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Japan Between the Wars
JAPAN BETWEEN THE WARS The Meiji era was not followed by as neat and logical a periodi- zation. The Emperor Meiji (his era name was conflated with his person posthumously) symbolized the changes of his period so perfectly that at his death in July 1912 there was a clear sense that an era had come to an end. His successor, who was assigned the era name Taisho¯ (Great Righteousness), was never well, and demonstrated such embarrassing indications of mental illness that his son Hirohito succeeded him as regent in 1922 and re- mained in that office until his father’s death in 1926, when the era name was changed to Sho¯wa. The 1920s are often referred to as the “Taisho¯ period,” but the Taisho¯ emperor was in nominal charge only until 1922; he was unimportant in life and his death was irrelevant. Far better, then, to consider the quarter century between the Russo-Japanese War and the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident of 1931 as the next era of modern Japanese history. There is overlap at both ends, with Meiji and with the resur- gence of the military, but the years in question mark important developments in every aspect of Japanese life. They are also years of irony and paradox. Japan achieved success in joining the Great Powers and reached imperial status just as the territo- rial grabs that distinguished nineteenth-century imperialism came to an end, and its image changed with dramatic swiftness from that of newly founded empire to stubborn advocate of imperial privilege. Its military and naval might approached world standards just as those standards were about to change, and not long before the disaster of World War I produced revul- sion from armament and substituted enthusiasm for arms limi- tations. -
Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian. -
A Thesis Entitled Yoshimoto Taka'aki, Communal Illusion, and The
A Thesis entitled Yoshimoto Taka’aki, Communal Illusion, and the Japanese New Left by Manuel Yang Submitted as partial fulfillment for requirements for The Master of Arts Degree in History ________________________ Adviser: Dr. William D. Hoover ________________________ Adviser: Dr. Peter Linebaugh ________________________ Dr. Alfred Cave ________________________ Graduate School The University of Toledo (July 2005) ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It is customary in a note of acknowledgments to make the usual mea culpa concerning the impossibility of enumerating all the people to whom the author has incurred a debt in writing his or her work, but, in my case, this is far truer than I can ever say. This note is, therefore, a necessarily abbreviated one and I ask for a small jubilee, cancellation of all debts, from those that I fail to mention here due to lack of space and invidiously ungrateful forgetfulness. Prof. Peter Linebaugh, sage of the trans-Atlantic commons, who, as peerless mentor and comrade, kept me on the straight and narrow with infinite "grandmotherly kindness" when my temptation was always to break the keisaku and wander off into apostate digressions; conversations with him never failed to recharge the fiery voltage of necessity and desire of historical imagination in my thinking. The generously patient and supportive free rein that Prof. William D. Hoover, the co-chair of my thesis committee, gave me in exploring subjects and interests of my liking at my own preferred pace were nothing short of an ideal that all academic apprentices would find exceedingly enviable; his meticulous comments have time and again mercifully saved me from committing a number of elementary factual and stylistic errors. -
Reviews / Comptes Rendus
REVIEWS / COMPTES RENDUS John Clarke, The Ordinary People needs, which reflected their interest in of Essex: Environment, Culture, and continuity and stability even as they built Economy on the Frontier of Upper new homes in a sometimes strange coun- Canada (Montreal and Kingston: McGill- try. Bound by religious and ethnic ties, Queen’s University Press 2010) they attempted to cluster together and, if there were a critical mass of popula- The Ordinary People of Essex is an tion (as there was for French and English exhaustive study of the ways in which Canadians, Americans, and Germans), people shaped the land and the land married within their own ethnic and re- shaped settlement in Essex County from ligious groups. As Clarke points out, the the early to the mid-19th century. Author best land was not always the most pro- John Clarke, Distinguished Research ductive land. Settlers preferred land in Professor of historical geography at proximity to settlements, kin, or those Carleton University, has written a suc- who shared cultural or ethnic roots to cessful follow-up to his Land, Power, provide maximum support for their fam- and Economics on the Frontier of Upper ilies. Most settlers found that land was Canada (2002). With 738 pages, includ- affordable and obtained a patent in ap- ing 470 pages of text, 141 pages of notes, proximately eight years. dozens of tables and maps, and 34 pages The role of origins (defined broadly of appendices, The Ordinary People of as ethnic, social, and distinct cultural Essex represents the scholarly mastery group) is central to the book. -
Use of Theses
Australian National University THESES SIS/LIBRARY TELEPHONE: +61 2 6125 4631 R.G. MENZIES LIBRARY BUILDING NO:2 FACSIMILE: +61 2 6125 4063 THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY EMAIL: [email protected] CANBERRA ACT 0200 AUSTRALIA USE OF THESES This copy is supplied for purposes of private study and research only. Passages from the thesis may not be copied or closely paraphrased without the written consent of the author. UEKIEMORI AND THE USE OF HISTORY A sub-thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of Master of East Asian Studies in the Australian National University By Loh Kwok Cheong Asian History Centre Australian National University November 1994 To Pei Ling Affirmation This thesis is the sole work of the author, Loh Kwok Cheong, and except where due acknowledgement is made in the text, does not, to the best of my knowledge, contain material previously presented, published or written by another person. ii Acknowledgement I wish to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. John Caiger, for showing me the way to discovering my interest and for his encouragement, advice and support throughout the writing of this study. I would also like to thank Dr. Tessa Morris-Suzuki for her comments and support. Special thanks also goes to members of the Faculty of Asian Studies and Division of Asian and Pacific History, RSPacS for their assistance and patience. Finally, my deepest gratitude is for my wife, Pei Ling, who has been most supportive and tolerant of my temperaments since I embarked on this course. iii Abstract German historian Michael Sturmer ascribes a functional role for historical consciousness: "in a country without history, he who fills the memory, defines the concepts and interprets the past, wins the future."1 Although Sturmer was concerned with the way in which understanding of history shapes contemporary discourse in post World War Two Germany, his statement also aptly described the manner in which history has been used in Japan since the advent of the modem century. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-48194-6 — Japan's Castles Oleg Benesch , Ran Zwigenberg Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-48194-6 — Japan's Castles Oleg Benesch , Ran Zwigenberg Index More Information Index 10th Division, 101, 117, 123, 174 Aichi Prefecture, 77, 83, 86, 90, 124, 149, 10th Infantry Brigade, 72 171, 179, 304, 327 10th Infantry Regiment, 101, 108, 323 Aizu, Battle of, 28 11th Infantry Regiment, 173 Aizu-Wakamatsu, 37, 38, 53, 74, 92, 108, 12th Division, 104 161, 163, 167, 268, 270, 276, 277, 12th Infantry Regiment, 71 278, 279, 281, 282, 296, 299, 300, 14th Infantry Regiment, 104, 108, 223 307, 313, 317, 327 15th Division, 125 Aizu-Wakamatsu Castle, 9, 28, 38, 62, 75, 17th Infantry Regiment, 109 77, 81, 277, 282, 286, 290, 311 18th Infantry Regiment, 124, 324 Akamatsu Miyokichi, 64 19th Infantry Regiment, 35 Akasaka Detached Palace, 33, 194, 1st Cavalry Division (US Army), 189, 190 195, 204 1st Infantry Regiment, 110 Akashi Castle, 52, 69, 78 22nd Infantry Regiment, 72, 123 Akechi Mitsuhide, 93 23rd Infantry Regiment, 124 Alnwick Castle, 52 29th Infantry Regiment, 161 Alsace, 58, 309 2nd Division, 35, 117, 324 Amakasu Masahiko, 110 2nd General Army, 2 Amakusa Shirō , 163 33rd Division, 199 Amanuma Shun’ichi, 151 39th Infantry Regiment, 101 American Civil War, 26, 105 3rd Cavalry Regiment, 125 anarchists, 110 3rd Division, 102, 108, 125 Ansei Purge, 56 3rd Infantry Battalion, 101 anti-military feeling, 121, 126, 133 47th Infantry Regiment, 104 Aoba Castle (Sendai), 35, 117, 124, 224 4th Division, 77, 108, 111, 112, 114, 121, Aomori, 30, 34 129, 131, 133–136, 166, 180, 324, Aoyama family, 159 325, 326 Arakawa -
2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe Wins a New Mandate
At a glance October 2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe wins a new mandate Shinzō Abe won the snap elections he called for the lower house on 22 October 2017. Despite her popularity, Tokyo's governor Yuriko Koike failed to convince the electorate to oust a prime minister in charge since December 2012. The newly created Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan became the main opposition force in the House of Representatives. In coalition with Kōmeitō, Abe's Liberal Democratic Party holds a two-thirds majority enabling it to pass constitutional amendments. The outcome of the 22 October 2017 elections On 22 October 2017, elections for the lower chamber (House of Representatives) of Japan's Parliament took place. Turnout was 53.69 %, reversing a long-term declining trend (2014 had seen a record low of 52.66 %) despite a powerful typhoon that might have encouraged voters to stay at home. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was confirmed as the country's largest party, with 281 seats. Its partner Kōmeitō obtained 29 seats. With a combined 310 seats, they retain two thirds of the lower chamber, the majority needed to revise the Constitution, one of Abe's goals. The Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ) became the main opposition party, obtaining 54 seats. The CDPJ is Japan’s smallest main opposition party since 1955. Tokyo's governor Yuriko Koike's Kibō no Tō (Party of Hope) obtained 50 seats. Shinzō Abe won his fourth mandate. Grandson of Nobusuke Kishi, prime minister in the 1950s, his first mandate was from September 2006 to September 2007, when he became, at 52, Japan’s youngest post-War prime minister and the first to have been born after the war. -
The Life and Poetry of Ishikawa Takuboku 幻 想の自己 石川啄木の生涯と短歌
Volume 13 | Issue 15 | Number 2 | Article ID 4306 | Apr 13, 2015 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Illusions of Self: The Life and Poetry of Ishikawa Takuboku 幻 想の自己 石川啄木の生涯と短歌 Roger Pulvers The key word in the last two decades of the Meiji era (1868-1912) was “polemics.” Intellectuals and socially conscious people were actively involved in a nationwide discourse, played out in all aspects of the culture—literature, theater, graphic arts, journalism—as to what the nature of future Japanese society should be. In essence it is the same current that continues to rage today: Should society be open to ideas on the basis of their true merit, creating a fluid situation that leads to the betterment of all classes? Or should the body polity be unified in thought and action behind one ethnic, religious or ideological idea, an idea that purportedly makes the nation “stronger” and more successful at engaging in conflicts with other countries? It is clear that Takuboku identified in his writing with those people who wanted fervently to liberalize Japanese society; and this at a time when the nation was on a mission to create an empire in its expanding hemisphere of influence. Takuboku wrote about the downtrodden because he saw himself as one of them. Life for him, with a wife, daughter and mother to Ishikawa Takuboku and Horiai Setsuko after their support, was a struggle for bare survival. The engagement in 1904. Courtesy of the Ishikawa Takuboku Memorial Museum. lack of job security that plagued Takuboku's life, the necessity to move from place to place wherever there was work to be had, the anxiety The society of Ishikawa Takuboku’s era was in caused by the fact that a person could be dramatic political flux, and its complex issues shunned for arguing against injustice, the became his personal obsessions. -
The Flexible Structure of Politics in Meiji Japan
DLPPolicy and Practice for Developmental Leaders, Elites and Coalitions DEVELOPMENTAL LEADERSHIP PROGRAM Research Paper 07 The Flexible Structure of Politics in Meiji Japan Junji Banno, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo and Kenichi Ohno, Professor Emeritus., The University of Tokyo April 2010 www.dlprog.org The Developmental Leadership Program (DLP) addresses an important gap in international thinking and policy about the critical role played by leaders, elites and coalitions in the politics of development. This growing program brings together business, academic and civil society partners from around the world to explore the role of human agency in the processes of development. DLP will address the policy, strategic, and operational implications about ‘thinking and working politically’ - for example, about how to help key players solve collective action problems, negotiate effective institutions and build stable states. The Developmental Leadership Program E: [email protected] W: www.dlprog.org 3 Abstract Japan’s transformation period following the encounter with the powerful West, in which the political regime was revised and new national goals and strategies were agreed, started with the signing of commercial treaties with the West in 1858 and ended with the settlement on the basic directions of political and economic reforms in 1881. In the intervening years, two goals of establishing a public delib- eration mechanism (kogi yoron) and raising economic and military capability (fukoku kyohei) were set, which later split into four policy groups of a constitution, a national assembly, industrialization, and foreign expedition. The simultaneous pursuit and eventual achievement of multiple goals was supported by the flexible structure of politics in which goals, alliances, and leaders and leading groups evolved dynamically without solidifying into a simple hard structure or falling into uncontrollable crisis. -
Opposition Movements in Early Meiji, 1868-1885
CHAPTER 6 OPPOSITION MOVEMENTS IN EARLY MEIJI, 1868-1885 Like all the great revolutions of the modern era, the Meiji Restoration generated intense opposition from groups and classes displaced and disadvantaged by revolutionary change. What sets the Meiji Restora- tion apart, however, is the apparent ease with which opposition to the revolutionary regime was defeated or co-opted. Peasant riots over the new conscription law, village protests against the land tax revision, revolts by disaffected samurai, early campaigns for representative gov- ernment, and uprisings by dispossessed farmers all were contained or suppressed. The original leadership group stayed in charge and did not change its basic policies. Viewed positively, Japan enjoyed extraor- dinary continuity and stability in government; viewed negatively, con- servative and bureaucratic politics prevailed. Japanese and Western historians disagree sharply when explaining the failure of opposition movements to oust the ruling oligarchy or force changes in its agenda. Scholars in America and Great Britain influenced by modernization theory have generally viewed Japan as a model of peaceful transition from feudalism to modernity, a transfor- mation in which core values of consensus and loyalty to emperor kept dissent within manageable bounds.1 On the other hand, most Japanese and some Western historians credit the failure of the opposition move- ments to the authoritarian character of the Meiji state, emphasizing the incorporation of oppressive semifeudal structures into the Meiji polity and the oligarchy's control of the new state's efficient state security apparatus.2 Although there is some truth to both interpretations, neither of which is as simple as this summary might suggest, neither adequately explains the complex interaction between modernizing reforms and 1 John W. -
The Government of Japan
THE GO\'ERNA[l<:XT OF JAIV\X=== I'.N' HAROLD S. (JL'ICLICV Professor of Political Science, University of Minnesota /\ S THE nineteenth century passed into its last quarter there was ^^ agitation in Ja])an for a people's parliament. Scarcely ten years had elapsed since the last of the ^'okngawa shoguns, Keiki, had surrendered his office to the youthful Enij)eror, Meiji. and with it the actual headship of the government, which his family had monopolized for three and a half centuries, in order that adminis- trative authority might he centralized and the empire enabled w "maintain its rank and dignity among the nations." During that decade political societies had appeared, led by no lesser persons than Okuma Shigenobu of the Hizen clan and Itagaki Taisuke of Tosa. provoked by the apparent intention of the leaders of the greater western clans, Choshu and Satsuma, to constitute themselves sole heirs of the governmental power which the Tokugawa daimyo had monopolized since the sixteenth century. Okuma and Itagaki, to- gether with other disgnmtled lesser clansmen, purposed to call into political life a new force, public opinion, to assist them in a strug- gle for a division of the Tokugawa legacy. On a winter's day in 1889 the agitation of the "politicians," as the leaders of the popular movement came to be called, in distinc- tion froin their opponents, the Satsuma and Choshu oligarchs, bore fruit. Before a distinguished company in the palace at Tokvo the constitution was read on February 11. a day already consecrated as Kigensetsu, the legendary date of the founding, in 660 B.C., of the imperial Yamato dynasty, which continues to the present mo- ment. -
Roster of Winners in Single-Seat Constituencies No
Tuesday, October 24, 2017 | The Japan Times | 3 lower house ele ion ⑳ NAGANO ㉘ OSAKA 38KOCHI No. 1 Takashi Shinohara (I) No. 1 Hiroyuki Onishi (L) No. 1 Gen Nakatani (L) Roster of winners in single-seat constituencies No. 2 Mitsu Shimojo (KI) No. 2 Akira Sato (L) No. 2 Hajime Hirota (I) No. 3 Yosei Ide (KI) No. 3 Shigeki Sato (K) No. 4 Shigeyuki Goto (L) No. 4 Yasuhide Nakayama (L) 39EHIME No. 4 Masaaki Taira (L) ⑮ NIIGATA No. 5 Ichiro Miyashita (L) No. 5 Toru Kunishige (K) No. 1 Yasuhisa Shiozaki (L) ( L ) Liberal Democratic Party; ( KI ) Kibo no To; ( K ) Komeito; No. 5 Kenji Wakamiya (L) No. 6 Shinichi Isa (K) No. 1 Chinami Nishimura (CD) No. 2 Seiichiro Murakami (L) ( JC ) Japanese Communist Party; ( CD ) Constitutional Democratic Party; No. 6 Takayuki Ochiai (CD) No. 7 Naomi Tokashiki (L) No. 2 Eiichiro Washio (I) ㉑ GIFU No. 3 Yoichi Shiraishi (KI) ( NI ) Nippon Ishin no Kai; ( SD ) Social Democratic Party; ( I ) Independent No. 7 Akira Nagatsuma (CD) No. 8 Takashi Otsuka (L) No. 3 Takahiro Kuroiwa (I) No. 1 Seiko Noda (L) No. 4 Koichi Yamamoto (L) No. 8 Nobuteru Ishihara (L) No. 9 Kenji Harada (L) No. 4 Makiko Kikuta (I) No. 2 Yasufumi Tanahashi (L) No. 9 Isshu Sugawara (L) No. 10 Kiyomi Tsujimoto (CD) No. 4 Hiroshi Kajiyama (L) No. 3 Yoji Muto (L) 40FUKUOKA ① HOKKAIDO No. 10 Hayato Suzuki (L) No. 11 Hirofumi Hirano (I) No. 5 Akimasa Ishikawa (L) No. 4 Shunpei Kaneko (L) No. 1 Daiki Michishita (CD) No. 11 Hakubun Shimomura (L) No.