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Japan 2020: Abe's Well-Laid Plans Go Awry
Corey Wallace and Giulio Pugliese “Japan 2020: Abe’s Well-Laid Plans Go Awry”, Asia Maior XXXI/2020 (forthcoming) JAPAN 2020: ABE’S WELL-LAID PLANS GO AWRY1 Corey Wallace Kanagawa University [email protected] Giulio Pugliese University of Oxford and European University Institute [email protected] Like elsewhere, the COVID-19 pandemic caused substantial disruptions in Japan. While generous fiscal spending mitigated the pandemic’s economic fallout, and Japan is poised in 2021 to rebound from its year-on-year 4.8% fall in GDP, there was significant political fallout in 2020. The postponement of the Olympic Games, the Abe government’s perceived inability to tackle the pandemic, and the (re)surfacing of political scandals led to Japan’s longest-serving Prime Minister popularity plummeting. The re-emergence of Abe’s health problems then precipitated his abrupt resignation. This ushered in the premiership of Suga Yoshihide, who promised to enact structural reforms and ambitious digitalization and environmental programmes, while also promising to continue significant elements of Abe’s policy agenda. Internationally, COVID-19 accelerated US-China tensions and, in connection to that, China’s regional assertiveness. This perceived assertiveness as well as China’s political involution and human rights violations in Hong Kong and Xinjiang, in turn, hardened the Japanese government’s position vis-à-vis Beijing. This happened despite Abe’s early 2020 efforts towards hosting a state visit by the Chinese president. Instead, the year instead ended with a «Quad» meeting at the ministerial level, hosted in Tokyo, rather than an entente with China. -
AISR 20202123 Sukeui Sohn.Hwp
Asian International Studies Review Sukeui Vol. 21 Sohn No.2 (December 2020): 55-77 55 Received September 15, 2020 Revised December 4, 2020 Accepted December 11, 2020 Examining Opposition Realignment and Japan’s Rightward Shift in the 2017 General Election* Sukeui Sohn** The purpose of this study to examine the degree of ‘rightward shift’ among Japanese politicians as well as voters by analyzing the result of the 2017 general election, particularly focusing on the split of Democratic Party (minshintō) and the consequent realignment of opposition bloc between moderate conservatives, represented by Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (rikken minshutō), and hardline conservatives who joined newly-established Party of Hope (kibō no tō). Particularly, the district-level analysis of eighty-five districts reveal that the moderate-hardline alignment among voters appears to be solidified, and there seems low level of vote mobilities between the two blocs. Instead, the electoral results indicate that political parties are competing one another within its respective blocs. While the overall tendency of new voters to support new rightwing party may serve as one of indicators to elucidate Japan’s rightward shift, given the ambiguity of candidates’ positions on constitutional revisions as well as poor performance of PoH candidates against CDPJ, it is questionable whether such trend can be accounted for permanent or holistic shift to the rightist ideology. Keywords: Rightward Shift (ukeika), Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ), Party of Hope, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), The 2017 General Election, Opposition Realignment * This work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2019S1A6A3A02102886). -
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right?
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right? Harunobu Saijo Abstract One set of theories pertaining to radical right success examines the strategy of mainstream right-wing parties. One mechanism that seems to have been ignored is the extent to which mainstream right-wing parties include or exclude "radical right" individuals and supporters within their own ranks. I argue that giving \radical right" elements a place within mainstream parties, allows center-right parties to prevent potential radical right voters from switching support to parties more extreme than itself, by presenting a more credible alternative. This raises the issue of internal party dynamics, and non-unitary parties, which the existing literature ignores, due to the largely unitary nature of Western European parties. The Japanese case demonstrates such a mechanism. Furthermore, the validity of this thesis can be tested more rigorously over time, as the state allows more immigrants to enter Japan, which may strain this outcome. 1 1 Introduction In the comparative party politics literature, the rise of the "Radical Right" party has been widely theorized and analyzed with a focus on Western and Eastern Europe. Other works have expanded the scope of study to fit parties in late capitalist countries as diverse as Israel, Canada, Australia, Chile, and New Zealand (Norris, 2005, 7) (Rydgren, 2007, 242). Yet, there has been less work on the Japanese case, though some have tried to apply the populist or radical right theories to phenomena in Japanese politics. Furthermore, most of the contributions that do examine the Japanese radical right either examine groupuscular formations that do not contest elections, or examine particular elections or personalities instead of examining the country-level variables theorized by the literature, or consider how the Japanese case can inform the theory in general. -
Regional Responses to U.S.-China Competition in the Indo-Pacific: Japan
Regional Responses to U.S.-China Competition in the Indo-Pacific: Japan Indo-Pacific: the in Competition U.S.-China Regional Responses to Regional Responses to U.S.-China Competition in the Indo-Pacific Japan Scott W. Harold Harold C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR4412z4 For more information on this series, visit www.rand.org/US-PRC-influence Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0519-7 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: globe: jcrosemann/GettyImages; flags: luzitanija/Adobe Stock Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. -
Japanese Protesters Use Nazism to Attack Chinese, Koreans May 01, 2014 the ASAHI SHIMBUN
http://ajw.asahi.com/article/behind_news/social_affairs/AJ201405010052 Disturbing trend: Japanese protesters use Nazism to attack Chinese, Koreans May 01, 2014 THE ASAHI SHIMBUN Racist chants bellowed from a loudspeaker and Hinomaru flags were waved at a rally in Tokyo attended by about 40 people following a young person dressed in military uniform. But what set this demonstration apart from the usual protests against Koreans and Chinese were the swastika flags fluttering beside Japan’s national flag. “We will recover the honor of Imperial Japan and Nazi Germany,” one person shouted, as the protesters marched through a busy entertainment area of the Ikebukuro district. The rally was held on April 20, the 125th anniversary of the birth of Adolf Hitler. Although young Japanese protesters have recently increased their use of Nazi symbols in demonstrations, the rallies are not targeted at Jews. In their minds, the demonstrators seem to believe that Hitler was justified in trying to protect the German race from a rising threat, and that Nazi-style persecution offers way to save Japan from the increasing power of China and South Korea. Their numbers remain small, and they may simply be disgruntled youth ignorant about history. However, their praise for a man considered the most evil in the 20th century has raised fears about where their movement is heading. “One characteristic of the latest cases is the connecting of Nazism with calls spreading through the Internet to throw out ethnic Koreans and Chinese living in Japan,” said Mitsuharu Akao, an assistant professor at Osaka University specializing in Jewish cultural studies. -
Survey: English
I would like to ask you some questions concerning public expenditure. CSES Q1 Q1 For the next questions, please say whether there should be more or less public expenditure in each of the following areas. Remember if you say "more" it could require a tax increase, and if you say "less" it could require a reduction in those services. (please choose one for items a to h) Q1a Health 1. Much more than now 2. Somewhat more than now 3. The same as now 4. Somewhat less than now 5. Much less than now 7. Volunteered : Refused 8. Volunteered : Don’t know 9. Missing Q1b Education 1. Much more than now 2. Somewhat more than now 3. The same as now 4. Somewhat less than now 5. Much less than now 7. Volunteered : Refused 8. Volunteered : Don’t know 9. Missing Q1c Unemployment Benefits 1. Much more than now 2. Somewhat more than now 3. The same as now 4. Somewhat less than now 5. Much less than now 7. Volunteered : Refused 1 8. Volunteered : Don’t know 9. Missing Q1d Defense 1. Much more than now 2. Somewhat more than now 3. The same as now 4. Somewhat less than now 5. Much less than now 7. Volunteered : Refused 8. Volunteered : Don’t know 9. Missing Q1e Old-Age Pensions 1. Much more than now 2. Somewhat more than now 3. The same as now 4. Somewhat less than now 5. Much less than now 7. Volunteered : Refused 8. Volunteered : Don’t know 9. Missing Q1f Business and Industry 1. -
“Legitimation Crisis” of Journalism in Japan
Keio Communication Review No.41, 2019 “Legitimation Crisis” of Journalism in Japan YAMAKOSHI Shuzo* Introduction This paper considers how changes in media environment and political culture have affected journalism in Japan in recent years. The “crisis” of news media and journalism has recently become a hot topic of discussion at the global level, with events like the populism and media politics of the Trump regime in the US, Brexit in the UK, and the rise of far-right politics in the EU. It is said that “populism,” “fake news” and a “post-truth” environment have undermined the legitimacy of journalism. In Japan, the debate over the “crisis” of journalism has also become active, but with somewhat different features to other countries. In Japan, there is no populist political leader who utilizes social media in a way comparable to President Trump; and no nationalist or racist political parties have gained a seat in the National Diet as has happened in several European countries. Then what kind of media “crisis” is developing in Japan? From the perspective of international comparison, Kaori Hayashi has pointed out that “silent distrust of the media” is developing in Japan (Hayashi, 2017: 161)†. In Japan, traditional mainstream media such as newspapers and television retain a significant presence compared to many developed nations, and alternative or grassroots journalism has little influence. However, according to Hayashi, there is an apathy toward journalism among the general public, who are insufficiently concerned about the decline of news media and problems of journalism. Under this situation, the mainstream news media has been shrinking, subject to market fundamentalism. -
Electorate Plumps for “Curry Rice”
Electorate Plumps for “Curry Rice” KAMIYA Matake, Professor, National Defense Academy Professor Kamiya Matake analyzes the results of December’s General Election. he House of Representatives Elections (General Elections) held on December 14 resulted in a landslide victory for the Liberal TDemocratic Party (LDP) led by Prime Minister Abe Shinzo. Since 1996, the House of Representatives in Japan has comprised the combined total of members elected by proportional representation and single member constituencies. In the latest election, the LDP won in 223 of 295 small electoral districts, while obtaining 68 of the 180 seats in proportional representation, which divides the nation into eleven blocks. The LDP acquired 61.26% of all seats, its second highest figure in all seventeen elections held in the past fifty years. Komeito, the LDP’s coalition partner in the Abe Administration, won 35 seats — four more than its pre-election figure of 31. The opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) won 73 seats, which is more than the 57 won in the previous election, but it won only 38 of KAMIYA Matake, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan the 295 small electoral districts. In proportional representation, the LDP collected 17.66 million votes — about one million more than in the last election and an increase from 27.6% last time to 33.1% – despite the latest election seeing the worst voter turnout (52.66%) in postwar history, and together with Komeito it received 24.97 million votes (46.8%) as the ruling coalition. However, the DPJ only picked up 9.78 million votes (18.3%). -
Japan's New Legislature Balance
Japan's New Legislative Balance - Council on Foreign Relations http://www.cfr.org/japan/japans-new-legislative-balance/p29682 Author: Sheila A. Smith, Senior Fellow for Japan Studies December 17, 2012 With a sweeping electoral victory, Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has not simply come back to power; it now dominates a vastly reimagined political landscape. Sunday's election brought the LDP back, and with it, Shinzo Abe, the prime minister who inherited the mantle of Koizumi's reformed party in 2006. Abe's short tenure in office and his abrupt resignation left many wondering during the early weeks of the campaign if he was up to leading the country again. This revived--and reinforced--LDP now has a variety of potential partners in its effort to govern. Japan's conservatives are now by far the largest political force in parliament, with 294 seats in the 480-seat lower house. Abe announced immediately that his party intends to govern in coalition with its long-standing electoral partner, the New Komei Party, which has thirty-one seats. With 325 seats, Japan's new government will wield a two-thirds majority, allowing it to overrule opposition to legislation in Japan's upper house. The difficulties in passing legislation in Japan's divided Diet will be over. Ever since the conservatives lost their majority in the upper house in 2007, efforts by the LDP and then the DPJ to govern have been frustrated by the lack of cooperation between the lower and upper houses of parliament. This stalled government initiatives and prevented policy coalitions from forming across party lines. -
Populism As Rhetorical Politics in Britain and Japan: 'Devil Take The
R. L. R. Populism as Rhetorical Politics in Britain and Japan 107 Populism as Rhetorical Politics in Britain and Japan: ‘Devil take the hindmost’ KOBORI, Masahiro* Although expressions of populism around the world have been growing in recent years, examples of these demonstrate a great variety. Britain and Japan provide two cases that show various features of populism. There is a synergy between populism and blame avoidance. In Britain, the British National Party has considerably toned down and modernised its extremist image, and the UK Independence Party advocates a referendum on whether Britain should stay in the EU. In Japan, new populist parties have denounced public workers and their trade unions. On the other hand, major parties have confronted populist parties only superficially and, in the end, actually echo populist discourse. These phenomena can be explained as a blame-avoidance strategy by the major parties. Therefore, populist attacks and blame avoidance can be considered two sides of the same coin. 1. Introduction Populism has recently attracted people’s attention in two countries located on opposite sides of the globe. In Britain, the UK Independence Party (UKIP) and the British National Party (BNP) have been called populist parties in recent years (Goodwin, 2011: 69). The same phenomenon has also been witnessed in Japan. The populist Japan Restoration Party (JRP) (Nihon-Ishin no Kai) has attracted people’s support by blaming the incumbents. Although there are some differences between the cases in the two countries, and even differences between examples in each country, it is possible to point out some common elements, as will be explained later. -
Japan's Right-Wing Women and the “Comfort Women” Issue
Yamaguchi | Japan’s Right-Wing Women and the “Comfort Women” Issue Japan’s Right-Wing Women and the “Comfort Women” Issue Tomomi Yamaguchi Introduction The issue of “comfort women” – women from Asia and the Pacific who were forced into sexual slavery for Japan’s imperial troops during World War II – has been surrounded by intense controversy in Japan since the mid-1990s. While the supporters of “comfort women” claim that the Japanese government was responsible for wartime sexual slavery and demand an apology and compensation for survivors, right-wing revisionists deny that Japan was responsible for past war crimes. After briefly reviewing the background on the surge of revisionist activism surrounding the “comfort women” issue, I will focus on recent developments in the second Abe admin- istration, when the Japanese government and right-wing revisionists started actively engaging on this dispute. I will pay close attention to the right-wing movement against the building of “comfort women” memorials in the United States, and the significant roles that Japanese women have played in this revisionist movement. I argue that the Japanese revisionist movement against “comfort women” monuments and statues in the United States has provided Japanese right-wing women in Japan and the United States with a significant new platform. I will then demonstrate that the activities by the Japa- nese government and the right-wing against “comfort women” memorials are extremely divisive for communities in the United States, especially among Asian Americans. Revisionism and “History Wars” The issue of “comfort women” became major news in Japan in 1991, when South Korean, Kim Hak-sun publicly came forward as a “comfort woman.” At that time, reactions from the Japanese government and right-wing organizations were not aggressively negative. -
New Perspectives on Japan from the U.S.-Japan Network for the Future
New Perspectives on Japan from the U.S.-Japan Network for the Future New Perspectives on Japan from the U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Arthur Alexander, Editor www.mansfieldfdn.org 2 The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation, Washington, D.C. ©2016 by The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation All rights reserved. Published in the United States of America Library of Congress Control Number: 2016905896 The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation or its funders. 3 Contributors Liv Coleman, Associate Professor, University of Tampa Shinju Fujihira, Executive Director, Program on U.S.-Japan Relations, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Harvard University Benjamin Goldberg, Japan Analyst, U.S. Department of State Shihoko Goto, Senior Northeast Asia Associate, Woodrow Wilson Center Tobias Harris, Vice President, Teneo Intelligence and Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Levi McLaughlin, Assistant Professor, North Carolina State University Emer O’Dwyer, Associate Professor, Oberlin College Ian Rinehart, Analyst in Asian Affairs, Congressional Research Service Daniel Smith, Assistant Professor, Harvard University Nathaniel Smith, Assistant Professor, The University of Arizona Michael Strausz, Associate Professor, Texas Christian University Hiroki Takeuchi, Associate Professor, Southern Methodist University Kiyoteru Tsutsui, Associate Professor, University of Michigan U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Advisory Committee Dr. Susan J. Pharr, Edwin O. Reischauer Professor of Japanese Politics and Director of the Program on U.S.-Japan Relations, Harvard University Dr. Leonard Schoppa, Professor, University of Virginia Dr. Sheila A. Smith, Senior Fellow for Japan Studies, Council on Foreign Relations Dr.