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AISR 20202123 Sukeui Sohn.Hwp
Asian International Studies Review Sukeui Vol. 21 Sohn No.2 (December 2020): 55-77 55 Received September 15, 2020 Revised December 4, 2020 Accepted December 11, 2020 Examining Opposition Realignment and Japan’s Rightward Shift in the 2017 General Election* Sukeui Sohn** The purpose of this study to examine the degree of ‘rightward shift’ among Japanese politicians as well as voters by analyzing the result of the 2017 general election, particularly focusing on the split of Democratic Party (minshintō) and the consequent realignment of opposition bloc between moderate conservatives, represented by Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (rikken minshutō), and hardline conservatives who joined newly-established Party of Hope (kibō no tō). Particularly, the district-level analysis of eighty-five districts reveal that the moderate-hardline alignment among voters appears to be solidified, and there seems low level of vote mobilities between the two blocs. Instead, the electoral results indicate that political parties are competing one another within its respective blocs. While the overall tendency of new voters to support new rightwing party may serve as one of indicators to elucidate Japan’s rightward shift, given the ambiguity of candidates’ positions on constitutional revisions as well as poor performance of PoH candidates against CDPJ, it is questionable whether such trend can be accounted for permanent or holistic shift to the rightist ideology. Keywords: Rightward Shift (ukeika), Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ), Party of Hope, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), The 2017 General Election, Opposition Realignment * This work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2019S1A6A3A02102886). -
Mixed-Member Electoral Systems in Constitutional Context
0/-*/&4637&: *ODPMMBCPSBUJPOXJUI6OHMVFJU XFIBWFTFUVQBTVSWFZ POMZUFORVFTUJPOT UP MFBSONPSFBCPVUIPXPQFOBDDFTTFCPPLTBSFEJTDPWFSFEBOEVTFE 8FSFBMMZWBMVFZPVSQBSUJDJQBUJPOQMFBTFUBLFQBSU $-*$,)&3& "OFMFDUSPOJDWFSTJPOPGUIJTCPPLJTGSFFMZBWBJMBCMF UIBOLTUP UIFTVQQPSUPGMJCSBSJFTXPSLJOHXJUI,OPXMFEHF6OMBUDIFE ,6JTBDPMMBCPSBUJWFJOJUJBUJWFEFTJHOFEUPNBLFIJHIRVBMJUZ CPPLT0QFO"DDFTTGPSUIFQVCMJDHPPE MIXED-MEMBER ELECTORAL SYSTEMS IN CONSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT TAIWAN, JAPAN, and BEYOND EDITED BY NATHAN F. BATTO, CHI HUANG, ALEXANDER C. TAN, & GARY W. COX New Comparative Politics Mixed- Member Electoral Systems in Constitutional Context Reformers have promoted mixed- member electoral systems as the “best of both worlds.” In this volume, internationally recognized political sci- entists evaluate the ways in which the introduction of a mixed-member electoral system affects the coniguration of political parties. The con- tributors examine several political phenomena, including cabinet post allocation, nominations, preelectoral coalitions, split-ticket voting, and the size of party systems and faction systems. Signiicantly, they also consider various ways in which the constitutional system— especially whether the head of government is elected directly or indirectly—can modify the incentives created by the electoral system. Part I of the book provides an in-depth comparison of Taiwan and Japan, both of which moved from single nontransferable vote systems to mixed- member majoritarian systems. These cases demonstrate that the higher the payoffs of attaining the executive ofice and the greater degree of cross-district coordination required to win it, the stronger the incentives for elites to form and stay in the major parties. In such a context, a country will move rapidly toward a two-party system. In Part II, the contributors apply this theoretical logic to other countries with mixed- member systems and ind that executive competition has the same effect on legislative electoral rules in countries as disparate as Thailand, the Philippines, New Zealand, Bolivia, and Russia. -
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right?
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right? Harunobu Saijo Abstract One set of theories pertaining to radical right success examines the strategy of mainstream right-wing parties. One mechanism that seems to have been ignored is the extent to which mainstream right-wing parties include or exclude "radical right" individuals and supporters within their own ranks. I argue that giving \radical right" elements a place within mainstream parties, allows center-right parties to prevent potential radical right voters from switching support to parties more extreme than itself, by presenting a more credible alternative. This raises the issue of internal party dynamics, and non-unitary parties, which the existing literature ignores, due to the largely unitary nature of Western European parties. The Japanese case demonstrates such a mechanism. Furthermore, the validity of this thesis can be tested more rigorously over time, as the state allows more immigrants to enter Japan, which may strain this outcome. 1 1 Introduction In the comparative party politics literature, the rise of the "Radical Right" party has been widely theorized and analyzed with a focus on Western and Eastern Europe. Other works have expanded the scope of study to fit parties in late capitalist countries as diverse as Israel, Canada, Australia, Chile, and New Zealand (Norris, 2005, 7) (Rydgren, 2007, 242). Yet, there has been less work on the Japanese case, though some have tried to apply the populist or radical right theories to phenomena in Japanese politics. Furthermore, most of the contributions that do examine the Japanese radical right either examine groupuscular formations that do not contest elections, or examine particular elections or personalities instead of examining the country-level variables theorized by the literature, or consider how the Japanese case can inform the theory in general. -
Japanese Protesters Use Nazism to Attack Chinese, Koreans May 01, 2014 the ASAHI SHIMBUN
http://ajw.asahi.com/article/behind_news/social_affairs/AJ201405010052 Disturbing trend: Japanese protesters use Nazism to attack Chinese, Koreans May 01, 2014 THE ASAHI SHIMBUN Racist chants bellowed from a loudspeaker and Hinomaru flags were waved at a rally in Tokyo attended by about 40 people following a young person dressed in military uniform. But what set this demonstration apart from the usual protests against Koreans and Chinese were the swastika flags fluttering beside Japan’s national flag. “We will recover the honor of Imperial Japan and Nazi Germany,” one person shouted, as the protesters marched through a busy entertainment area of the Ikebukuro district. The rally was held on April 20, the 125th anniversary of the birth of Adolf Hitler. Although young Japanese protesters have recently increased their use of Nazi symbols in demonstrations, the rallies are not targeted at Jews. In their minds, the demonstrators seem to believe that Hitler was justified in trying to protect the German race from a rising threat, and that Nazi-style persecution offers way to save Japan from the increasing power of China and South Korea. Their numbers remain small, and they may simply be disgruntled youth ignorant about history. However, their praise for a man considered the most evil in the 20th century has raised fears about where their movement is heading. “One characteristic of the latest cases is the connecting of Nazism with calls spreading through the Internet to throw out ethnic Koreans and Chinese living in Japan,” said Mitsuharu Akao, an assistant professor at Osaka University specializing in Jewish cultural studies. -
Survey: English
I would like to ask you some questions concerning public expenditure. CSES Q1 Q1 For the next questions, please say whether there should be more or less public expenditure in each of the following areas. Remember if you say "more" it could require a tax increase, and if you say "less" it could require a reduction in those services. (please choose one for items a to h) Q1a Health 1. Much more than now 2. Somewhat more than now 3. The same as now 4. Somewhat less than now 5. Much less than now 7. Volunteered : Refused 8. Volunteered : Don’t know 9. Missing Q1b Education 1. Much more than now 2. Somewhat more than now 3. The same as now 4. Somewhat less than now 5. Much less than now 7. Volunteered : Refused 8. Volunteered : Don’t know 9. Missing Q1c Unemployment Benefits 1. Much more than now 2. Somewhat more than now 3. The same as now 4. Somewhat less than now 5. Much less than now 7. Volunteered : Refused 1 8. Volunteered : Don’t know 9. Missing Q1d Defense 1. Much more than now 2. Somewhat more than now 3. The same as now 4. Somewhat less than now 5. Much less than now 7. Volunteered : Refused 8. Volunteered : Don’t know 9. Missing Q1e Old-Age Pensions 1. Much more than now 2. Somewhat more than now 3. The same as now 4. Somewhat less than now 5. Much less than now 7. Volunteered : Refused 8. Volunteered : Don’t know 9. Missing Q1f Business and Industry 1. -
Election Results and Comments
GR Japan: Post-election analysis 22 July 2013 Abe’s administration to keep focus on economic policy The tailwind for the LDP and New Komeito coalition lasted all the way to election day and gave a resounding victory to the coalition partners, just in line with what GR Japan analysts projected last week – we were one off target, with the coalition getting 135 seats in the House of Councillors, instead of our prediction of 136. The victory does not alter our analysis in any fundamental way – the Abe administration’s focus will be on economic policy and the second round of the “third arrow” of Abenomics – deregulation and supply-side reforms. Policy competition is now likely to be seen within the LDP rather than between different political parties – in a sense a return to the (in)famous 1.5 party system. Different this time, however, is that the mandate received is “reform, reform, reform”. And unlike in the bad old times, a quick verdict is to be expected if the LDP fails to deliver on that promise. Despite the overwhelming support for Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s reform plans, it remains unclear what the specific policy priorities are. Until now, the LDP has been united in a common goal – winning the House of Councilors election and securing majorities in both houses of the Diet. But with that achieved, the competition for control of the policy-making process will start for real. Signs of this could be seen already yesterday night with voices raised both for a quick “attack” on the regulatory reform agenda and revision of the constitution. -
“Legitimation Crisis” of Journalism in Japan
Keio Communication Review No.41, 2019 “Legitimation Crisis” of Journalism in Japan YAMAKOSHI Shuzo* Introduction This paper considers how changes in media environment and political culture have affected journalism in Japan in recent years. The “crisis” of news media and journalism has recently become a hot topic of discussion at the global level, with events like the populism and media politics of the Trump regime in the US, Brexit in the UK, and the rise of far-right politics in the EU. It is said that “populism,” “fake news” and a “post-truth” environment have undermined the legitimacy of journalism. In Japan, the debate over the “crisis” of journalism has also become active, but with somewhat different features to other countries. In Japan, there is no populist political leader who utilizes social media in a way comparable to President Trump; and no nationalist or racist political parties have gained a seat in the National Diet as has happened in several European countries. Then what kind of media “crisis” is developing in Japan? From the perspective of international comparison, Kaori Hayashi has pointed out that “silent distrust of the media” is developing in Japan (Hayashi, 2017: 161)†. In Japan, traditional mainstream media such as newspapers and television retain a significant presence compared to many developed nations, and alternative or grassroots journalism has little influence. However, according to Hayashi, there is an apathy toward journalism among the general public, who are insufficiently concerned about the decline of news media and problems of journalism. Under this situation, the mainstream news media has been shrinking, subject to market fundamentalism. -
Japan's New Legislature Balance
Japan's New Legislative Balance - Council on Foreign Relations http://www.cfr.org/japan/japans-new-legislative-balance/p29682 Author: Sheila A. Smith, Senior Fellow for Japan Studies December 17, 2012 With a sweeping electoral victory, Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has not simply come back to power; it now dominates a vastly reimagined political landscape. Sunday's election brought the LDP back, and with it, Shinzo Abe, the prime minister who inherited the mantle of Koizumi's reformed party in 2006. Abe's short tenure in office and his abrupt resignation left many wondering during the early weeks of the campaign if he was up to leading the country again. This revived--and reinforced--LDP now has a variety of potential partners in its effort to govern. Japan's conservatives are now by far the largest political force in parliament, with 294 seats in the 480-seat lower house. Abe announced immediately that his party intends to govern in coalition with its long-standing electoral partner, the New Komei Party, which has thirty-one seats. With 325 seats, Japan's new government will wield a two-thirds majority, allowing it to overrule opposition to legislation in Japan's upper house. The difficulties in passing legislation in Japan's divided Diet will be over. Ever since the conservatives lost their majority in the upper house in 2007, efforts by the LDP and then the DPJ to govern have been frustrated by the lack of cooperation between the lower and upper houses of parliament. This stalled government initiatives and prevented policy coalitions from forming across party lines. -
Iprisviewpoints
131 IPRIS Viewpoints JULY 2013 Japan’s Upper House Elections: A New Test for Shinzo Abe RAJARAM PANDA Visiting Faculty, School of Language, Literature and Culture Studies (SLLCS), Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi, India Affiliated Researcher, Portuguese Institute of International Relations and Security (IPRIS) Campaign officially kicked off on July 4 for elections to The LDP and its junior partner in the national Diet, New Japan’s Upper House of the Diet on July 21. A total of 367 Komeito, succeeded in getting all their candidates – 59 candidates are schedule to run for half of the total 242 from LDP and 23 from New Komeito – elected. Now they seats for which elections will be held. The ruling Liberal control the 127-seat Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly. The Democratic Party (LDP), headed by Shinzo Abe, and its DPJ, which used to control the Assembly, won only 15 junior coalition partner, New Komeito, together hold 59 seats and tumbled to fourth position. It had won 43 seats seats in the Upper House that will not be contested on in the 2009 election. To some extent, the LDP benefitted July 21. Between them, they will need to win 70 seats out from the DPJ’s unpopularity. of 121 up for grabs to achieve a majority of seats in the The contest was expected to focus on a mix of fiscal Upper House and form a coalition government. stimulus, radical monetary easing, and other measures Prior to the forthcoming elections on July 21, elections aimed at pulling Japan out of chronic deflation. His re- were held for the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly on June forms being dubbed as “Abenomics”, Abe had to win the 23, and the LDP took majority control of the house from Tokyo Assembly elections “at any cost” as it would set the the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Japan Date of Election: 7/21/2013 Prepared by: Date of Preparation: NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [X] Parliamentary/Legislative [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [X] Upper House [ ] Lower House [ ] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? 2b. What was the party of the Prime Minister prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was parliamentary? Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 2c. -
Populism As Rhetorical Politics in Britain and Japan: 'Devil Take The
R. L. R. Populism as Rhetorical Politics in Britain and Japan 107 Populism as Rhetorical Politics in Britain and Japan: ‘Devil take the hindmost’ KOBORI, Masahiro* Although expressions of populism around the world have been growing in recent years, examples of these demonstrate a great variety. Britain and Japan provide two cases that show various features of populism. There is a synergy between populism and blame avoidance. In Britain, the British National Party has considerably toned down and modernised its extremist image, and the UK Independence Party advocates a referendum on whether Britain should stay in the EU. In Japan, new populist parties have denounced public workers and their trade unions. On the other hand, major parties have confronted populist parties only superficially and, in the end, actually echo populist discourse. These phenomena can be explained as a blame-avoidance strategy by the major parties. Therefore, populist attacks and blame avoidance can be considered two sides of the same coin. 1. Introduction Populism has recently attracted people’s attention in two countries located on opposite sides of the globe. In Britain, the UK Independence Party (UKIP) and the British National Party (BNP) have been called populist parties in recent years (Goodwin, 2011: 69). The same phenomenon has also been witnessed in Japan. The populist Japan Restoration Party (JRP) (Nihon-Ishin no Kai) has attracted people’s support by blaming the incumbents. Although there are some differences between the cases in the two countries, and even differences between examples in each country, it is possible to point out some common elements, as will be explained later. -
Japan's Right-Wing Women and the “Comfort Women” Issue
Yamaguchi | Japan’s Right-Wing Women and the “Comfort Women” Issue Japan’s Right-Wing Women and the “Comfort Women” Issue Tomomi Yamaguchi Introduction The issue of “comfort women” – women from Asia and the Pacific who were forced into sexual slavery for Japan’s imperial troops during World War II – has been surrounded by intense controversy in Japan since the mid-1990s. While the supporters of “comfort women” claim that the Japanese government was responsible for wartime sexual slavery and demand an apology and compensation for survivors, right-wing revisionists deny that Japan was responsible for past war crimes. After briefly reviewing the background on the surge of revisionist activism surrounding the “comfort women” issue, I will focus on recent developments in the second Abe admin- istration, when the Japanese government and right-wing revisionists started actively engaging on this dispute. I will pay close attention to the right-wing movement against the building of “comfort women” memorials in the United States, and the significant roles that Japanese women have played in this revisionist movement. I argue that the Japanese revisionist movement against “comfort women” monuments and statues in the United States has provided Japanese right-wing women in Japan and the United States with a significant new platform. I will then demonstrate that the activities by the Japa- nese government and the right-wing against “comfort women” memorials are extremely divisive for communities in the United States, especially among Asian Americans. Revisionism and “History Wars” The issue of “comfort women” became major news in Japan in 1991, when South Korean, Kim Hak-sun publicly came forward as a “comfort woman.” At that time, reactions from the Japanese government and right-wing organizations were not aggressively negative.