Challenges Facing Japan Perspectives from the U.S.-Japan Network for the Future
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Sakhalin Koreans' Repatriation
The Long-Delayed Repatriation of the Sakhalin Koreans: Cold War Challenges and Resolution, 1945-1992 A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts In History University of Regina By Sohee Yoo Regina, Saskatchewan July, 2019 Copyright 2019: S. Yoo UNIVERSITY OF REGINA FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH SUPERVISORY AND EXAMINING COMMITTEE Sohee Yoo, candidate for the degree of Master of Arts in History, has presented a thesis titled, The Long-Delayed Repatriation of the Sakhalin Koreans: Cold War Challenges and Resolution, 1945-1992, in an oral examination held on July 10, 2019. The following committee members have found the thesis acceptable in form and content, and that the candidate demonstrated satisfactory knowledge of the subject material. External Examiner: Dr. Dongyan Blachford, International Languages Supervisor: Dr. Philip Charrier, History Committee Member: Dr. Ian Germani, History* Committee Member: Dr. Robin Ganev, History Chair of Defense: Dr. Eldon Soifer, Department of Philosophy & Classics *Not present at defense i Abstract During World War II (WWII), tens of thousands of Koreans were forcibly mobilized to Karafuto (southern Sakhalin Island) to serve as labourers in Japan’s wartime economy. When the war ended in August 1945, the Soviet Union occupied the region and the Koreans ceased to be Japanese colonial subjects. While 99% of the Japanese in Karafuto were repatriated by April 1950, the Koreans became trapped in a Cold War standoff between the Soviet Union, North Korea, and South Korea that was not fully resolved until the 1990s. -
Share — Copy and Redistribute the Material in Any Medium Or Format
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 2.0 KOREA You are free to : Share — copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format Under the follwing terms : Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. NoDerivatives — If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you may not distribute the modified material. You do not have to comply with the license for elements of the material in the public domain or where your use is permitted by an applicable exception or limitation. This is a human-readable summary of (and not a substitute for) the license. Disclaimer Master’s Thesis Securitizing China’s Military Rise: A study of security and defense policy reform under the Abe Shinzô administrations 중국의 군사력 강화에 대한 안전 보장화: 아베 신조 정권의 안보정책개혁에 관한 연구 August 2017 Seoul National University Graduate School of International Studies International Area Studies David Lucas Schlömer Abstract Securitizing China’s Military Rise: A study of security and defense policy reform under the Abe Shinzô administrations David Lucas Schlömer International Area Studies Graduate School of International Studies Seoul National University This study seeks to explain why major reforms in Japanese security and defense policy transpired in the first three years of the second Abe administration (2012-15), but not during his first stint as Prime Minister in 2006-07, despite retaining an almost identical political agenda. -
Recent Developments in Korean-Japanese Historical Reconciliation
1 of 14 Recent Developments in Korean-Japanese Historical Reconciliation [Japanese and Korean language texts available below] The Hankyoreh and William Underwood Following through on a pledge made in early 2010, the Japanese government in late March supplied the South Korean government with a list of 175,000 Koreans forced to work for private companies in Japan during World War Two. The long-sought records include details about the 278 million yen (about $3 million, unadjusted for interest or inflation) in wages the workers earned but never received. The funds reside in Japan’s national treasury today; the government has never indicated what it intends to do with the money. The data will enable authorities in Seoul to verify the forced labor experience of individuals listed in the records, and to finally compensate them under a South Korean program set up in 2007. South Korea took that step in response to domestic political pressure that began building in 2005, when the state made public all of its diplomatic records related to the 1965 Basic Treaty that normalized relations with Japan and provided South Korea with $800 million in grants and loans. Those records show that the Park Chung-hee administration rejected a Japanese proposal to directly compensate wartime workers, while claiming for itself the responsibility of distributing funds received from Japan to individual Koreans harmed by forced labor and other colonial injustices. In fact, nearly all the money went toward economic development and national infrastructure After decades of rebuffing requests for such projects instead. Courts in both nations have since information, Japan on March 26 provided concluded that the bilateral accord waived the right of South Korea with payroll records for South Korean citizens to press claims against the Korean labor conscripts whose wages are Japanese state and corporations. -
1 “Identity Through Difference”
1 “Identity through difference”: Liminal diasporism and generational change among the Koryo saram in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan Matteo Fumagalli University of St Andrews1 Abstract The article is a case study of the Koryo saram, the ethnic Koreans living in the Central Asian republic of Kyrgyzstan, to reflect on how notions of diasporas, community and identity have changed since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It contends that the Koryo saram are best understood through the lenses of diasporic conditions rather than as bounded communities as such an approach allows for greater recognition of heterogeneity within such communities. While many Koryo saram continue to claim some form of Korean-ness, how they related to issues of homeland-orientation and boundary maintenance evidences internal variation and growing in-betweenness. The community’s hybridity (“hyphenization”) and liminality (“identity through difference”) stand out when examining generational differences and are especially evident among the local Korean youth. Keywords: Koryo saram; Korean diaspora; post-Soviet; Central Asia; Kyrgyzstan; liminality; generational change. 1 School of International Relations, University of St Andrews, Arts Building, The Scores, St Andrews KY16 9AX, United Kingdom, [email protected]. 2 “Identity through difference”: Liminal diasporism and generational change among the Koryo saram in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan Introduction Deported by Stalin in 1937 and later widely regarded as “the model Soviet people” owing to their assimilation and integration in Russified Soviet society, the Soviet/post-Soviet Koreans have shown – over generations and space, through forcible and voluntary migration – remarkable skills of adaptation and survival to new political and cultural environments. The collapse of the Soviet Union engendered yet another experience of dislocation and mobility, this time of borders between peoples, with the establishment of new republics where before there had been one single Soviet state and homeland. -
From Rhetoric to Reality: Japanese Foreign-Policy Making Under The
From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 Weston S. Konishi A publication of The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis Contents Introduction and Acknowledgments iii Executive Summary v Main Findings v From Rhetoric to Reality: Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan 1 Internal Challenges 4 Intra-party Divisions 4 The Complexities of Coalition Politics 7 Institutional Reforms: Toward Politician-Led Decision-Making 11 The DPJ’s Foreign Policy: Competing Visions 15 Realists 16 Pacifists 17 Centrists 17 Neo-Autonomists 18 Caveats 20 Prime Minister Hatoyama: An Agenda for Change 23 External Constraints on the Hatoyama Administration 27 The Kan Administration: Political Transition and Crisis Management 30 The Noda Administration: Shifting to the Center? 40 Findings and Implications 45 The Impact of Structural Obstacles on DPJ Foreign-Policy Making 45 Continuity versus Change 46 The DPJ: A Hawkish Party? 47 Bilateralism vs. Multilateralism 49 Competing Schools of Thought 51 Conclusion 54 APPENDIX A: Impact of Major Events on Cabinet Approval Ratings 56 FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY I APPENDIX B: The 2010 NDPG Process 59 APPENDIX C: Survey Data of DPJ Foreign Policy Viewpoints 62 APPENDIX D: Profiles of Key DPJ Politicians 63 APPENDIX E: Chronology of Major Events under DPJ Governments 79 Bibliography 86 About the Author 103 II FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY Introduction and Acknowledgments After more than fifty years of one-party dom- ister Kan Naoto, presided over Japan’s most chal- inance under the Liberal Democratic Par- lenging crisis since World War II—the March ty (LDP), Japan’s political landscape changed 11, 2011, Great East Japan Earthquake—before dramatically with the victory of the Democratic succumbing to his own political fate as a result Party of Japan (DPJ) in parliamentary elections of his inconsistent leadership. -
Migrants, Subjects, Citizens: Comparative Perspectives on Nationality in the Prewar Japanese Empire
Volume 6 | Issue 8 | Article ID 2862 | Aug 01, 2008 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Migrants, Subjects, Citizens: Comparative Perspectives on Nationality in the Prewar Japanese Empire Tessa Morris-Suzuki Migrants, Subjects, Citizens: Comparative even maybe 20 million (ten times the current Perspectives on Nationality in the Prewar size) by the middle of this century, thus Japanese Empire creating a “Big Japan” with enhanced global power and prestige. (Sakanaka 2005; Akashi Tessa Morris-Suzuki and Ogawa 2008) Former Prime Minister Mori Yoshiro seems an Public statements by the Diet Members’ unlikely champion of a multicultural Japan. His League are part of an intensifying debate in brief term of office is, after all, perhaps best Japan about immigration and the place of remembered for the furore he evoked by a foreigners in Japanese society. Against a speech in which he described Japan as a background of impending population decline “Divine Nation headed by the Emperor”. This and global competition for skilled labour, the echo of prewar nationalism stirred fears at conventional battlelines of the migration home and abroad that senior Japanesedebate are being redrawn. Now some politicians still subscribed to Shinto myths of a conservative politicians are looking seriously at unique and racially superior Japan. Yet Mori the need to revise social policies, and even to today is an active participant in the ruling reform Japan’s nationality law, in order to Liberal Democratic Party’s “Diet Members’ adapt to an age of higher migration. League for Promoting Exchanges of Foreign Meanwhile, leading members of the opposition Human Resources” (Gaikoku Jinzai Koryu Democratic Party have been debating a Suishin Giin Renmei), an awkwardly-named proposal to give local voting rights to foreign body whose mission is to promote mass permanent residents: a proposal which immigration by making Japan a magnet for Sakanaka firmly excludes from his vision of Big skilled workers from around the world. -
Memories and Aporias in the Japan-Korea Relationship 日本・ コリア関係における記憶と内部矛盾
Volume 8 | Issue 14 | Number 3 | Article ID 3337 | Apr 05, 2010 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Memories and Aporias in the Japan-Korea Relationship 日本・ コリア関係における記憶と内部矛盾 Alexis Dudden War of 1905 Memories and Aporias in the Japan- Korea Relationship This condition collapsed, of course, in total defeat in 1945. With the end of American Alexis Dudden occupation in 1952, however, Japan was supposed to have regained its independence, or 2010 is the centennial year of Japan's takeover so the national story goes, as do rather of Korea. The history of this event is of significant supporting international frameworks enormous significance to the 20th century, and such as the United Nations and the not simply because it garnered Japan a foothold International Monetary Fund. Yet despite the on mainland Asia. Although Koreans see it very phoenix of Japan's postwar rise from the ashes, differently, for Japan, the 1910 annexation of the renewed 1960 security pact with the United Korea established Japan's entry as a power on States — and its substantial 1990s the world stage. readjustments — blatantly compromised Japan's sovereignty and extended Japan's occupation-era dependence on the United States in open and hidden ways. Many have long contended this, especially in Okinawa. Today, however, the voices questioning the nature of Japanese sovereignty come from wildly divergent corners and point in radically competing ways. The mounting crisis surrounding the relocation of American bases and marines in Okinawa as well as the revelations about the security pact's so-called secret deals between Washington and Tokyo allowing the US to bring nuclear weapons into Japan, have made all of this more salient. -
AISR 20202123 Sukeui Sohn.Hwp
Asian International Studies Review Sukeui Vol. 21 Sohn No.2 (December 2020): 55-77 55 Received September 15, 2020 Revised December 4, 2020 Accepted December 11, 2020 Examining Opposition Realignment and Japan’s Rightward Shift in the 2017 General Election* Sukeui Sohn** The purpose of this study to examine the degree of ‘rightward shift’ among Japanese politicians as well as voters by analyzing the result of the 2017 general election, particularly focusing on the split of Democratic Party (minshintō) and the consequent realignment of opposition bloc between moderate conservatives, represented by Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (rikken minshutō), and hardline conservatives who joined newly-established Party of Hope (kibō no tō). Particularly, the district-level analysis of eighty-five districts reveal that the moderate-hardline alignment among voters appears to be solidified, and there seems low level of vote mobilities between the two blocs. Instead, the electoral results indicate that political parties are competing one another within its respective blocs. While the overall tendency of new voters to support new rightwing party may serve as one of indicators to elucidate Japan’s rightward shift, given the ambiguity of candidates’ positions on constitutional revisions as well as poor performance of PoH candidates against CDPJ, it is questionable whether such trend can be accounted for permanent or holistic shift to the rightist ideology. Keywords: Rightward Shift (ukeika), Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ), Party of Hope, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), The 2017 General Election, Opposition Realignment * This work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2019S1A6A3A02102886). -
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right?
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right? Harunobu Saijo Abstract One set of theories pertaining to radical right success examines the strategy of mainstream right-wing parties. One mechanism that seems to have been ignored is the extent to which mainstream right-wing parties include or exclude "radical right" individuals and supporters within their own ranks. I argue that giving \radical right" elements a place within mainstream parties, allows center-right parties to prevent potential radical right voters from switching support to parties more extreme than itself, by presenting a more credible alternative. This raises the issue of internal party dynamics, and non-unitary parties, which the existing literature ignores, due to the largely unitary nature of Western European parties. The Japanese case demonstrates such a mechanism. Furthermore, the validity of this thesis can be tested more rigorously over time, as the state allows more immigrants to enter Japan, which may strain this outcome. 1 1 Introduction In the comparative party politics literature, the rise of the "Radical Right" party has been widely theorized and analyzed with a focus on Western and Eastern Europe. Other works have expanded the scope of study to fit parties in late capitalist countries as diverse as Israel, Canada, Australia, Chile, and New Zealand (Norris, 2005, 7) (Rydgren, 2007, 242). Yet, there has been less work on the Japanese case, though some have tried to apply the populist or radical right theories to phenomena in Japanese politics. Furthermore, most of the contributions that do examine the Japanese radical right either examine groupuscular formations that do not contest elections, or examine particular elections or personalities instead of examining the country-level variables theorized by the literature, or consider how the Japanese case can inform the theory in general. -
The LDP and the Maintenance of Gender Inequality in Japanese Politics
University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 2011 The DPL and the Maintenance of Gender Inequality in Japanese Politics Emma Dalton University of Wollongong, [email protected] Recommended Citation Dalton, Emma, The LDP nda the Maintenance of Gender Inequality in Japanese Politics, thesis, , University of Wollongong, 2011. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/3352 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] The LDP and the Maintenance of Gender Inequality in Japanese Politics A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree Doctor of Philosophy from UNIVERSITY OF WOLLONGONG by Emma Dalton BA (Hons), Masters in Japanese Interpreting and Translation Institute for Social Transformation Research School of Social Sciences, Media and Communication 2011 THESIS CERTIFICATION I, Emma Dalton, declare that this thesis, submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy, in the School of Social Sciences, Media and Communication, University of Wollongong, is wholly my own work unless otherwise referenced or acknowledged. The document has not been submitted for qualifications at any other academic institution. Emma Dalton ii ABSTRACT The Japanese political system is dominated by men. From local to national level, from the legislature through to the bureaucracy, men outnumber women significantly. Dominant discourses of gender that shape Japanese womanhood as being connected to the home and family have gently steered women away from choosing a career in politics. Gender-role socialisation and gender stereotypes form the cultural barriers to women’s participation in mainstream representative politics. -
Core Document Forming Part of the Reports of States Parties
Core document forming part of the reports of States parties May, 2012 Contents I. General Information A. Demographic, Economic, Social, and Cultural Characteristics of the State 1. Geographical Description 2. Demographic Characteristics 3. Social and Cultural Characteristics 4. Economic Characteristics B. Constitutional, Political, and Legal Structure of State 1. Political System 2. Legislative Branch 3. Executive Branch 4. Judicial Branch 5. Local Autonomy 6. Legal Framework for NGOs II. General Framework for Protection and Promotion of Human Rights A. Acceptance of International Human Rights Norms 1. Status of Conclusion of Major Human Rights Treaties and Conventions 2. Reservation and Declaration B. Legal and Institutional Framework for the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights at the National Level 1. Protection of Human Rights under the Constitution of Japan, etc. 2. Human Rights Conventions as Part of Domestic Laws and Regulations 3. Organ Handling Human Rights Issues and Remedy System C. Framework within which Human Rights are promoted at the National Level III. Information on Non-discrimination and Equality and Effective Remedies 1. Legislation concerning Non-discrimination and Equality 2. Policy relating to Non-discrimination and Equality 1 I. General Information A. Demographic, Economic, Social, and Cultural Characteristics of the State 1. Geographical Description Japan is a nation consisting of numerous islands lying off the eastern seaboard of the Asian continent. The islands form a crescent-shaped archipelago stretching from northeast to southwest. Japan has a northern boundary with Russia across the Sea of Japan and the Sea of Okhotsk and a southern boundary with the Philippines and the islands of Micronesia with the Pacific Sea in between, and to the west of Japan, the Korean Peninsula and China lie across the Sea of Japan and the East China Sea. -
Japanese Protesters Use Nazism to Attack Chinese, Koreans May 01, 2014 the ASAHI SHIMBUN
http://ajw.asahi.com/article/behind_news/social_affairs/AJ201405010052 Disturbing trend: Japanese protesters use Nazism to attack Chinese, Koreans May 01, 2014 THE ASAHI SHIMBUN Racist chants bellowed from a loudspeaker and Hinomaru flags were waved at a rally in Tokyo attended by about 40 people following a young person dressed in military uniform. But what set this demonstration apart from the usual protests against Koreans and Chinese were the swastika flags fluttering beside Japan’s national flag. “We will recover the honor of Imperial Japan and Nazi Germany,” one person shouted, as the protesters marched through a busy entertainment area of the Ikebukuro district. The rally was held on April 20, the 125th anniversary of the birth of Adolf Hitler. Although young Japanese protesters have recently increased their use of Nazi symbols in demonstrations, the rallies are not targeted at Jews. In their minds, the demonstrators seem to believe that Hitler was justified in trying to protect the German race from a rising threat, and that Nazi-style persecution offers way to save Japan from the increasing power of China and South Korea. Their numbers remain small, and they may simply be disgruntled youth ignorant about history. However, their praise for a man considered the most evil in the 20th century has raised fears about where their movement is heading. “One characteristic of the latest cases is the connecting of Nazism with calls spreading through the Internet to throw out ethnic Koreans and Chinese living in Japan,” said Mitsuharu Akao, an assistant professor at Osaka University specializing in Jewish cultural studies.