 82 REBUILDING A PRODUCTIVE AND HEALTHY LANDSCAPE: 1900-1932 ................................................................... 83 ESTATES AND VISIONS OF EMPIRE .................................................................................................................. 97 AN OCEAN APART: SEA COMMUNICATIONS, ECONOMY AND THE RELATIONSHIP WITH TRINIDAD ............................. 110 IMPROVEMENT’S IDEOLOGIES ...................................................................................................................... 121 CHAPTER 4: THE BUILDING AND REBUILDING OF PARADISE ........................... 123 TOBAGO LAND OF THE FREE: PLANNING FOR VISITORS ..................................................................................... 124 RENAISSANCE AND WELFARE: DEVELOPMENT AS WHOSE IDEOLOGY? ................................................................. 131 IMAGINING THE VILLAGE ...........................................................................................................................
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