Outlines of a Model of Pure Plantation Economr By
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Quality Assurance and Safety of Crops & Foods
Wageningen Academic Quality Assurance and Safety of Crops & Foods, 2016; 8 (1): 21-31 Publishers Effect of ratooning process on the engineering properties of NERICA rice varieties O.V.I. Itabiyi1, A.A. Adebowale1*, T.A. Shittu1, S.O. Adigbo2 and L.O. Sanni1 1Department of Food Science and Technology, Federal University of Agriculture, P.M. Box 2240, Abeokuta, Nigeria; 2Department of Plant Physiology and Crop Production, Federal University of Agriculture, P.M. Box 2240, Abeokuta, Nigeria; [email protected] Received: 6 May 2014 / Accepted: 21 October 2014 © 2015 Wageningen Academic Publishers RESEARCH ARTICLE Abstract Rice ratooning is the practice of harvesting grain from tillers originating from the stubble of previously harvested crop. Comparative assessment of the engineering properties of main and ratooned NERICA rice varieties was investigated in this study. The length, width, thickness, arithmetic mean diameter, geometric mean diameter, equivalent diameter and surface area ranged from 8.21 to 10.62 mm, 2.31 to 3.60 mm, 1.67 to 2.28 mm, 13.10 to 22.67 mm, 3.26 to 3.87 mm, 6.35 to 9.98 mm, 23.15 to 42.02%, 34.20 to 51.31 mm and from 0.35 to 0.48 mm2, respectively. Bulk density, true density, porosity, thousand grain weight and volume ranged from 0.63 to 1.14 g/cm3, 0.55 to 0.67 g/cm3, 1.48 to 45.91%, 21.66 to 27.41 g and from 0.023 to 0.031 mm3, respectively. Coefficient of static friction on polished wood, plywood, metal and glass ranged from 0.35 to 0.47, 0.34 to 0.44, 0.26 to 0.34 and 0.14 to 0.21, respectively. -
Building a Movement in the Non-Profit Industrial Complex
Building A Movement In The Non-Profit Industrial Complex Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Michelle Oyakawa Graduate Program in Sociology The Ohio State University 2017 Dissertation Committee: Korie Edwards, Advisor Andrew Martin Steve Lopez Copyrighted by Michelle Mariko Oyakawa 2017 Abstract Today, democracy in the United States is facing a major challenge: Wealthy elites have immense power to influence election outcomes and policy decisions, while the political participation of low-income people and racial minorities remains relatively low. In this context, non-profit social movement organizations are one of the key vehicles through which ordinary people can exercise influence in our political system and pressure elite decision-makers to take action on matters of concern to ordinary citizens. A crucial fact about social movement organizations is that they often receive significant financial support from elites through philanthropic foundations. However, there is no research that details exactly how non-profit social movement organizations gain resources from elites or that analyzes how relationships with elite donors impact grassroots organizations’ efforts to mobilize people to fight for racial and economic justice. My dissertation aims to fill that gap. It is an ethnographic case study of a multiracial statewide organization called the Ohio Organizing Collaborative (OOC) that coordinates progressive social movement organizations in Ohio. Member organizations work on a variety of issues, including ending mass incarceration, environmental justice, improving access to early childhood education, and raising the minimum wage. In 2016, the OOC registered over 155,000 people to vote in Ohio. -
Dynamics of Financialization After the Crisis? How Finance (Still) Gets Its Way
Dynamics of financialization after the crisis? How finance (still) gets its way Julie Froud Manchester Business School and Centre for Research in Socio‐Cultural Change (CRESC), UK Outline • Starting point: finance is not humbled, (despite current crisis, the resulting bailouts and large losses imposed in terms of foregone GDP and imposed austerity). But growing concerns about ‘imbalance’ • Explaining this as a story about power and elites, mainly about the UK (noting specificities of financialization), but with relevance elsewhere, by: a) looking back at C Wright Mills and b) moving forward with the finance and point value complex. • The aim is to highlight the pervasive, programmatic power of finance. To understand financialization, we have to understand many things. So, a contribution to a collective endeavour. (1) Finance unreformed The story so far… Unreformed finance a) investment banking • Half‐hearted reform in UK: limited structural change ‐> no major bank break‐up; ring fencing of investment banking, not separation; few constraints on long chain leveraged finance; (still) low capital requirements; bonuses survive (eg HSBC Feb 2014) and redundancies postponed • Scandals continue: Libor, exchange rate fixing (even after Libor) Collusion, manipulation of rates ‐> profit and bonus implications; Barclays Capital as ‘loose federation of money making franchises’ (not the ‘go‐to bank’). Finance Minister, George Osborne on Libor crisis: ‘we know what went wrong’…. No interest in learning. Unreformed finance b) retail banking • Half‐hearted reform in UK: more competition via ‘challenger banks’… (but not tackling business model, where RoE targets in mid‐teens drive mis‐selling eg Jenkins at Barclays: 15% RoE target in retail) • Scandals continue: ever more mis‐selling. -
Hustle and Flow: Prison Privatization Fueling the Prison Industrial Complex
FULCHER FINAL (DO NOT DELETE) 6/10/2012 2:43 PM Hustle and Flow: Prison Privatization Fueling the Prison Industrial Complex Patrice A. Fulcher* ABSTRACT The Prison Industrial Complex (“PIC”) is a profiteering system fueled by the economic interests of private corporations, federal and state correctional institutions, and politicians. The PIC grew from ground fertilized by an increase in the U.S. prison population united with an economically depressed market, stretched budgets, and the ineffective allocation of government resources. The role of the federal, state, and local governments in the PIC has been to allocate resources. This is the first of a series of articles exploring issues surrounding the PIC, including (1) prison privatization, (2) outsourcing the labor of prisoners for profit, and (3) constitutional misinterpretations. The U.S. prison population increased in the 1980s, in part, because of harsh drug and sentencing laws and the racial profiling of Blacks. When faced with the problem of managing additional inmates, U.S. correctional institutions looked to the promise of private prison companies to house and control inmates at reduced costs. The result was the privatization of prisons, private companies handling the management of federal and state inmates. This Article addresses how the privatization of prisons helped to grow the PIC and the two ways in which governments’ expenditure of funds to private prison companies amount to an inefficient allocation of resources: (1) it creates an incentive to increase the prison population, which led to a monopoly and manipulation of the market by Correction Corporation of America (“CCA”) and The GEO Group, Inc. -
Austrian Theorizing: Recalling the Foundations
AUSTRIAN THEORIZING: RECALLING THE FOUNDATIONS WALTER BLOCK t is a pleasure to reply to Caplan’s (1999) critique of Austrian economics. Unlike other such recent reactions1 this one shows evidence of great familiarity with the IAustrian (praxeological) literature, and a deep interest in its analytical foundations. Thus, Caplan correctly identifies the works of Ludwig von Mises and Murray N. Rothbard as the core of what sets Austrian economics apart from the neoclassical mainstream. And he insightfully relegates the writings of F.A. Hayek and Israel M. Kirzner to an intermediate position between the praxeological and neoclassical approaches.2 We shall defend this core of Austrian economics against Caplan’s criticisms, and show that, just as in the case of these others, his arrows fall wide of their mark. It is nevertheless instructive to highlight his errors. The benefits are a better understanding of the Austrian School, and greater insight into neoclassical short- comings. This article follows the outline of Caplan (1999) and is divided into the same four sections as his: first an introduction, second, consumer theory, third, welfare economics, and fourth, a conclusion. WALTER BLOCK is economics department chairman and professor at the University of Cen- tral Arkansas, Conway. The author would like to thank Guido Hülsmann and Michael Levin for helpful comments to an earlier draft of this paper. He would also like to thank an anony- mous referee who made no fewer than seven suggestions, all of which were incorporated into this paper, much to its improvement. All remaining errors are, of course, my responsibil- ity. 1See in this regard Rosen (1997), Tullock (1998), Timberlake (1987), Demsetz (1997), Yeager (1987) and Krugman (1998). -
Military-Industrial Complex: Eisenhower's Unsolved Problem
MILITARY-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX: EISENHOWER'S UNSOLVED PROBLEM by )/lrS THOMAS JENKINS BADGER Bo A., George Washington University., 1949 A MASTER'S THESIS submitted fn pa 1 ful 111b nt of the .'_-. -.- ... — -\-C MASTER OF ARTS Department of Political Science KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 1965 Approved by: ~ Major Professor XOOl 1105 6<3 ACKHQWLEOGEMENT TO: Dr. Louis Douglas for suggesting the subject, offering continuous encouragement and valuable advice, and insisting upon a measure of scholar- ship. Or. Robin Higham for reading the manuscript, professional advice and suggestions. Dr. Joseph Hajda, who as the Major Professor, was responsible for the thesis and who tirelessly read and reread drafts, and who patiently pointed out weaknesses needing amplification, correction, or deletion. It Is not Intended to Indicate that these gentlemen concur with the entire thesis. They don't. The errors and misconceptions In the thesis are mine as well as the conclusions but without their assistance the thesis would be unacceptable as a scholarly work. If I could have followed their advice more Intelligently the thesis would be considerably Improved, but whatever merit this work may have the credit belongs to them. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION of the United One hundred and sixty-eight years ago, the first President had served so States presented his farewell address to the country which he from a divided well and which he, as much as any other person, had changed Washington's group of self-oriented states Into a cohesive nation. George permanent alliances principal advice to this young nation was to stay clear of west to settle} with foreign nations. -
Healthcare in the Usa: Understanding the Medical-Industrial Complex
B3 | HEALTHCARE IN THE USA: UNDERSTANDING THE MEDICAL-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX Introduction In the mid-1960s a group of progressively-minded New York activists came together to found the Health Policy Advisory Center or Health/PAC as it came to be called It was a time of intense activism in New York as poor communi- ties took to the streets demanding improved services and were emboldened to actually take over Lincoln Hospital in the Bronx (known locally as ‘the butcher shop’) 1 Following a 1967 ‘exposé-analysis’ written by one of the authors of this chapter (Robb Burlage), Health/PAC began publishing a monthly bulletin offering a ‘New Left’ perspective on health Three years later in 1970, John and Barbara Ehrenreich published a book-length critique of US healthcare based on the Health/PAC article, titled The American Health Empire. The medical–industrial complex In November 1969, Health/PAC first used the phrase ‘medical–industrial complex’ (MIC) as a way of characterizing the US health system The term was a spin-off from President Eisenhower’s farewell address in 1961, during which he discussed the dangers of the “military–industrial complex” Health/PAC’s use of the term ‘MIC’ incorporated the perception that healthcare was moving away from a system built on individual doctors and small community hospitals; healthcare was becoming more and more the ‘business’ of large academic centres that Health/PAC characterized as medical empires These medical empires were constructed around a central (private, academic) hospital and outlying satellite -
Plantation Slavery and Economic Development in the Antebellum Southern United States
Journal of Agrarian Change, Vol. 3Plantation No. 3, July 2003, Slavery pp. 289–332. and Economic Development 289 Plantation Slavery and Economic Development in the Antebellum Southern United States CHARLES POST The relationship of plantation slavery in the Americas to economic and social development in the regions it was dominant has long been a subject of scholarly debate. The existing literature is divided into two broad interpretive models – ‘planter capitalism’ (Fogel and Engerman, Fleisig) and the ‘pre-bourgeois civilization’ (Genovese, Moreno-Fraginals). While each grasps aspects of plantation slavery’s dynamics, neither provides a consistent and coherent his- torical or theoretical account of slavery’s impact on economic development because they focus on the subjective motivations of economic actors (planters or slaves) independent of their social context. Borrowing Robert Brenner’s concept of ‘social property relations’, the article presents an alternative analysis of the dynamics of plantation slavery and their relation to economic develop- ment in the regions it dominated. Keywords: plantation slavery, capitalism, USA, world market, agrarian class structure INTRODUCTION From the moment that plantation slavery came under widespread challenge in Europe and the Americas in the late eighteenth century, its economic impact has been hotly debated. Both critics and defenders linked the political and moral aspects of slavery with its social and economic effects on the plantation regions Charles Post, Sociology Department, Sarah Lawrence College, 1 Mead Way, Bronxville, NY 10708- 5999, USA. e-mail: [email protected] (until 30 August 2003). Department of Social Science, Borough of Manhattan Community College-CUNY, 199 Chambers Street, New York, NY 10007, USA. -
American Society of Sugar Cane Technologists ASSCT
JOURNAL American Society of Sugar Cane Technologists Volume 2 Florida and Louisiana Divisions June 1983 ASSCT OFFICERS AND COMMITTEES FOR 1981 General Officers and Committees General Secretary-Treasurer Editors of Journal Managing Editor Program Chairman Lowell L. McCormick Fred A. Martin Technical Editors Guillermo Aleman Agriculture Bryan Allain 1 Fred A. Martin H. J. Andreis Antonio Arvesu Manufacturing Jan Bergeron Harold Birkett Joseph A. Polack Patrick Cancienne Joseph Clayton Alfonso L. Fors Gerardo Fundora Dalton Landry Ben L. Legendre Irving Legendre, Jr. Denver I. Loupe Lowell L. McCormick Divisional Officers Florida Office Louisiana Joe E. Clayton President Irving Legendre, Jr. Guillermo Aleman 1st Vice President Ben L. Legendre Robert Stacy 2nd Vice President Jan Bergeron H. J. Andreis Chairman, Agricultural Section Bryan Allain Cerardo Fundora Chairman, Manufacturing Section Harold Birkett Alfonso L. Fors Chairman at Large Patrick Cancienne Antonio Arvesu Past President Dalton Landry J. R. Orsenigo Secretary-Treasurer Lowell L. McCormick i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page 1 President's Message - Florida Division Joe E. Clayton 3 President's Message - Louisiana Division Irving E. Legendre, Jr. Agricultural Papers 5 Sugarcane Evapotranspiration Estimated By Penman Method S. F. Shin 12 The Ratooning Abilities of Four New CP Sugarcane Cultivars Compared to CP 63-588 Barry Glaz and J. D. Miller 17 Late-Season Weed Control in Sugarcane With Herbicides Applied at Lay-by R. W. Millhollon 22 The Effects of Selected Elements in Fertilizers on the Uptake of These Elements by Sugarcane Laron E. Golden 29 Influence of Smut on Production in Highly Susceptible Varieties of Sugarcane D. G. Holder 32 The Frequency of Smut Resistant Clones in the Canal Point Sugarcane Breeding Program J. -
Greenhouse Gas Mitigation Options and Costs for Agricultural Land and Animal Production Within the United States
Greenhouse Gas Mitigation Options and Costs for Agricultural Land and Animal Production within the United States ICF International February 2013 Greenhouse Gas Mitigation Options and Costs for Agricultural Land and Animal Production within the United States Prepared by: ICF International 1725 I St NW, Suite 1000 Washington, DC 20006 For: U.S. Department of Agriculture Climate Change Program Office Washington, DC February 2013 Greenhouse Gas Mitigation Options and Costs for Agricultural Land and Animal Production within the United States Preparation of this report was done under USDA Contract No. AG-3142-P-10-0214 in support of the project: Greenhouse Gas Mitigation Options and Costs for Agricultural Land and Animal Production within the United States. This draft report was provided to USDA under contract by ICF International and is presented in the form in which it was received from the contractor. Any views presented are those of the authors and are not necessarily the views of or endorsed by USDA. For more information, contact the USDA Climate Change Program Office by email at [email protected], fax (202) 401-1176, or phone (202) 720-6699. Cover Photo Credit: (Middle Photo) California Bioenergy LLC, Dairy Biogas Project, Bakersfield, CA. How to Obtain Copies: You may electronically download this document from the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Web site at: http://www.usda.gov/oce/climate_change/mitigation_technologies/GHGMitigationProduction_Cost.htm For Further Information Contact: Jan Lewandrowski, USDA Project Manager ([email protected]) -
The Place of the Prison in the New Government of Poverty Loïc
The Place of the Prison in the New Government of Poverty Loïc Wacquant * More than the specifics of statistical figures and trends, it is the deep-seated logic of this swing from the social to the penal that one must grasp here. Far from contradicting the neoliberal project of deregulation and decay of the public sector, the irresistible rise of the U.S. penal state constitutes, as it were, its negative — in the sense of obverse but also of revelator — since it manifests the implementation of a policy of criminalization of poverty that is the indispensable complement to the imposition of precarious and underpaid wage labor as civic obligation for those locked at the bottom of the class and caste structure, as well as the redeployment of social- welfare programs in a restrictive and punitive sense that is concomitant with it. At the time of its institutionalization in the United States of the mid-nineteenth century, “imprisonment was above all a method aiming at the control of deviant and dependent populations,” and inmates were mainly poor people and European immigrants recently arrived in the New World.1 Nowadays, the carceral apparatus of the United States fills an analogous role with respect to those groups rendered superfluous or incongruous by the twofold restructuring of the wage labor relation and state charity: the declining fractions of the working class and poor blacks at the core of formerly industrial cities. In so doing, it has regained a central place in the system of the instruments for the government of poverty, at the crossroads of the deskilled labor market, the collapsing urban ghetto, and social-welfare services “reformed” with a view to buttressing the discipline of desocialized wage work. -
The Party-State in China's Military-Industrial Complex: Implications for US National Security
Testimony before the U.S.- China Economic and Security Review Commission Hearing on "U.S. Investment in China's Capital Markets and Military-Industrial Complex" The Party-State in China’s Military-Industrial Complex: Implications for U.S. National Security Jason Arterburn Program Director, the Center for Advanced Defense Studies Friday, March 19, 2021 [Type here] US-China Economic Security Review Testimony Introduction China’s domestic political economy exposes the United States to national security risks that our regulatory systems are not well equipped to address. China’s commercial system blurs public and private distinctions, which have become even less meaningful under General Secretary Xi Jinping as the party-state has become resurgent in the commercial sector. While the U.S. policymaking community has largely acknowledged the risks of U.S. exposure to China’s military- industrial base, our regulatory community still faces challenges in how to identify and mitigate risks. This is largely because “the analytical frameworks that many of us are using to understand China’s economy are stuck in past paradigms” that do not reflect the “entirely new political- economic order” that China’s system has produced as both an emergent and intentional phenomenon.1 Experts like James Mulvenon, Anna Puglisi, William Hannas, Didi Kirsten Tatlow, and others have previously produced extensive analyses of China’s technology acquisition ambitions and military-civil fusion system, which have provided the policymaking community with a comprehensive overview of China’s technology acquisition system and its changes over the last decade. In this testimony, I seek to complement their work by contextualizing China’s military-industrial base against the backdrop of recent changes in China’s political economy, with the goal of developing a framework that policymakers and the business community can use to mitigate national security risk as General Secretary Xi Jinping continues to pursue illiberal governance reforms.