Journal of Caribbean Archaeology Copyright 2010 ISSN 1524-4776

CROSSING THE GALLEONS’ PASSAGE: AMERINDIAN INTERACTION AND CULTURAL (DIS)UNITY BETWEEN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

Arie Boomert Faculty of Archaeology Leiden University P.O. Box 9515 2300 RA Leiden The Netherlands [email protected]

Abstract The islands of Trinidad and Tobago formed separate sociopolitical, economic, and cultural entities throughout most of their colonial history. This situation was prefigured by the two islands’ prehistoric past following the Saladoid epoch of pan-Caribbean cultural unity. The Saladoid convergence disintegrated rapidly after the establishment of the Arauquinoid series in Trinidad by about AD 700/800 as simultaneously Tobago appears to have been drawn into the Troumassoid interaction sphere of the Windward Islands and Barbados. This paper discusses the patterns of Amerindian interaction and communication across the Galleons’ Passage between Trinidad and Tobago during Ceramic times and attempts to appreciate the post-Saladoid cultural realignment of the two islands and its consequences.

Résumé Durant la majeure partie de leur histoire coloniale, les îles de la Trinité et de Tobago ont formé des entités sociopolitiques, économiques et culturelles séparées. Le passé préhistori- que de ces deux îles, après la période d’unité culturelle saladoïde de l’espace caribéen, pré- figurait déjà cette distinction. L’unité culturelle saladoïde s’est rapidement désagrégée après l’émergence de la série arauquinoïde à la Trinité vers 700-800 ap. J.-C., au moment même où Tobago semble avoir été tirée dans la sphère d’interaction troumassoïde des Îles du Vent et de la Barbade. Cet article traite des modes d’interaction et de communication amérindiens à travers le Passage des Galions, entre la Trinité et Tobago, durant l’époque céramique et tente de prendre la mesure du réalignement culturel des deux îles à l’époque post-saladoïde et de ses conséquences.

Resumen Las islas de Trinidad y Tobago formaron entidades separadas, sociopolíticas, económicas y culturales, a través de la mayor parte de su historia colonial. Esta situación fue prefigurada por el pasado prehistórico de las dos islas después de la época Saladoide de unidad cultural pan-caribe. La convergencia Saladoide desintegró rápidamente después del establecimiento de la serie Arauquinoide en Trinidad acerca de 700/800 d.C. como simultáneamente Tobago parece haber sido absorbida en la esfera de interacción Troumassoide de las Islas de Barlovento y Barbados. Este artículo discute los modelos de interacción y comunicación amerindios a través del Pasaje de los Galeones entre Trinidad y Tobago durante la época

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 106 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert

Cerámica e intenta apreciar el realineamiento cultural post-Saladoide de las dos islas y sus consecuencias.

Intersecting the Galleons’ Passage knowable places as people move in struc- While ethnohistoric accounts suggest that tured ways on the sea which is divided, formerly the Caribbean islands were inte- populated and mythologized just like the grated in complex webs of intersocietal land. contacts, archaeologically the interaction This paper discusses the patterns of pre- patterns between neighbouring communi- historic interaction and communication be- ties on different islands underlying these tween Trinidad and Tobago, i.e., the networks have received little attention. In southermost islands of the West Indian ar- spite of Rouse’s early recognition that pre- chipelago (Figure 1). As continental islands historic Amerindian groups occupying which were severed from the South Ameri- parts of islands that faced each other across can mainland due to the post-Pleistocene water gaps (passages) in the Greater Antil- sea level rise, both Trinidad and Tobago les appeared more closely related culturally appear to represent physical and biotical than those on opposite ends of the same extensions of the adjacent parts of the con- island, suggesting dense interaction and tinent. While amalgamated as early as 1889 travelling by canoe (Rouse 1951), espe- and now forming a unitary republic, the cially in the Lesser Antilles most students two islands formed separate sociopolitical, of West Indian archaeology have modelled economic and cultural entities throughout the identifiable local cultural complexes to most of their colonial history. Disunited as the various levels of Rouse’s hierarchic well as unified by the 32-km wide sea strait taxonomic phylogeny, taking the island as which since Spanish times is known as the the distinguishing geographical unit. Al- Galleons’ Passage, formerly communica- though there is no necessity here to under- tion between Trinidad and Tobago was line that island societies should be studied largely determined by the prevailing North- within their maritime cultural framework east trade winds and the system of oceanic (Boomert and Bright 2007), implying that circulation of the region. Trinidad’s north- single islands cannot be the ideal spatial ern littoral is open to the Caribbean Sea units for analysing insular community pat- and fairly exposed to the trade winds. It is a terns, few archaeological analyses have high-wave energy environment though less been made focusing on the bi-insular inter- susceptible to erosion than the island’s action networks of prehistoric groups (e.g., other coasts as it is made up of fairly re- Bérard 2007; Bright 2007). Indeed, most sistant low-grade metamorphic rocks archaeologists have implicitly followed the (Institute of Marine Affairs 2004:13). The misguided premise that due to their suppos- north coast is difficult of access as the edly bounded and circumscribed environ- shore is rocky and its easternmost portion ment, islands are appropriate units for the is fringed with coral reefs. Sand beaches study of human behavior, thereby ignoring are rare. Besides, due to the trade winds the that insular and littoral societies should be surf is often so furious that landing is al- considered as interacting human nodes in most impossible. As the foothills of Trini- their respective seascapes. Besides, as dad’s Northern Range, the highest moun- Samson (2006) explains, seascapes are tain chain of the island, rise steeply from

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 107 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert the sea floor, a coastal plain is lacking here. the southern portion of the latter island is The northern part of Trinidad’s east coast practically always within view from North- shows small sand beaches, alternating with east Trinidad and vice versa. The crossing rocky cliffs and points where the Northern by pirogue from Trinidad to Tobago is Range reaches the shore. All along the sea tough and requires quite some effort and is rough due to the trade winds and its navigating. Sailors have to buck both wind beaches are constantly pounded by the At- and current as on reaching Galera Point, lantic rollers. The portion of Tobago clos- the northeastern cape of Trinidad, one finds est to Trinidad consists of an elongated a current of at least two knots sweeping coral limestone platform which adjoins the westward (Doyle and Fisher 1996:46). This foothills of the central dorsal ridge of high- is a branch of the South Equatorial Current land which forms the backbone of the is- which, coming from the south, bisects on land to the southwest. This ‘Low Side’ of reaching the Galleons’ Passage, partly the island shows a heavily indented shore- flowing west into the Caribbean Sea in or- line showing an alteration of rocky cliffs der to continue moving along Trinidad’s and promontories, lagoonal swamps and north coast. However, most of the current sandy bays. It is characterised by extensive first passes around Tobago. Such is its ve- fringing reef complexes. locity that formerly sailing-ships were eas- Interaction between Trinidad and To- ily driven from the east coast of Tobago to bago is facilitated by the circumstance that Grenada (Young 1812:89-90). Besides, in

Figure 1. Geographical situation of Trinidad and Tobago. Legend: (1) swamps and marshes; (2) edge of con- tinental shelf (200 m below MSL); (3) 1000-m contour line.

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 108 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert the wet season the sheer amount of fresh groups of Kalina. The latter were on water discharged by the Orinoco River of friendly terms with the Kalinago or Ka- Venezuela reinforces the velocity of the lipuna (‘Island Caribs’), the inhabitants of northerly directed stream along Trinidad’s the Windward Islands, who considered east coast and around Tobago, even induc- themselves ethnically as belonging to the ing a slight drop in salinity offshore the Carib people in spite of their basically Ara- southwest end of the latter island (Agard wakan linguistic affiliation. Indeed, To- and Gobin 2000). If all went well, the bago formed an indispensable link in the crossing by canoe from Trinidad to Tobago pattern of communication the Island Caribs took a day and a night to accomplish kept up with their kinsmen on the (Dauxion-Lavaysse 1820:364-365; mainland. The Spanish settlement of Trini- Escobar, TTHSP 84, 1637). In Amerindian dad and slave-raiding expeditions in both times the route most frequently taken by Trinidad and Tobago during the 1590s led dugouts apparently led from the Matura to an increasingly hostile relationship be- Bay, Balandra Bay, Cumana Bay and Saly- tween the colonizers and the local Amerin- bia Bay areas of Northeast Trinidad to La dians. During the following decades Span- Guira and Canoe Bay in Southwest To- ish pressure forced many Trinidad Indians bago. Some of these toponyms, dating back to seek refuge in the Guiana coastal zone to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and Tobago (Boomert 2002). Throughout are significant in this respect (Boomert the seventeenth century the numerous 2000:19-20). As a result of the wet-season Spanish, English, Dutch, and Courlander outflow of the Orinoco, the crossing from colonizing attempts of Tobago remained Trinidad to Tobago is easiest in this part of unsuccessful which was at least partially the year. due to the persistent attacks by the local At the time of the European-Amerindian Kalina and Island Caribs of the Wind- encounter Trinidad formed a complex wards, notably Grenada and St. Vincent, on multi-ethnic and multi-lingual conglomer- the European settlements in the island. ate of Amerindian groups of possibly vary- Following short-lived attempts at Eng- ing sociopolitical complexity. Intra-island lish and Dutch settlement in East Trinidad interaction was limited. In fact, as late as in the first half of the seventeenth century, the nineteenth century, thus well in the co- Spanish pressure on the Carinepagoto lonial period, communication typically (Kalina) Indians of the northern part of took place by boat, skirting round the is- Trinidad eased due to the weakness of the land (Boomert 2009). In all, six Amerin- Spanish colonial government, the effective dian ethnic groups are known to have in- control of which was limited to the north- habited the island during the contact period western portion of the island. As a result, of which the most likely Cariban-speaking the Kalina flight to Tobago came to an end Carinepagoto, a branch of the Kalina and was reversed. The documentary (‘Mainland Caribs’), occupied its northern sources indicate that Amerindian move- third. Trinidad’s central and southern parts ments between Trinidad and Tobago were were settled by Cariban-, Arawakan- and frequent in these years (Poyntz, TTHSP Waraoan-speaking Amerindian groups, in- 776, 1699; Stringer, TTHSP 778, 1704). In cluding the Nepoio, Yaio, Shebaio, Arawak an attempt to pacify the remaining Amerin- (Lokono), and Chaguanes. Simultaneously, dians, the Spanish now founded mission Tobago was occupied exclusively by settlements in Trinidad’s central and south-

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 109 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert ern parts. Tobago, which remained unoccu- ing obviously formed an integral part of pied by the European powers during the Trinidad’s Archaic cultural heritage and first half of the eighteenth century, and the first movement of Amerindians into the Trinidad’s north coast, which was fully be- Lesser Antilles apparently took place by yond Spanish control, became refuge areas Ortoiroid Indians from Trinidad and the for Nepoio, Chaima and Paria Indians who East Venezuelan coastal zone perhaps a wished to escape the Spanish missions of millennium afterwards. By 3000 cal BC the Trinidad and those in Cumaná and the Pa- southwestern part of Tobago was occupied ria Peninsula of East Venezuela as well as by settlers from Trinidad, as is shown by Island Caribs from St. Vincent fleeing for the close resemblance between the material Black Carib pressure (Boomert 2002). assemblages of the contemporary Late Ar- When in 1763 the agricultural development chaic groups from both islands (Boomert of Tobago was vigerously undertaken after 2000:75-77). The last few centuries before the cession of the island by the French to the beginning of our era saw the gradual the British, the Toco area of Northeast disappearance of the remaining Ortoiroid Trinidad became also a sanctuary of black communities of Trinidad and their assimi- slaves who had escaped from the newly lation to the fully horticulturalist and pot- established plantations in Tobago. By this tery-making Indians of the Cedrosan time the Spanish attempted to get some Saladoid subseries, named after Trinidad’s grip on the Amerindians of Northeast Cedros complex, who moved into the is- Trinidad through missionary activities, but land from the East Venezuelan littoral. Per- an acute shortage of priests reduced the haps pushed by the peoples of the Barran- effectiveness of these measures. Simultane- coid series, the probably Arawakan- ously, the clearing of the forests for agri- speaking Saladoid Indians left the banks of culture reduced the hunting grounds of the the Lower Orinoco River by 800 cal BC in surviving Amerindians in Tobago who, be- order to occupy the East Venezuelan litto- ing marginalised, increasingly migrated to ral where they may have established a sym- the northeastern part of Trinidad. The last biotic subsistence pattern with the local of the Tobagonian Indians finally disap- Archaic Indians, learning from the latter peared from the island in the first decade of about the existence of the southern Wind- the nineteenth century. In fact, Trinidad’s ward Islands and the necessary maritime Toco region has remained a favourite set- technology and navigational requirements tlement area for migrating (black) Tobago- to reach these islands. Subsisting on a com- nians until the present (Herskovits and bination of rootcrop horticulture, hunting, Herskovits 1947:25-26; Niddrie, 1961:38). fishing, and the gathering of edible animal and plant foods, the Cedrosan Saladoid Early Ceramic interaction colonists were able to adapt successfully to While Trinidad was occasionally trav- their local environment, ultimately building ersed by small groups of hunters/foragers up sufficient demographic growth to allow as early as the end of the Pleistocene, thus dense occupation of the mainland littoral well before its separation from the and Trinidad. mainland, the island became fully occupied Perhaps attracted by the favourable set- by Archaic hunters, fishers and foragers tling conditions of the Antillean archipel- belonging to the Ortoiroid series only by ago, adventurous young men in the East about 6000 cal BC. Seafaring and navigat- Venezuelan communities may have initi-

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 110 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert ated the Cedrosan Saladoid expansion into of both islands and the likelihood of dense the Antillean archipelago (Boomert 2008a; interaction across the Galleons’ Passage. In Curet 2005:63-76). Apparently the primary Trinidad the earliest Saladoid pottery is movement was rapid, perhaps due to the known only from the southwesternmost fact that few local Archaic settlers were part of the island. This Cedros complex is encountered in especially the Windward typified by relatively thin, well made ce- Islands. Such a fast initial spread in the An- ramics including predominantly round or tilles is incompatible with one allowing for oval flaring open bowls and dishes, re- step-by-step colonization of each island stricted bowls or jars, inverted bell-like due to demographic growth. In fact, a sce- bowls, keeled bowls or jars, and bottles nario has been envisaged of a multiple se- showing painted, incised and modelled ries of fast initial migrations forming a di- decorative motifs, for instance comprising rect leap forward along the Lesser Antil- white-on-red and rarely white-and-black- lean island chain to the Leeward Islands, on-red painted designs, zone-incised cross- the Virgin Islands and Puerto Rico, fol- hatched motifs and a variety of simple lowed by various return movements. Be modelled lugs and pellets next to complex this as it may, during the first centuries of modelled-incised geometric and anthropo- Antillean settlement Saladoid communica- zoomorphic head lugs, the latter adequately tion and interaction across the West Indian reflecting the animistic character of archipelago remained intensive, as is sug- Saladoid religion and the profound Amer- gested by the widespread occurrence of indian belief in human-animal transforma- exotic exchange objects, notably bodily tions. These vessels, used for cooking, ornaments made of semi-precious rock ma- serving, ritual and storage, are supple- terials, part of which may have reached the mented by pottery artifacts such as cassava West Indies from the South American griddles and potstands. By the time of mainland. Sustained interaction is shown Christ Trinidad’s Cedros ceramics devel- also by the remarkable uniformity of the oped into the Palo Seco complex which is pottery typifying the earliest Saladoid com- found throughout the island. It is character- munities throughout the region (Allaire ized by a much larger variety of vessel 2003). Well-finished, small to medium- shapes, enlivened by an equally increased sized bowls and jars exhibiting a variety of repertoire of decorative motifs. Open bowls especially bichrome and polychrome showing typically concavo-convex flanged painted, incised and modelled designs are rims, ‘hammock-shaped’ ovoid bowls, and diagnostic. Close ceramic similarities are restricted biconical bowls or jars are pre- noted for the Cedrosan Saladoid communi- dominant, next to necked jars, bisected ties from Trinidad and the East Venezuelan dishes, bottles, and sizeable necked jars littoral to as far north as Puerto Rico. Inter- which were obviously used for the ferment- estingly, no evidence of the presence of the ing of cassava beer. Small ‘nostril’ or contemporaneous Huecoid series has been ‘snuffing’ bowls showing a pair of tube- encountered in the Trinidad area or the like extensions were clearly used by sha- Windward Islands to date. mans for pouring tobacco or pepper juice Comparison between the Cedrosan into the nose so as to induce an ecstatic- Saladoid pottery complexes characterising visionary trance. Pre-fired painting in red, North Trinidad and Tobago illustrates the white and black remains typical. In addi- close relationship between the communities tion, painting in yellow and pink occurs.

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 111 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert

Zone-incised crosshatching is much less tions of rectangles, stepped parallel lines, frequent than during Cedros times, but sim- zigzags or embattled lines, horseshoes, tri- ple and complex modelling combined with angles, spirals, circles, occasionally com- incision continues prolificly. Indeed, the bined with double or single parentheses, variety of anthropozoomorphic head lugs is semi-circles, and zone-incised cross- impressive (Boomert 2000:129-169; hatches. Broad-line incision is rare. Typi- Boomert et al., in press). cally Saladoid ‘incense burners’ belong to The inception of Tobago’s oldest the Mount Irvine ceramic repertoire as well Cedrosan Saladoid assemblage, the Cour- (Boomert 2000:171-179,482-483). land complex, can be dated to the latter The ceramics of Tobago’s Mount Irvine part of Cedros and the transition between complex are closely related to a major Cedros and Early Palo Seco as it appears to component of the Early Palo Seco assem- be closely related to these ceramic com- blage known from the Blanchisseuse plexes. Courland shows a typically (Marianne River) site on the north coast of Cedrosan Saladoid repertoire of vessel Trinidad (Boomert 2000:152-153; Stead- shapes decorated with a combination of man and Stokes, 2003), suggesting inten- predominantly white-on-red painted, in- sive interaction between the two islands in cised and modelled designs. Courland pot- the first few centuries AD. Blanchisseuse tery is known from three sites in Southwest yielded a ceramic repertoire which com- Tobago and this location is suggestive of bines white-and-red painting and thin-line introduction of this complex to Tobago incised (engraved) designs including single from Trinidad (Boomert 2000:169-171). or multiple parallel wavy lines and semi- As the pottery of the Cedrosan Saladoid circles, spirals, and stepped lines, closely subseries is highly uniform across the en- resembling the Mount Irvine decorative tire Lesser Antillean archipelago, no Cour- motifs. Execution of these designs is slop- land ceramic traits can be identified illus- pier, however. Although in all 35 Saladoid trating specifically the links of interaction sites are known from Trinidad, apart from and communication between Trinidad and Blanchisseuse only two of them, i.e., Tobago. This is quite different with respect Whitelands in the central portion of the is- to another Cedrosan Saladoid assemblage land and St. Catherine’s (I) in the south- known from Tobago, i.e., the Mount Irvine east, have yielded individual specimens of complex which may have developed out of Mount Irvine-like ceramics. Beyond Trini- Courland. Its ceramics have been encoun- dad this characteristic type of fine-line in- tered at five sites in Tobago’s southern por- cised pottery is known from the Río Guapo tion. Mount Irvine is typified by thin, hard site in the Río Chico area of the central and well-made pottery showing typically Venezuelan coast. This site resembles Early Palo Seco vessel shapes, including Mount Irvine in its lacking of white-on-red flaring open bowls, often provided with painted pottery, although its repertoire of concavo-convex flanged rims, biconical incised and modelled ceramics is typically bowls, bell-shaped bowls or jars, and bot- Saladoid in character. Besides, the fine-line tles. Painting is relatively insignificant and incised Mount Irvine ceramics appear to be restricted to monochrome red or black de- closely related to the Pearls Inner Rim In- signs. Fine-line incised motifs are charac- cised type of ‘Insular’ Saladoid pottery, teristic, including highly distinctive pat- identified by the Bullen’s in the Windward terns consisting of rectangles or combina- Islands and Barbados. While the inception

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 112 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert of this type of fine-line incision dates back Barrancoid stylistic influence is noticeable to Early Cedrosan times, it may have lasted in the course of Palo Seco times and would into the ‘Modified’ Saladoid period (Bullen finally result in the presence of substantial 1964:20-21,32-35; Bullen and Bullen amounts of Barrancoid ceramics in the 1972:132, 1976). The primarily insular and Saladoid villages of Trinidad’s south coast, coastal distribution of the Mount Irvine- suggesting largely simultaneous manufac- like decorative motifs indicates that in the ture and use of both wares in this portion of Early Ceramic episode the Saladoid com- the island. This Erin complex may reflect munities of Trinidad’s north coast closely the amalgamation of Barrancoid settlers interacted with those of Tobago, the Wind- with the area’s local Saladoid inhabitants ward Islands and the Venezuelan littoral, by about cal AD 500/600. Besides, typi- while their contacts with the Cedrosan set- cally Erin exchange wares are encountered tlements of Central and South Trinidad in the Friendship complex, i.e., the local were much less intensive. Clearly, the latter ‘Modified’ to ‘Terminal’ Saladoid assem- parts of the island were focused on the blage of Tobago. These Barrancoid vessels, South American mainland, notably the showing intricate forms and elaborately west coast of the Gulf of Paria, the Lower modelled-incised biomorphic head lugs, Orinoco and Delta, and the western littoral suggesting representation of spirit-related of the Guianas. All of this suggests that the messages and strongly shamanic associa- Northern Range, the highest mountain tions, are typically encountered as mortu- chain of Trinidad, formed a major barrier ary gifts in this island. This illustrates the in terms of interaction, effectively isolating high prestige these exotic and undoubtedly the north coast from the rest of the island ceremonial vessels had among the local resulting in distinctive stylistic zones Tobagonian Saladoid population. Ulti- across its area (Boomert 2009). mately, the Barrancoid influence on The emphasis of the Tobagonian patterns Saladoid ceramics would reach the south- of Cedrosan communication and interac- ern Windward Islands, but in spite of state- tion shifted gradually from Trinidad’s ments to the contrary it is unlikely that the north coast to the eastern littoral of the is- realm of face-to-face contacts between the land during ‘Modified’ to ‘Terminal’ peoples of the Barrancoid and Saladoid se- Saladoid times. This was due to the pro- ries reached further north. found cultural influence radiating from Los The Cedrosan and Barrancoid patterns of Barrancos, the Barrancoid centre on the inter-island and mainland-island communi- Lower Orinoco, towards the Saladoid com- cation would have included the reciprocal munities of the eastern coastal zone of exchange of material items as well as that Venezuela, South and Central Trinidad and of information and non-material goods in the middle reaches of the Orinoco, which the form of myths, tales, songs, dances, and started around the time of Christ. It is re- knowledge, leading to the formation and flected in the gradual adoption of Barran- maintenance of political alliances based on coid ceramic modes by the local Saladoid kinship and ritual services between the vil- potters of this period, suggesting frequent lages involved. Identification of material contacts formalized by ceremonial ex- objects other than pottery reflecting changes in a localized interaction sphere Saladoid and Saladoid/Barrancoid interac- (Boomert 2000:249-251,242-244). In tion and travel across the Galleons’ Pas- South and Central Trinidad the onset of sage is difficult as many of the items ex-

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 113 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert changed may have been manufactured of quoise, chlorite, amethyst, and serpentinite organic materials and decayed in the soil. in the latter island. They include beads and Typically exotic-looking, highly valued frog-, turtle- and king vulture-shaped pen- and rare objects, predominantly bodily or- dants. In Late Cedrosan times and after- naments made of semi-precious stone ma- wards Tobago formed a centre of bead terials, are known to have been exchanged manufacturing and distribution using dio- ceremonially in large numbers in Saladoid rite, a black-and-white mottled rock mate- times throughout the West Indies (Hofman rial which is naturally found in a wide zone et al. 2007). Such products, made by highly across the island. Mother-of-pearl pendants expert village artisans and semi-specialists made of perforated or unmodified valves of who may have combined this craftmanship nacreous freshwater mussels, which are with shamanic activities, are known from encountered in Saladoid context in South both Trinidad and Tobago. Besides, as Trinidad, represented another category of Trinidad lacks the specific rock sources social valuables. They were distributed suitable to the manufacture of cutting tools, throughout the West Indies apparently by its prehistoric Amerindians were forced to down-the-line-exchange as far north as the import these raw materials from elsewhere. Leeward and Virgin Islands (Serrand Indeed, many of the Saladoid stone axe 2001). One of these ornaments was recov- heads, found in Trinidad, are made of ered from the Late Cedrosan deposits of greenschist or schistose diabase and appar- Tobago’s Golden Grove site, reflecting in- ently derive from Tobago. Slabs of fossil teraction with the Saladoid Indians of coral and shell celts can possibly be added South Trinidad. Reversedly, a greenschist to the utilitarian trade goods exchanged pendant found at Erin on Trinidad’s south- across the Galleons’ Passage. Coral grind- west coast most likely reached this site ing, rasping and polishing tools are known from Tobago. Also, Tobago may have been sparingly from the Saladoid sites of South the place of origin of the only threepointer Trinidad, but live coral is to be found only thus far found in Trinidad. This specimen on the island’s northeast coast and around of the most ubiquitous shamanic parapher- Tobago. The same applies to Queen conchs nalia known from Saladoid context in the (Strombus gigas), the wings of which Lesser Antilles, made of grey metamorphic formed the raw material for the manufac- stone, was found at Blue River in the cen- ture of the shell celts that are occasionally tral-western part of the island (Boomert encountered at sites in the central and 2000:408-412). A most interesting stone southern parts of Trinidad (Boomert find, illustrating the direct access of the 2000:435-437). Tobagonian Amerindians to the Antillean Ceremonial exchange concentrating on exchange networks, is represented by a the movement of social (‘primitive’) valu- threepointer encountered at the Mount Ir- ables between the contemporary Amerin- vine 3 site of the island. It is made of calci- dian communities on the South American rudite, a conglomerate which was espe- mainland and the Lesser Antillean archi- cially collected on the west coast of St. pelago and those of Trinidad is reflected by Martin for threepointer manufacture in this the recovery of Saladoid-associated stone island and Anguilla. Such calci-rudite beads and other personal accoutrements threepointers ultimately spread throughout made of semi-precious rocks and minerals the Lesser Antilles and Puerto Rico. Their such as lignite, tourmaline, quartz, tur- value to the Amerindians of the Caribbean

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 114 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert derived from their spiritual connotations tially. Tobago was now drawn into the por- which may be directly related to the source tion of the Troumassoid interaction sphere and/or character of the rock material. which crystallized in the Windward Islands Clearly, while throughout Early Ceramic and Barbados (Boomert 2005). In contrast, times Amerindian interaction across the simultaneously the inhabitants of Trinidad Galleons’ Passage connected especially the became increasingly affiliated with the Saladoid communities of Trinidad’s north peoples of the Arauquinoid series which, and east coasts with those of Tobago, the after establishing themselves on the Lower latter island also kept up busy lines of com- Orinoco and the Central Venezuelan litto- munication with the southern Windwards ral, spread to the coastal plain of the and Barbados. In contrast, the exchange Guianas and both sides of the Gulf of Pa- and communication relationships of South ria, giving rise to the Guayabitan subseries and Central Trinidad were typically fo- in East Venezuela and Trinidad. By about cused on the South American mainland. cal AD 800 the Bontour complex, a local Guayabitan assemblage, would replace the Late Ceramic cultural realignment Late Palo Seco and Erin complexes The period from cal AD 500 to 800 is throughout the island, reflecting the min- one of exceptional dynamism both in the gling of groups of Arauquinoid immigrants Orinoco Valley on the mainland and in the by intermarriage with its local inhabitants Caribbean archipelago. Major cultural, so- (Boomert 1985; Boomert et al. in press). ciopolitical and ritual reformulations took Trinidad’s Bontour complex is typified place in both areas during these few centu- by coarse open bowls and simple jars with ries, the character and consequences of inflected contours, the ornamentation of which are still poorly understood. Coinci- which is reduced to a minimum. Indeed, dentally or not, this era of cultural water- biomorphic head lugs, so obtrusive during shed was an episode of climatic change Saladoid/Barrancoid times, have almost during which centuries of relatively abun- completely disappeared. This drastic de- dant precipitation were replaced by an era cline in the quality of manufacture and characterized by dry conditions culminat- decoration of the local Trinidadian pottery ing in prolonged droughts and increased assemblage, which closely reflects the hurricane frequency (Beets et al. 2006; Arauquinoid ceramic development in the Bertran et al. 2004). In this period the pan- Lower Orinoco Valley and the East Vene- Antillean Saladoid interaction sphere disin- zuelan coastal zone, can be explained only tegrated rapidly. This phenomenon is gen- by assuming that pottery had lost many of erally ascribed to the waning of regional its ritual messages to other items of mate- communication and exchange, most likely rial culture. Perhaps ceramics were much induced by the filling up of the archipelago less imbued by ceremonialism than during due to population increase, leading to the Saladoid/Barrancoid times and shamanic development of different zones of stylistic eschatological expression now manifested expression in the Eastern Caribbean itself on artifacts made of perishable mater- (Hofman et al. 2007). In its southern mar- als. All of this suggests that the transition gin the extant cultural relationships, politi- from the Saladoid and Barrancoid to the cal alliances and social networks connect- Arauquinoid series in Trinidad and else- ing the Amerindian communities of Trini- where meant a genuine cultural break. Of dad and Tobago were reformulated essen- course, this does not mean that the original

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 115 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert population of the island was completely ties may just reflect the process of region- replaced by newcomers. To the contrary, alisation noted above. From now onwards the gradual succession of Late Palo Seco Trinidad and Tobago appear to have been and Erin ceramics by the Bontour complex incorporated into separate major interaction suggests a steady development and cultural networks, characterized by pottery com- transition involving primarily a locally plexes which expressed different cultural seated population. It would explain, for in- and perhaps also ethnic loyalties. Clearly, stance, the apparent continuity of the local communication and interaction between modes of Saladoid ceramic technology Trinidad and the mainland intensified dur- well into Arauquinoid times at the Man- ing the Bontour episode as is shown by the zanilla 1 site (Dorst 2004). This settlement presence of particular exchange objects site is exemplary for the many Saladoid from the Lower Orinoco, notably cassava and Saladoid-Barrancoid sites that contin- griddles and ceramic roller stamps, both ued to be inhabited during the Bontour tempered with sponge spicules (cauixí), in complex. The excavations at Manzanilla 1 Trinidad’s Bontour settlements. In the Ori- have shown that in the Bontour period vil- noco Basin such roller stamps, most likely lages were characterized by circular house used for body painting, formed prestigious structures surrounded by shell midden de- items of ceremonial exchange throughout posits into which inhumation burials were Arauquinoid times. In addition, typically made (Dorst 2006:17). Growing population Apostaderan keeled vessels originating in density throughout the island is suggested the coastal zone of Guyana reached as far by the large increase of sites during Arau- as Trinidad’s southwestern littoral. Intra- quinoid times, but there are no indications island interaction is suggested by the re- that this was connected with significant covery of pottery tempered with river sand changes in the subsistence strategies em- containing micaschist particles, typical of ployed (Harris 1991). the Northern Range, at the Bontour sites of The simultaneous incorporation of To- the southern part of the island. bago’s Amerindian communities into the The presence of individual ceramic re- Troumassoid interaction sphere of the semblances between Bontour and the Trou- Windward Islands and Barbados meant a massoid pottery complexes of Tobago, major cultural realignment for the smaller would suggest Arauquinoid influence on island, comparable to the transition from the post-Saladoid development of the Saladoid and Barrancoid to Arauquinoid in Windward Islands (Boomert 1985, 2009). Trinidad. Whether the onset of the Arau- These ceramic similarities include oval quinoid series and its amalgamation with bowls typically showing dimpled rims, the Saladoid-Barrancoid communities in scalloped, horned or rectangular lugs, and Trinidad forms a sequence of events which incised or gouged designs, which resemble is associated with the contemporary devel- some of the decorative motifs shown by the opment of Saladoid to Troumassoid in the Arauquinoid pottery of the western portion Lesser Antilles, is utterly unclear. The lat- of the Guiana coastal zone and the central ter is definitely not connected with major Venezuelan littoral as well as that of Trini- population displacements and the region- dad. The Arauquinoid communities of the wide disappearance of white-on-red mainland coastal zone are even more credi- painted pottery as a unifying, indeed em- bly the origin of the anthropomorphic im- blematic, marker of the Saladoid communi- agery which from about cal AD 1150 on-

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 116 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert wards increasingly characterized Bontour ties suggest that contacts across the Galle- and the Late (Suazan) Troumassoid ceram- ons’ Passage did not cease, as is shown ics of the Windward Islands, Tobago and also by the fact that examples of Trinidad’s Barbados. It is predominantly shown on Bontour pottery reached Tobago as well as pottery artifacts referred to as ‘loom the islands of Los Testigos and Carriacou weights’ (Bullen and Bullen 1976). Similar in the Grenadines. Besides, button- and clay pestles, which may have been used for barrel-shaped diorite beads, made in To- crushing hallucinogenic drugs, are known bago where workshops in which these per- from Arauquinoid contexts on the sonal accoutrements were manufactured mainland. Interestingly, the anthropomor- continued to function throughout late- phic face designs, ornamenting necked jars prehistoric times, were apparently exported found in Bontour and the Suazan Plymouth to Trinidad. Such beads have been encoun- complex of Tobago, most closely resemble tered in an inhumation burial at Marac on mainland Arauquinoid examples (Boomert the island’s south coast and at the Bontour 2008b). In addition, the appearance of site on Trinidad’s southwestern littoral roller stamps at the Troumassoid sites of (Boomert et al. in press), while St. Cath- the Windward Islands may be due to inter- erine’s (II) yielded a series of unfinished action with the Arauquinoid peoples of the examples (Harris 1972). Nevertheless, the mainland and Trinidad. All of this raises cultural resemblances between the post- the question of the sociopolitical character Saladoid Tobagonian pottery assemblages of the Troumassoid Amerindian communi- and those of the Windward Islands and ties of the southern Caribbean. The Arau- Barbados point to much more intensive in- quinoid societies of the western littoral of teraction with the Troumassoid communi- the Guianas and the Orinoco llanos are as- ties of the southern Caribbean than with the sociated with impressive earth works such Arauquinoid villages of the mainland. This as large habitation mounds and extensive is suggested also by the presence of raised field complexes, suggesting commu- Caliviny exchange pottery or imitations nity-managed human workforce potential from the Windwards in Tobago’s Plymouth and perhaps a sociopolitical organisation complex (Boomert 2008b). Otherwise, ex- typified by rudimentary institutionalized otic-looking artifacts of clearly ceremonial inequality. However, such a simple or character showing strongly Chicoid icono- minimal chiefdom-type organisation is graphic features, which apparently trickled unlikely to have characterized the Guayabi- down the Lesser Antillean archipelago by tan societies of the Lower Orinoco, East down-the-line-exchange to as far south as Venezuelan littoral and Trinidad. These the Grenadines (Mol 2007), probably re- most likely formed tribal communities in flect extensive contacts between the Wind- which, as during Saladoid times, due to wards and the Taíno realm along the Carib- successful raiding and trading activities so- bean island chain. Allaire (1990) suggests called ‘great men’ were able to acquire that these ritualized exchange items point temporarily prominent positions within to interaction at primarily religious or eso- their own villages. This may have been the teric levels, also giving rise to the manufac- level of sociopolitical integration typifying ture of imitations or reduced models (also the Troumassoid communities of the Wind- Hofman et al. 2008). ward Islands and Barbados as well. The final Amerindian ceramic tradition The Arauquinoid-Troumassoid continui- of Trinidad, the Mayoid series, is charac-

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 117 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert teristic of the Amerindian-European con- this episode, although clearly contacts tact period. Apparently it was introduced across the Galleons’ Passage among the from the Guiana coastal zone a few centu- indigenous communities of Trinidad and ries before the European discovery of the Tobago never ceased. island. At some sites sparse amounts of Mayoid pottery have been found associated Conclusions with Bontour ceramics, suggesting a cer- Throughout Ceramic times the Amerin- tain period of overlap between Mayoid and dian communities of Trinidad and Tobago Guayabitan. Mayoid vessels, predomi- were involved in shifting region-wide ex- nantly thin-walled bowls and necked jars change and communication networks apart showing a minimum of ornamentation, from interacting with each other by cross- formed the domestic ceramics used by the ing the Galleons’ Passage. Clearly, after Spanish settlers in St. Joseph, Trinidad’s the Saladoid epoch during which Tobago first Spanish capital (1592). Besides, it focused on the northern coastal zone of the characterizes the Amerindian pottery found mainland and Trinidad, the Windward Is- at the Capuchin missions in the island lands as well as Barbados, the smaller is- which were founded by the Spanish from land was drawn into the fully insular Trou- 1687 onwards. This suggests that several of massoid interaction sphere. To the con- Trinidad’s Amerindian ethnic groups trary, South and Central Trinidad became manufactured and used Mayoid ceramics, increasingly affiliated with the Orinoco including at least the Carinepagoto Valley and Delta, the western littoral of the (Caribs), Nepoio, and Yaio. Mayoid pot- Guianas and the coastal zone of East Vene- tery shows faint resemblances to the proto- zuela. Although contacts across the Galle- historic Cayo ceramics of the Windward ons’ Passage never elapsed, in late- Islands which largely derive from the Kori- prehistoric and protohistoric times they be- abo complex of the Guianas, itself an off- came less significant in terms of the local shoot of the Polychrome Tradition of Ama- communities’ strategies of iconographic zonia. Koriabo can be taken to represent expression reflecting their policies of cul- the prehistoric precursor of the modern Ka- tural and perhaps also ethnic identification. lina (Carib) pottery of the Guianas while Cayo apparently forms the ceramics of the historic Island Caribs of the Windward Is- References cited lands (Boomert 1986, 2004). Cayo pottery Agard, J. B. R., and J. F. Gobin is unknown from Tobago although a few 2000 The Lesser Antilles, Trinidad and sites have yielded fragments of possibly Tobago. In Sea at the Millennium: Cayo-influenced Suazan Troumassoid ce- An Environmental Evaluation, ed- ramics, suggesting amalgamation between ited by C.R.C. Sheppard, I, pp. 627- both traditions. Generally speaking, the 641, Amsterdam: Pergamon. dominance of Mayoid pottery in Trinidad Allaire, L. and the onset of Cayo-Koriabo ceramics in 1990 Prehistoric Taino Interaction with the Windward Islands during final- the Lesser Antilles: The View from prehistoric times can be taken to be illus- Martinique, F.W.I. Paper presented trative of the increasing density of Amerin- at the 55th Annual Meeting of the dian interaction between the Lesser Antil- Society of American Archaeology, les and the coastal zone of the Guianas in Las Vegas 1990 (typescript).

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication #3 2010 118 Crossing the Galleons’ Passage Boomert

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