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Zjapanr27 08 Vanoverbeke Maesschalck
A Public Policy Perspective on Judicial Reform in Japan Dimitri Vanoverbeke / Jeroen Maesschalck “Understanding the policy process requires a knowledge of the goals and perceptions of hundreds of actors throughout the country […] when most of those actors are actively seeking to propagate their specific ‘spin’ on events.” Paul A. Sabatier 1 I. Introduction II. Administration of Justice and Policymaking in Postwar Japan: A Policy Monopoly 1. The Three Parties in the Legal Profession 2. Reluctant Litigants? III. A First Attempt at Reform: The Extraordinary Committee for Investigation of the Judicial System (1962-1964) IV. Incremental Changes in the 1970s V. The Path Toward Punctuation 1. Seeds of Change in the Bubble Years 2. Further Pressure for Change in the ‘Lost Decade’ 3. Moving from the Subsystem to the Macropolitical Agenda (1997-1999) VI. Punctuation Achieved: Policy Change in 1999-2001 VII. Conclusion I. INTRODUCTION On June 12, 2001, the report of the Justice Reform Council (hereafter the Council or JRC) was presented to Prime Minister Jun’ichiro Koizumi. 2 Only three days later, the cabinet decided to pay full attention to the reforms and to draft bills to realize the objectives of the JRC. In the report, the Council called for, among other things, in- creasing the number of successful candidates to the legal profession, the establishment of specialized professional law schools, as well as more swift legal proceedings and an expansion of access to courts. The report also proposed measures to ensure sufficient pluralism in the justice system, including the expansion of the pool from which judges would be nominated and the introduction of popular participation in criminal trials. -
Autumn 1974 Through Summer 2016) Symposium on Gender and Women in Japan
Symposium on Japanese Society. Introduction by Susan B. Hanley. 8,1 Symposium on Ie Society. THE JOURNAL OF JAPANESE Introduction by Kozo Yamamura. 11,1 STUDIES Symposium: Transition From Medieval to Early Modern Japan. Introduction by Michael P. Birt and Kozo Yamamura. 12,2 Special Issue: A Forum on the Trade Crisis. Introduction by Kenneth B. Pyle. 13,2 Index to Volume 1, Number 1 through Symposium: Social Control and Early Socialization. Volume 42, Number 2 Introduction by Thomas P. Rohlen. 15,1 (Autumn 1974 through Summer 2016) Symposium on Gender and Women in Japan. Introduction by Susan B. Hanley. 19,1 Symposium on Contemporary Japanese Popular Culture. Introduction by John Whittier Treat. 19,2 © 2000–2016 by the Society for Japanese Studies Symposium on Teaching and Learning in Japan. Introduction by Thomas P. Rohlen. 20,1 This index is divided into eight parts: Symposia, Articles, Book Reviews, Opinion and Comment, Communications, Publications Symposium on Continuity and Change in Heisei Japan. of Note, Miscellaneous, and a List of Contributors. Introduction by Susan B. Hanley and John Whittier Treat 23,2 ARTICLES SYMPOSIA Akita, George. An Examination of E.H. Norman's Scholarship. 3,2 - Allen, Laura W. Images of the Poet Saigyo as Recluse. 21,1 Workshop on the Economic and Institutional History of Medieval Japan. Allinson, Gary Dean. The Moderation of Organized Labor in Postwar Introduction by Kozo Yamamura. 1,2 Japan. 1,2 Symposium: The Ashio Copper Mine Pollution Incident. Allison, Anne. Memoirs of the Orient. 27,2 Introduction by Kenneth B. Pyle 1,2 Ambaras, David R. -
Populism and Institutional Design: Methods of Selecting Candidates for Chief Executive
40675-nyu_93-4 Sheet No. 34 Side A 10/16/2018 09:18:32 \\jciprod01\productn\N\NYU\93-4\NYU403.txt unknown Seq: 1 16-OCT-18 8:59 POPULISM AND INSTITUTIONAL DESIGN: METHODS OF SELECTING CANDIDATES FOR CHIEF EXECUTIVE STEPHEN GARDBAUM† & RICHARD H. PILDES‡ The institutional design through which democracies choose nominees who compete to become a nation’s chief executive is among the most consequential features in the design of democratic elections. Yet there is surprisingly little scholarship that explores this issue in detail. This Article provides both historical perspective on the evolution over time of the nomination process in the United States and comparative perspective on how other major democracies structure this process. The central organizing theme of this piece is the contrast between nomination processes that entail a central role for “peer review”—in which party leaders have a central voice in the selection of their parties’ nominees—and purely populist selection methods, in which ordinary voters completely control the selection of nominees and party figures have no special role. The first half of the Article is historical and focuses on the United States. In the 1970s, the United States shifted almost overnight from the methods that had been used for nearly 200 years to select party nominees, in which official representatives of the political parties played the major role in deciding the parties’ candidates for President, to a purely populist mode (primaries and caucuses) for selecting presi- dential nominees. The consequences of this dramatic transformation have mani- fested themselves in recent presidential nomination contests. -
JMWP 05 Stephen Gardbaum And
THE JEAN MONNET PROGRAM J.H.H. Weiler, Director Gráinne de Burca, Director Jean Monnet Working Paper 5/17 SYMPOSIUM: PUBLIC LAW AND THE NEW POPULISM Stephen Gardbaum and Richard H. Pildes Populism and Democratic Institutional design: Methods of Selecting Candidates for Chief Executive in the United States and Other Democracies NYU School of Law • New York, NY 10011 The Jean Monnet Working Paper Series can be found at www.JeanMonnetProgram.org All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author. ISSN 2161-0320 (online) Copy Editor: Danielle Leeds Kim © Stephen Gardbaum and Richard H. Pildes 2017 New York University School of Law New York, NY 10011 USA Publications in the Series should be cited as: AUTHOR, TITLE, JEAN MONNET WORKING PAPER NO./YEAR [URL] POPULISM AND DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONAL DESIGN: METHODS OF SELECTING CANDIDATES FOR CHIEF EXECUTIVE IN THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER DEMOCRACIES Stephen Gardbaum* and Richard H. Pildes** ABSTRACT Donald Trump would most likely not be President but for the institutional change made in the 1970s, and analyzed here, in the nature of the presidential nomination process. In the 1970s, the United States shifted almost overnight from the methods that had been used for nearly 200 years to select party nominees, in which official representatives of the political parties played the major role in deciding the parties’ candidates for President, to a purely populist mode (primaries and caucuses) for selecting presidential nominees. This article explores the contrast between nomination processes that entail a central role for “peer review” – in which party leaders have a central voice in the selection of their parties’ nominees – and purely populist selection methods, such as currently used in the United States, in which ordinary voters completely control the selection of nominees and party figures have no special role. -
Silva Iaponicarum 日林 Fasc. Lvi/Lvii/Lviii/Lix 第五十六・五十七
SILVA IAPONICARUM 日林 FASC. LVI/LVII/LVIII/LIX 第五十六 ・五十七・五十八・五十九 号 SUMMER/AUTUMN/WINTER/SPRING 夏・秋・冬・春 2018/2019 SPECIAL EDITION PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES FOR JAPAN IN A CHANGING WORLD: THIRTY YEARS OF JAPANES STUDIES IN POZNA Ń edited by Arkadiusz Jabło ński, Justyna Walkowiak Posnaniae, Cracoviae, Toruniae, Varsoviae MMXVIII/MMXIX ISSN (Online) 2543-4500 2 Drodzy Czytelnicy. Oto specjalne wydanie kwartalnika Silva Iaponicarum 日林 . W dniach 7-9 grudnia 2017 w Katedrze Orientalistyki Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu odbyła si ę mi ędzynarodowa konferencja japonistyczna Problems and Perspectives for Japan in a Changing World: 30 Years of Japanese Studies in Pozna ń. W trakcie konferencji wygłoszono 70 referatów, w tym 3 wykłady inauguracyjne, w obecno ści kilkuset uczestników z Polski, Europy, Japonii oraz innych krajów. Niniejsze zeszyt specjalny zawiera artykuły nadesłane przez uczestników konferencji oraz jeden tekst wykładu inauguracyjnego. Dzi ękujemy bardzo autorom artykułów oraz wszystkim osobom zaanga żowanym w jego redakcj ę. Kolegium redakcyjne Pozna ń-Kraków-Toru ń-Warszawa, grudzie ń 2020 3 Dear Readers, This is a special edition of the Silva Iaponicarum 日林 quarterly. On December 7-9th 2017 an international conference on Japanese studies Problems and Perspectives for Japan in a Changing World: 30 Years of Japanese Studies in Pozna ń was held at the Pozna ń Adam Mickiewicz Universty Chair of Oriental Studies. 70 presentations, including 3 keynote speeches, were delivered during the conference, in presence of several hundred participants from Poland, Europe, Japan and other countries. This special edition contains the papers contributed by the conference participants and one text of keynote speech. -
Final Exam POL 2018, Fall 2016 Model Answers Question 1
Final Exam POL 2018, Fall 2016 Model Answers Question 1: Identifications Answer two only (each is worth 25 %). Based upon class readings and lectures, explain the significance of two of the following. 1. Article 9 This is an article in the Japanese Constitution. The Constitution was adopted in November 1946 and went into effect six months later, when Japan was under US occupation. The content of the article is as follows: “Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes. In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized.” Article 9 was first drafted by the Supreme Command for the Allied Powers and thereafter reviewed and adopted by the Japanese Diet. The chairman of the Lower House committee that reviewed the draft, Ashida Hitoshi, suggested some minor revisions, part of which was reworded as: “In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph.” This phrase, which is called the Ashida Amendment or Ashida Escape Clause, has been used to justify that Japan has the right of self-defense. Further, the phrase “war potential” has been the key to interpreting the practical meaning of Article 9. In practice, “war potential” has been interpreted to mean offensive or power projection military capabilities. Formal responsibility for constitutional interpretation is generally exercised by the Cabinet Legislative Bureau, or Houseikyoku . -
Challenges Facing Japan Perspectives from the U.S.-Japan Network for the Future
Challenges Facing Japan Perspectives from the U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Challenges Facing Japan Perspectives from the U.S.-Japan Network for the Future www.mansfieldfdn.org The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation, Washington, D.C. ©2014 by The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation All rights reserved. Published in the United States of America Library of Congress Control Number: 2014938426 The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation or its funders. Contributors Celeste Arrington, Korea Foundation Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, George Washington University Emma Chanlett-Avery, Specialist in Asian Affairs, Congressional Research Service Erin Aeran Chung, Associate Professor, Johns Hopkins University Annika A. Culver, Assistant Professor, Florida State University Dyron K. Dabney, Assistant Professor, Albion College Linda Hasunuma, Assistant Professor, Franklin and Marshall College Jeffrey W. Hornung, Associate Professor, Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies David P. Janes, Director of Foundation Grants and Assistant to the President, United States-Japan Foundation Weston S. Konishi, Chief Operating Officer, Peace Winds America Kenji E. Kushida, Research Associate, Stanford University Mary M. McCarthy, Associate Professor, Drake University Kenneth Mori McElwain, Assistant Professor, University of Michigan Andrew L. Oros, Associate Professor, Washington College Gene Park, Assistant Professor, Loyola Marymount University U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Advisory Committee Dr. Michael Green, Senior Adviser and Japan Chair, Center for Strategic and International Studies Dr. Susan J. Pharr, Edwin O. Reischauer Professor of Japanese Politics and Director of the Program on U.S.-Japan Relations, Harvard University Dr. -
Yuji Kanamaru Party System Fragmentation and Institutionalization: Japan's Party System in the 2010S DOI: 10.12775/Sijp.2020.5
Yuji Kanamaru ORCID: 0000-0002-8967-9149 Party System Fragmentation and Institutionalization: Japan’s Party System in the 2010s DOI: 10.12775/sijp.2020.56-59.8 ABSTRACT The paper analyzes the party system change at the level of Japan’s national politics. The party system after the 1990s can be classified into three periods according to some indicators to measure party system change. The present party system in the 2010s is characterized by the LDP dominance and fragmentation and fluidity of opposition parties. It is called “Abe ikky ō politics (安倍一強政 治) ” which means the LDP dominance under Abe administration. At the final section of the paper the problem of party system fragmentation and ruling party dominance is argued referring to the theory of party system institutionalization and democratic consolidation. KEYWORDS : Japanese politics, political party, party system, insitutionalization, democratic consolidation Introduction The Abe administration started again in December 2012 lasts for more than seven years to the present 1. It is exceptionally long in Japan’s politics since the average years of an administration in post-war period has been approximately two and a half years and after 1993 in particular only one and a half. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) with the second Abe administration won three general elections (2012, 2014 and 2017) and was reelected in each of them. The LDP and its coalition partner the Clean Government Party (CGP) not only won the elections but also secured absolute majority (two-thirds) in the House of Representatives (HR). It is called “Abe ikky ō politics ( 安倍一強政治 )”, which means the LDP dominance under Abe administration. -
Japan's New Politics and the U.S.-Japan Alliance
Japan’s New Politics and the U.S.-Japan Alliance Politics New Japan’s Cover Photo: Empty voting boxes are seen at a ballot counting center for the upper house election in Tokyo on July 21, 2013. (Yuya Shino/Courtesy Reuters) July 2014 Council on Foreign Relations Sheila A. Smith 58 East 68th Street New York, NY 10065 tel 212.434.9400 fax 212.434.9800 Japan’s New 1777 F Street, NW Washington, DC 20006 tel 202.509.8400 Politics and the fax 202.509.8490 www.cfr.org U.S.-Japan Alliance Japan’s New Politics and the U.S.-Japan Alliance July 2014 Sheila A. Smith Japan’s New Politics and the U.S.-Japan Alliance The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, business executives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; convening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with CFR members to discuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling CFR scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S.