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Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian. -
Japan 2020: Abe's Well-Laid Plans Go Awry
Corey Wallace and Giulio Pugliese “Japan 2020: Abe’s Well-Laid Plans Go Awry”, Asia Maior XXXI/2020 (forthcoming) JAPAN 2020: ABE’S WELL-LAID PLANS GO AWRY1 Corey Wallace Kanagawa University [email protected] Giulio Pugliese University of Oxford and European University Institute [email protected] Like elsewhere, the COVID-19 pandemic caused substantial disruptions in Japan. While generous fiscal spending mitigated the pandemic’s economic fallout, and Japan is poised in 2021 to rebound from its year-on-year 4.8% fall in GDP, there was significant political fallout in 2020. The postponement of the Olympic Games, the Abe government’s perceived inability to tackle the pandemic, and the (re)surfacing of political scandals led to Japan’s longest-serving Prime Minister popularity plummeting. The re-emergence of Abe’s health problems then precipitated his abrupt resignation. This ushered in the premiership of Suga Yoshihide, who promised to enact structural reforms and ambitious digitalization and environmental programmes, while also promising to continue significant elements of Abe’s policy agenda. Internationally, COVID-19 accelerated US-China tensions and, in connection to that, China’s regional assertiveness. This perceived assertiveness as well as China’s political involution and human rights violations in Hong Kong and Xinjiang, in turn, hardened the Japanese government’s position vis-à-vis Beijing. This happened despite Abe’s early 2020 efforts towards hosting a state visit by the Chinese president. Instead, the year instead ended with a «Quad» meeting at the ministerial level, hosted in Tokyo, rather than an entente with China. -
Wars Between the Danes and Germans, for the Possession Of
DD 491 •S68 K7 Copy 1 WARS BETWKEX THE DANES AND GERMANS. »OR TllR POSSESSION OF SCHLESWIG. BV t>K()F. ADOLPHUS L. KOEPPEN FROM THE "AMERICAN REVIEW" FOR NOVEMBER, U48. — ; WAKS BETWEEN THE DANES AND GERMANS, ^^^^ ' Ay o FOR THE POSSESSION OF SCHLESWIG. > XV / PART FIRST. li>t^^/ On feint d'ignorer que le Slesvig est une ancienne partie integTante de la Monarchie Danoise dont I'union indissoluble avec la couronne de Danemarc est consacree par les garanties solennelles des grandes Puissances de I'Eui'ope, et ou la langue et la nationalite Danoises existent depuis les temps les et entier, J)lus recules. On voudrait se cacher a soi-meme au monde qu'une grande partie de la popu- ation du Slesvig reste attacliee, avec une fidelite incbranlable, aux liens fondamentaux unissant le pays avec le Danemarc, et que cette population a constamment proteste de la maniere la plus ener- gique centre une incorporation dans la confederation Germanique, incorporation qu'on pretend medier moyennant une armee de ciuquante mille hommes ! Semi-official article. The political question with regard to the ic nation blind to the evidences of history, relations of the duchies of Schleswig and faith, and justice. Holstein to the kingdom of Denmark,which The Dano-Germanic contest is still at the present time has excited so great a going on : Denmark cannot yield ; she has movement in the North, and called the already lost so much that she cannot submit Scandinavian nations to arms in self-defence to any more losses for the future. The issue against Germanic aggression, is not one of a of this contest is of vital importance to her recent date. -
Estate Landscapes in Northern Europe: an Introduction
J Estate Landscapes in northern Europe an introduction By Jonathan Finch and Kristine Dyrmann This volume represents the first transnational exploration of the estate Harewood House, West Yorkshire, landscape in northern Europe. It brings together experts from six coun- UK Harewood House was built between tries to explore the character, role and significance of the estate over five /012 and /00/ for Edwin Lascelles, whose family made their fortune in the West hundred years during which the modern landscape took shape. They do Indies. The parkland was laid out over so from a variety of disciplinary backgrounds, to provide the first critical the same period by Lancelot ‘Capability’ study of the estate as a distinct cultural landscape. The northern European Brown and epitomizes the late-eighteenth countries discussed in this volume – Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, century taste for a more informal natural- the Netherlands and Britain – have a fascinating and deep shared history istic landscape. Small enclosed fields from of cultural, economic and social exchange and dialogue. Whilst not always the seventeenth century were replaced by a family at peace, they can lay claim to having forged many key aspects of parkland that could be grazed, just as it is the modern world, including commercial capitalism and industrialization today, although some hedgerow trees were retained to add interest within the park, from an overwhelmingly rural base in the early modern period. United such as those in the foreground. By the around the North Sea, the region was a gateway to the east through the early-nineteenth century all arable culti- Baltic Sea, and across the Atlantic to the New World in the west. -
Studia Podlaskie T 16
STUDIA PODLASKIE tom XIX BIAŁYSTOK 2011 KRYSTYna SzeLągowska Białystok O tym, Jak pani Lykke Z Chłopami i krÓlem woJowała, CZyli o kobieCie interesu W XVI-wieCZneJ Danii–NorweGii „(-) i wreszcie wygłosiła – całkowicie nieprawdziwą – uwagę, która w uszach króla Chrystiana musiała zabrzmieć szczególnie irytująco, uwagę bliską polskie- mu liberum veto, która w każdym państwie, opartym na monarchicznej zasadzie musiała wydać się zagrożeniem dla porządku społecznego: stwierdziła bowiem, że «nie wiem, ani nie słyszałam, by cała szlachta zebrała się i zatwierdziła ten reces; a to należy się szlachcie wedle jej wolności i przysięgi, jaką jej [król] złożył»”1. Tak pod koniec XIX w. o rozprawie, która odbyła się w 1556 r. przed sądem duńskiego króla Chrystiana III pisał duński historyk Gustaw Bang. Osobą, która wypowie- działa przytoczone słowa, powołując się na szlacheckie wolności, słowa, które Bangowi skojarzyły się z systemem panującej w Rzeczypospolitej demokracji szla- checkiej, była Sophie Lykke, duńska szlachcianka, która, jak twierdzą biografowie, okazała się kłopotliwą poddaną dwóch kolejnych duńskich władców w 2. połowie XVI w., zarówno kiedy mieszkała w Danii, jak i Norwegii. O pani Lykke pisali w różnych opracowaniach duńscy i norwescy biografo- wie. W pierwszym, pochodzącym z końca XIX w., wydaniu duńskiego słownika biograficznego pod redakcją Carla Frederika Bricki, autorem jej biogramu był Anders Thiset2, we współczesnym, trzecim wydaniu – napisała go Astrid Friis3. 1 G. Bang, Fru Sophie Lykke, en Adelsdame i det 16. Aarhundrede, „Museum. Tidsskrift for Historie og Geografi”, R. 1894, t. 2, Kjøbenhavn. 2 A. Thiset, Sophie Lykke, [biogram w:] Dansk Biografisk Lexikon, red. C. F. Bricka, t. 10, Kjøbenhavn 1896, s. 523-525. -
From Rhetoric to Reality: Japanese Foreign-Policy Making Under The
From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 Weston S. Konishi A publication of The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis Contents Introduction and Acknowledgments iii Executive Summary v Main Findings v From Rhetoric to Reality: Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan 1 Internal Challenges 4 Intra-party Divisions 4 The Complexities of Coalition Politics 7 Institutional Reforms: Toward Politician-Led Decision-Making 11 The DPJ’s Foreign Policy: Competing Visions 15 Realists 16 Pacifists 17 Centrists 17 Neo-Autonomists 18 Caveats 20 Prime Minister Hatoyama: An Agenda for Change 23 External Constraints on the Hatoyama Administration 27 The Kan Administration: Political Transition and Crisis Management 30 The Noda Administration: Shifting to the Center? 40 Findings and Implications 45 The Impact of Structural Obstacles on DPJ Foreign-Policy Making 45 Continuity versus Change 46 The DPJ: A Hawkish Party? 47 Bilateralism vs. Multilateralism 49 Competing Schools of Thought 51 Conclusion 54 APPENDIX A: Impact of Major Events on Cabinet Approval Ratings 56 FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY I APPENDIX B: The 2010 NDPG Process 59 APPENDIX C: Survey Data of DPJ Foreign Policy Viewpoints 62 APPENDIX D: Profiles of Key DPJ Politicians 63 APPENDIX E: Chronology of Major Events under DPJ Governments 79 Bibliography 86 About the Author 103 II FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY Introduction and Acknowledgments After more than fifty years of one-party dom- ister Kan Naoto, presided over Japan’s most chal- inance under the Liberal Democratic Par- lenging crisis since World War II—the March ty (LDP), Japan’s political landscape changed 11, 2011, Great East Japan Earthquake—before dramatically with the victory of the Democratic succumbing to his own political fate as a result Party of Japan (DPJ) in parliamentary elections of his inconsistent leadership. -
2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe Wins a New Mandate
At a glance October 2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe wins a new mandate Shinzō Abe won the snap elections he called for the lower house on 22 October 2017. Despite her popularity, Tokyo's governor Yuriko Koike failed to convince the electorate to oust a prime minister in charge since December 2012. The newly created Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan became the main opposition force in the House of Representatives. In coalition with Kōmeitō, Abe's Liberal Democratic Party holds a two-thirds majority enabling it to pass constitutional amendments. The outcome of the 22 October 2017 elections On 22 October 2017, elections for the lower chamber (House of Representatives) of Japan's Parliament took place. Turnout was 53.69 %, reversing a long-term declining trend (2014 had seen a record low of 52.66 %) despite a powerful typhoon that might have encouraged voters to stay at home. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was confirmed as the country's largest party, with 281 seats. Its partner Kōmeitō obtained 29 seats. With a combined 310 seats, they retain two thirds of the lower chamber, the majority needed to revise the Constitution, one of Abe's goals. The Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ) became the main opposition party, obtaining 54 seats. The CDPJ is Japan’s smallest main opposition party since 1955. Tokyo's governor Yuriko Koike's Kibō no Tō (Party of Hope) obtained 50 seats. Shinzō Abe won his fourth mandate. Grandson of Nobusuke Kishi, prime minister in the 1950s, his first mandate was from September 2006 to September 2007, when he became, at 52, Japan’s youngest post-War prime minister and the first to have been born after the war. -
AISR 20202123 Sukeui Sohn.Hwp
Asian International Studies Review Sukeui Vol. 21 Sohn No.2 (December 2020): 55-77 55 Received September 15, 2020 Revised December 4, 2020 Accepted December 11, 2020 Examining Opposition Realignment and Japan’s Rightward Shift in the 2017 General Election* Sukeui Sohn** The purpose of this study to examine the degree of ‘rightward shift’ among Japanese politicians as well as voters by analyzing the result of the 2017 general election, particularly focusing on the split of Democratic Party (minshintō) and the consequent realignment of opposition bloc between moderate conservatives, represented by Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (rikken minshutō), and hardline conservatives who joined newly-established Party of Hope (kibō no tō). Particularly, the district-level analysis of eighty-five districts reveal that the moderate-hardline alignment among voters appears to be solidified, and there seems low level of vote mobilities between the two blocs. Instead, the electoral results indicate that political parties are competing one another within its respective blocs. While the overall tendency of new voters to support new rightwing party may serve as one of indicators to elucidate Japan’s rightward shift, given the ambiguity of candidates’ positions on constitutional revisions as well as poor performance of PoH candidates against CDPJ, it is questionable whether such trend can be accounted for permanent or holistic shift to the rightist ideology. Keywords: Rightward Shift (ukeika), Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ), Party of Hope, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), The 2017 General Election, Opposition Realignment * This work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2019S1A6A3A02102886). -
Remembering the Schleswig War of 1864: a Turning Point in German and Danish National Identity
The Bridge Volume 37 Number 1 Article 8 2014 Remembering the Schleswig War of 1864: A Turning Point in German and Danish National Identity Julie K. Allen Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/thebridge Part of the European History Commons, European Languages and Societies Commons, and the Regional Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Allen, Julie K. (2014) "Remembering the Schleswig War of 1864: A Turning Point in German and Danish National Identity," The Bridge: Vol. 37 : No. 1 , Article 8. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/thebridge/vol37/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Bridge by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Remembering the Schleswig War of 1864: A Turning Point in German and Danish National Identity1 by Julie K. Allen Every country tells itself stories about its origins and the moments that define its history. Many of these stories are connected to wars, for example the tale of how George Washington and his troops crossed the frozen Delaware river to surprise the British and turn the tide of the Revolutionary War, or the way the American public rallied after the attack on Pearl Harbor to retool the American economy and support American troops in the fight against fascism. Not surprisingly, the stories we tell about our own country are most often ones about wars from which we emerge victorious, rather than those that reveal a society in disarray or economically devastated. -
Roster of Winners in Single-Seat Constituencies No
Tuesday, October 24, 2017 | The Japan Times | 3 lower house ele ion ⑳ NAGANO ㉘ OSAKA 38KOCHI No. 1 Takashi Shinohara (I) No. 1 Hiroyuki Onishi (L) No. 1 Gen Nakatani (L) Roster of winners in single-seat constituencies No. 2 Mitsu Shimojo (KI) No. 2 Akira Sato (L) No. 2 Hajime Hirota (I) No. 3 Yosei Ide (KI) No. 3 Shigeki Sato (K) No. 4 Shigeyuki Goto (L) No. 4 Yasuhide Nakayama (L) 39EHIME No. 4 Masaaki Taira (L) ⑮ NIIGATA No. 5 Ichiro Miyashita (L) No. 5 Toru Kunishige (K) No. 1 Yasuhisa Shiozaki (L) ( L ) Liberal Democratic Party; ( KI ) Kibo no To; ( K ) Komeito; No. 5 Kenji Wakamiya (L) No. 6 Shinichi Isa (K) No. 1 Chinami Nishimura (CD) No. 2 Seiichiro Murakami (L) ( JC ) Japanese Communist Party; ( CD ) Constitutional Democratic Party; No. 6 Takayuki Ochiai (CD) No. 7 Naomi Tokashiki (L) No. 2 Eiichiro Washio (I) ㉑ GIFU No. 3 Yoichi Shiraishi (KI) ( NI ) Nippon Ishin no Kai; ( SD ) Social Democratic Party; ( I ) Independent No. 7 Akira Nagatsuma (CD) No. 8 Takashi Otsuka (L) No. 3 Takahiro Kuroiwa (I) No. 1 Seiko Noda (L) No. 4 Koichi Yamamoto (L) No. 8 Nobuteru Ishihara (L) No. 9 Kenji Harada (L) No. 4 Makiko Kikuta (I) No. 2 Yasufumi Tanahashi (L) No. 9 Isshu Sugawara (L) No. 10 Kiyomi Tsujimoto (CD) No. 4 Hiroshi Kajiyama (L) No. 3 Yoji Muto (L) 40FUKUOKA ① HOKKAIDO No. 10 Hayato Suzuki (L) No. 11 Hirofumi Hirano (I) No. 5 Akimasa Ishikawa (L) No. 4 Shunpei Kaneko (L) No. 1 Daiki Michishita (CD) No. 11 Hakubun Shimomura (L) No. -
Japanese Swords As Symbols of Historical Amnesia: Touken Ranbu and the Sword Boom in Popular Media
Volume 19 | Issue 7 | Number 1 | Article ID 5564 | Apr 01, 2021 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Japanese Swords as Symbols of Historical Amnesia: Touken Ranbu and the Sword Boom in Popular Media Kohki Watabe Abstract: This essay analyses the Japanese revisionism, nationalism, symbolism of sword boom in popular media in the 21st Japanese swords, Touken Ranbu century, situating Touken Ranbu, an online video game franchise, within its wider political and historical context. In the first two decades of the 21st century, government, commercial, Introduction and semi-public institutions, such as museums, extensively deployed positive depictions of In the 2010s, Japan's media culture witnessed a Japanese swords in popular media, including phenomenon that could be termed a Japanese anime, manga, TV, and films in public relations sword boom, evident in forms from manga and campaigns. As a historical ideological icon, anime to video games and films. The swords have been used to signify class in the transmedia popularity of sword iconography Edo period (1603-1868) and to justify the has influenced public relations strategies of Japanese Empire’s expansion into Asia during companies and governments and encouraged the Asia-Pacific War (1931-1945). Bycollaborations among public and private emphasizing the object's symbolism andsectors. Arguably, the most notable example of aestheticism, the sword boom of the 21st this phenomenon is a video game called Touken century is following a similar trajectory. Ranbu and its transmedia franchise. Taken Popular representations of swords in media together, these trends represent a fascination culture selectively feature historical episodes with the trope of the sword: some that are deemed politically uncontroversial and representations are historically grounded while beneficial for promoting a sense of national others are radically decontextualized; some pride. -
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right?
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right? Harunobu Saijo Abstract One set of theories pertaining to radical right success examines the strategy of mainstream right-wing parties. One mechanism that seems to have been ignored is the extent to which mainstream right-wing parties include or exclude "radical right" individuals and supporters within their own ranks. I argue that giving \radical right" elements a place within mainstream parties, allows center-right parties to prevent potential radical right voters from switching support to parties more extreme than itself, by presenting a more credible alternative. This raises the issue of internal party dynamics, and non-unitary parties, which the existing literature ignores, due to the largely unitary nature of Western European parties. The Japanese case demonstrates such a mechanism. Furthermore, the validity of this thesis can be tested more rigorously over time, as the state allows more immigrants to enter Japan, which may strain this outcome. 1 1 Introduction In the comparative party politics literature, the rise of the "Radical Right" party has been widely theorized and analyzed with a focus on Western and Eastern Europe. Other works have expanded the scope of study to fit parties in late capitalist countries as diverse as Israel, Canada, Australia, Chile, and New Zealand (Norris, 2005, 7) (Rydgren, 2007, 242). Yet, there has been less work on the Japanese case, though some have tried to apply the populist or radical right theories to phenomena in Japanese politics. Furthermore, most of the contributions that do examine the Japanese radical right either examine groupuscular formations that do not contest elections, or examine particular elections or personalities instead of examining the country-level variables theorized by the literature, or consider how the Japanese case can inform the theory in general.