proof not for distribution2 Rural salvation markets

Medieval memoria in Dutch village parishes

Kees Kuiken

Nederlands Agronomisch Historisch Instituut Groningen / Wageningen 2019

proof not for distribution3 Historia Agriculturae 49 Uitgegeven door / Published by Nederlands Agronomisch Historisch Instituut (NAHI) Oude Kijk in ’t Jatstraat 26, 9712 EK Groningen Hollandseweg 1, 6706 KN Wageningen Internet: https://www.rug.nl/research/nederlands-agronomisch-historisch- instituut E-mail: [email protected]

ISBN 978-94-034-1748-6

NUR 695

© 2019 Nederlands Agronomisch Historisch Instituut © 2019 dr. C.J. Kuiken h/o Prosopo The moral rights of the author have been asserted.

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No part of this book may be stored in a computerized system or reproduced in any form, by print, photo print, microfilm or any other means without written permission from the publisher.

Cover design: Frank de Wit Design and lay-out: Hanneke de Vries Series editors: Maarten Duijvendak, Piet van Cruyningen, Erwin Karel † External reviewers: Koen Goudriaan, Peter Hoppenbrouwers Printed in the by Scholma Print & Media, Bedum

Cover illustration: Villagers carrying candles to church for Candlemas on a miniature from a book of hours by Simon Beningh (fl. Bruges 1500-1562). The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, Ms. 50.

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Table of contents

List of figures iv List of graphs v List of tables vi Preface ix

Part One. Survey 1 1 Introduction 3 1.1 Dimensions of diversity 7 1.2 How rural parishes were organised 11 1.3 Salvation markets and institutions 13 1.4 The memoria paradigm revisited 16

2 Local texts and contexts 19 2.1 23 2.2 24 2.3 Groningen 24 2.4 25 2.5 Noord-Brabant 25 2.6 Noord- 26 2.7 26 2.8 Zuid-Holland 27 2.9 Concluding remarks 27

Part Two. Economy 29 3 Parishes, providers, patrons 31 3.1 Birth of the rural parish 31 3.2 Chantries and chapters 35 3.3 Fraternities and indulgences 37 3.4 Warmond and the Woudes 39 3.5 Warmond in its subregion 46 3.6 Concluding remarks 52

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4 The commodification of memoria 54 4.1 Market factors 54 4.2 Market shares 61 4.3 Measuring inequalities 63 4.4 Concluding remarks 68

Part Three. Society 71 5 Local society 73 5.1 Identifications 74 5.2 Kith and kin 76 5.3 Stratifications 83 5.4 Concluding remarks 93

6 Translocalities 95 6.1 Absence and representation 96 6.2 Absentee parsons 98 6.3 Absentee lords 103 6.4 Absentee landowners 106 6.5 Chantries in context 112 6.6 Disease and other disasters 118 6.7 The penultimate translocality 121

Part Four. Culture 127 7 Material culture 129 7.1 Writing 130 7.2 Lighting 135 7.3 Other objects 137 7.4 Heraldry 141 7.5 Building 146 7.6 Stripping 147 7.7 Concluding remarks 151

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8 Shared codes 153 8.1 Method 153 8.2 Meanings 155 8.3 Modernities 162 8.4 Concluding remarks 168

Part Five. Synthesis 171 9 The memoria perspective: theory and rural 173 practice

Appendix 179 Archives and collections 267 Bibliography 270 Index of toponyms 295 About the author 299 Historia Agriculturae 301

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List of figures Fig. 1. St Nicholas’ and St Catherine’s at in 2017. Photo: Romke Hoekstra (WikiMedia). Fig. 2. Screenshot of Swichum on the MeMO database website. © 2019 Utrecht University. Fig. 3. Facsimile (1941) of Jacob van Deventer’s map of the (c. 1545). Fig. 4. The calling of St Anthony, c. 1530. , Amsterdam, object nr. SK-A-1691. Fig. 5. Posthumous ‘portraits’ of Gysbert van Raephorst († 1502) and his spouse Lady Jacoba († 1525) of Warmond in a manuscript of 1660. Photo: Netherlands Institute for Art History (RKD). Fig. 6. Parchment leaf with memoria services in Warmond nunnery. Photo: ELO, . Fig. 7. Brass of Mr Wilhelmus de Ga(e)l(l)en († 1539), parson of Dongen. Photo WikiMedia. Fig. 8. Chantries on a loose leaflet in the memoria calendar of Warmond church. Photo: ELO. Fig. 9. Illuminated obit for Pieter Oelez († Middelharnis 1466). After Braber, Middelharnis 14. Fig. 10. Woodcut by Albrecht Dürer in a printed edition of St Bridget’s Revelationes (Nuremberg 1500). The coats of arms in the portraits to the left and right of the saint have been left blank. Fig. 11. Villagers carrying candles to church for Candlemas on a miniature from a book of hours by Simon Beningh (fl. Bruges 1500-1562). The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, Ms. 50. Fig. 12. Devotional portrait of Lollo van Ockingha († 1581) of Dronrijp. Photo: RKD. Fig. 13. Two pages of notes on an armorial tombstone, hatchments and windows in Warmond church in 1612 in a manuscript by Arnoldus Buchelius. Photo: Utrecht University Library. Fig. 14. Two pages of notes on armorial tombstones and other objects in Koudekerk church in 1613 by Buchelius. The castle on the left is Poelgeest Hall. Photo: Utrecht University Library).

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Fig. 15. Posthumous ‘portraits’ of Sir Jan van Duvenvoirde († 1543) and his spouse Lady Maria van Matenes († 1558) of Warmond, Woude, and Alkemade in a manuscript of 1660. Photo: RKD. Fig. 16. Warmond church in 1783 by Pieter Gerardus van Os. The medieval tower and chancel, but not the nave, survived destruction in 1573. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. Fig. 17. Armorial tablet from Aytta Almshouse, now on churchyard gate at Swichum, with Dr. Viglius ab Aytta’s coat of arms. Photo: Romke Hoekstra (WikiMedia). Fig. 18. Map of the Low Countries with the 56 rural parishes

List of graphs

Graph 1. Chantry foundations in rural parishes, 1300-1599. Graph © 2018 Loes Hoogerbeets. Graph 2. New external Fraternity memberships, 1425-1599 Graph © 2018 Loes Hoogerbeets. Graph 3. Frequencies of prescribed numbers of candles. Graph © 2018 Loes Hoogerbeets.

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List of tables

Table 1 Cumulative numbers of memoria services in villages in our sample. Table 2 Chartered towns around 1500 within the present boundaries of the Netherlands. Table 3 Institutional landownership by type of foundation in five regions, 1450-1600. Table 4 Religious institutions as landowners in 25 villages in our sample (Friesland, Holland). Table 5 Obits and chantries in memoria registers from Warmond and Leiden. Table 6 Preserved last wills of persons from, and/or commemorated in villages in our sample. Table 7 Preserved memoria artifacts, datable before 1600, in villages in our sample. Table 8 Frisian villagers from our sample enlisted to appear in harness and gorget in 1552. Table 9 Frisian villagers from our sample taxed 5 guilders or more in 1578. Table 10 Ten villages in our sample in Geestelijk Kantoor accounts 1579- 1656. Table 11 Population and absentee landownership in ten villages in medieval Holland. Table 12 Clergy and laity commemorated in the Cistercian priory at Warmond. Table 13 Kinship of Van Poelgeest and Van Tol (Koudekerk) and Van den Woude (Warmond). Table 14 Competition indexes (HHI) of salvation markets in Leiden and 26 villages. Table 15 Entries with three or more conjugal families in local memoria registers in our sample. Table 16 Absentee parsons and vicars in ten parishes in the diocese of Liège. Table 17 Substititutions (‘officiations’) of priests in eight villages in our sample in Holland. Table 18 Kinship between some lords temporal of , Schijndel, and Dongen. Table 19 Pedigree of some priests of the Alkemade chantry, Warmond. Table 20 Shared ancestry of chantry priests Johannes Persyn and Mr Gerardus Ramp.

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Table 21 Advowson of two chantries founded in Sloten (1451) and (1482). Table 22 Pedigree fragment of the Syardas of Franeker with their chantry foundations. Table 23 Fraternity records per decade from two rural and two urban parishes 1430-1599.

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Preface

Swichum is a tiny village around a medieval church in the green pastures south of , the provincial capital of Friesland in the Netherlands. (Fig. 1) In 1847 the walking distance between town and village was one hour and a half, but the latest extensions of the town are now only half an hour away. According to 16th-century administrative sources, late medieval Swichum was not only home to a dozen of farming families but also to a handful of institutions caring for their safe passage to heaven: a parish fund, a parson’s fund, and three private foundations, including an almshouse .1

Fig. 1. St Nicholas’ and St Catherine’s at Swichum in 2017. Photo: Romke Hoekstra (WikiMedia).

This liturgic ‘care for the here and the hereafter’ and the late medieval material and spiritual cultures associated with it, especially in urban and monastic contexts,

1 Van der Aa, Woordenboek 10 (1847) 844-845; Mol, Aenbrengh 122-125; idem, Volkslegers 277; BB 146-154 .

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have been studied intensively during the past few decades by Dutch medievalists and art historians from different institutions, with the Faculty of Humanities at Utrecht University as their regular and central meeting point. When the author of the present study joined this network in 2009, he assigned himself to the comparative research of medieval liturgic remembrance practices ( memoria ) in a rural perspective.2 The role of competition in these practices was first addressed by Pierre Bourdieu (1974), who compared the ‘production, reproduction and division of […] salvation’ to an open symbolic market. 3 Such salvation markets can even be identified in early medieval imperial China, the subject of my first doctoral dissertation. There are fundamental differences, but also parallels, between Chinese ‘ancestor worship’ and the care for the here and the hereafter in Latin medieval Europe. 4 The field of memoria studies should ideally include such long- term transcontinental comparisons. The short-term objective of the present study, however, is to integrate insights gained from an analysis of written memoria sources from all medieval rural Dutch parishes of which such sources are still accessible, into the body of recent research on rural societies in the medieval Low Countries. Some of this research – e.g. Hoppenbrouwers (1992) – has been published in Historia Agriculturae . The rural perspective adopted in the present study is closely related to – but not always reliant on – the construct of ‘social agrosystems’ first proposed by Erik Thoen in 2004. 5 From a conventional perspective, a village such as Swichum can be described as part of an urban influence sphere, in this case the influence sphere of Leeuwarden with its markets and central administrative institutions. From a rural perspective, however, Leeuwarden was also part of Swichum’s social agrosystem, and some medieval Swichumers who had made careers in urban, regional, and imperial institutions in Leeuwarden and beyond, were still commemorated in the parish church of their native village. The discourse initiated by Thoen in 2004 is a discourse of local and regional diversity. In the following chapters, the diversity of memoria practices in 56 medieval villages will be presented against a background of economically, socially and culturally diverse social agrosystems. This diversity can be assessed with some onfidence because the written sources themselves are fairly uniform, due to the ‘shared codes’ promoted by the Church of Rome since the early 13th century.

2 Van Bueren et al., ‘Researching’; Kuiken, ‘Necrological sources’ 38. 3 Quoted in Verter, ‘Spiritual capital’ 155. 4 Kuiken, The other Neng ; Nelson, ‘Ancestor worship’; Faure, Emperor and ancestor . 5 Hoppenbrouwers, ; Thoen, ‘Social agrosystems’.

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The author, while taking full responsibility for all errors and omissions in the present study, wishes to thank each of the following persons and institutions for their kind counsel and support: Drs Redmer Alma, Drents Archief Father Theo Bankras †, Amsterdam-Sloten Henk Beijers, Vught Professor Dr Arnoud-Jan Bijsterveld, Utrecht University Dr Anne Boomsma, University of Groningen Professor Dr Jan Bremmer, University of Groningen Dr Mario Damen, University of Amsterdam Professor Dr Dick de Boer, University of Groningen Drs Jaap den Hollander, University of Groningen Hanneke de Vries, University of Groningen Professor Dr Maarten Duijvendak, University of Groningen Dr Douwe Faber, Professor Dr Koen Goudriaan, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Professor Dr Ewout Frankema, Wageningen University & Research Professor Dr Peter Hoppenbrouwers, Leiden University Loes Hoogerbeets, Haren Dr Erwin Karel †, University of Groningen Professor Dr Justin Kroesen, University of Bergen Professor Dr Yme Kuiper, University of Groningen Dr Jan Kuys †, Radboud University Professor Dr Hans Mol, Leiden University Drs Paul Noomen, Fryske Akademy Dr Sophie Oosterwijk, University of St Andrews Aleid Regeer-van Poelgeest †, Rolde Staff at Brabants Historisch Informatie Centrum, Deventer Athenaeumbibliotheek, Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken, Gemeentearchief Venray, Groningen University Library, Het Archief, Hoogheemraadschap van Rijnland, Regionaal Historisch Centrum Limburg, Noord-Hollands Archief, Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Stadsarchief Breda, Streekarchief Goeree-Overflakke, Streekarchief Langstraat-Heusden-Altena, Tresoar, and Utrecht University Library Professor Dr Theo Spek, University of Groningen Dr Rombert Stapel, International Institute of Social History Drs Guus van Breugel, CBG Centrum voor Familiegeschiedenis, The Hague Dr Truus van Bueren, Utrecht University Dr Bram van den Hoven van Genderen, Utrecht University Dr Kees van der Ploeg, Radboud University and University of Groningen

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Ab van der Steur †, Haarlem, to whose memoria the present study is dedicated 6 Drs Paul van Kooij, Netherlands Institute for Art History Jan van Rijswijk, Vlijmen-Hedikhuizen Dr Arie van Steensel, University of Groningen

6 Cerutti, ‘Van der Steur’.

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Part One. Survey

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Dye levende den doode daer trouwelick in te helpen .7

1. Introduction

On the eve of the Reformation most Dutch lived in rural parishes. In such late medieval villages the clergy, other elites, and commoners shared what Eamon Duffy (1992) calls a ‘repertoire of symbols, prayers and beliefs that bridged the gulf between the literate and the illiterate’.8 A key part of this shared religious repertoire is known as memoria , the ritual commemoration of the dead. How this repertoire functioned in a 16th-century village parish is described by parson Jacob Vallick of Groessen. When someone had died Vallick would pray for his or her soul, standing in the doorway of the rood, and then read vigil and mass in the chancel. After burial the parson, the junior priests and the verger read Miserere and De profundis on the grave. Vallick would give a sermon and say the Lord’s Prayer. The bereaved were expected to pay a fee commensurate with their means. The calendar in Vallick’s missal on the high altar listed twelve paid yearly memoria services, to be performed between Easter and Pentecost by the joint priests. As church attendance was highest during Lent, Vallick had rescheduled some memoria e to that period. With the care prescribed by the ‘perilous times’ – in his days, the authority of his church was being challenged by sometimes militant dissenters – he kept the deeds of these foundations in a box. How much he wanted to bridge the gulf between the literate and the illiterate, is illustrated by his wish to read mass in Dutch. 9 According to Otto Gerhard Oexle (1995), the memoria repertoire was not only a religious matter but a ‘total social phenomenon’. It meant social practice connecting the living and the dead, touching on and integrating a multitude of religious, political, legal and economic conditions. Patrick Geary (1994), another pioneer of what has been called the ‘ memoria paradigm’, sees memoria as ‘a key organising principle, not only in medieval theology but in every aspect of medieval life’. In the words of Astrid Erll (2011), memoria apparently ‘permeated medieval culture as a whole’.10 In the following chapters, these claims are tested on Groessen and 55 other rural Dutch parishes from which texts of local memoria registers could be accessed (table 1). All entries in these sources are late medieval.

7 ‘The living shall loyally help the dead’, quoted from a Frisian will ( FT nr. 84) of 1511. 8 Van Bavel, Manors and markets 281; Duffy, Stripping 3. The medieval Low Countries, defined as the estuaries of Scheldt, , , and IJssel with their hinterlands, include most of modern and the Netherlands. 9 Van der Heijden, ‘Groessen’ 21-38, 52-55, 64-66; Goudriaan, ‘Lijkpreek’ 96-115; cf. Frijhoff, ‘Johan Wier’. 10 Oexle, ‘Memorialbild’ 394; Geary, Phantoms 18; Erll, Memory 48-49.

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Bas van Bavel (1999) found that the role of villages as social, economic, and cultural units in medieval (now Gelderland) increased significantly in the 15 th century, when parish churches became the focus of communal life. This was attributed to four simultaneous processes:

1. the waning attraction of large old monasteries as providers of religious services; the increasing popularity of privately founded and endowed chantries in parish churches; 2. the increasing concentration of religious and welfare activities at the local parish level; 3. the desire of local laypeople to control the institutions providing religious services.

Van Bavel labels these processes as changes in the zielenheilsmarkt – the ‘salvation markets’ in the title of the present study. 11 The care for the salvation of the dead, or more precisely: the effort to shorten their stay in purgatory on their way to heaven, was the core of medieval memoria services. But was this really a market? Probably not in a Whiggish sense. The playing field, for instance, was all but level. Although the Bible claims that a camel would rather pass through the eye of a needle than a rich man would enter the kingdom of God, the rich were facilitated in every possible manner. Yet in two aspects, ‘salvation markets’ is more than a modern metaphor. 12 There was serious competition, and this competition facilititated the distribution of spiritual goods and services. In rural salvation markets, competition was not uniform. In Hijum near Leeuwarden, for instance, the local rectory, the parish fund out of which the parson was paid, was the only attested memoria provider, but in Warmond near Leiden two monasteries competed with the parish church, a local guild, and four private memoria foundations (so-called chantries) – and also with a very active corporation providing long-distance salvation services. In 1371 this ‘Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady’, originally a group of urban clergy and scholars at ’s- Hertogenbosch in Brabant, started accepting payments for regular intercessions from outsiders in remote towns and villages. To be included in the bede-rolls of the ‘sworn brethren’ in a chapel of St John’s collegiate church at ’s- Hertogenbosch, they paid a modest entry fee as well as a commemoration fee (dootsculd ). The Fraternity had sales agents all over the Low Countries.13 Of the 56 rural parishes included in the present study (‘our sample’), thirteen also appear in accounts of the Fraternity between 1371 and 1620 (table 1).14 For practical

11 Van Bavel, Transitie 328-330. 12 Matthew 19:23; Mark 10:24; Luke 18:24; cf. McKinnon, ‘A critique’. 13 List in Van Dijck, Optimaten 412-418. 14 Van Dijck, Optimaten ; digital access to the accounts ( rekeningen ) of the Fraternity at www.bhic.nl/onderzoeken.

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reasons, ‘rural’ is defined here as the area outside the boundaries of medieval chartered towns (table 2). 15 The present study contributes to what Robert Swierenga (1981) calls ‘new rural history’ and Jeremy Buchardt (2007) ‘new countryside history’ – studies of human behavior over time in the rural environment, with attention to cultural and representational aspects that have shaped rural life.16 But how exactly must a ‘rural environment’ be understood in a late medieval context? Simply as a counterpart to the ‘urban’ world of chartered towns, or as a distinctive social agrosystem? Erik Thoen (2004) defines the latter as a rural production system based on specific regional social relations such as divisions of property and power, and income strategies of different groups. Pim Kooij (2010) describes medieval villages as suppliers of produce and labour to nearby market towns. On the other hand, many late medieval towns were important as regional services centres.17 The permanent demographic exchange between late medieval villages and towns, characterised by Arlette Higounet-Nadal (1978) as a ‘delicate osmosis’, is compatible with both interpretations. Although towns were visually and institutionally separated from the surrounding countryside, the difference between medieval towns and villages was ‘one of degree, not a principled watershed’.18 In line with these observations, the present study does not look for principled watersheds between urban and rural memoria institutions and practices. Most kinds of memoria institutions found in large towns such as Leiden (3017 households reported in 1514) indeed had their equivalents in villages in our sample, from the most populous (Oirschot, 703 households in 1472) to the tiniest (Swichum, twelve households in 1552). On the eve of the Reformation the latter had two separate public memoria funds and three private foundations, including an almshouse. In Oirschot church, memoria services were provided by the parish (actually a chapter of canons), two dozens of private foundations, including two almshouses, and a local guild. This largest village in our sample was also larger than many towns. In 1514, many towns in Holland reported fewer than 700 households. 19 The present study aims to take a fresh look at the pluriformity of the countryside in the late medieval Low Countries as shown in memoria registers from 56 rural parishes. It does so from three different angles. In micro-economic terms, the embedding of memoria in rural markets is surveyed. The registers

15 Cf. Epstein, ‘Introduction’ 3-4. 16 Swierenga, ‘New rural history’ 212; Burchardt, ‘Agricultural history’. 17 Thoen, ‘Agrosystems’ 47; Kooij, Town 210-211; on towns as regional service centres e.g. Lesger, Hoorn 213. 18 Higounet-Nadal, Périgueux I-75; Hoppenbrouwers, Drenthe 7. 19 Informacie 629-638; Cuvelier, Dénombrement 480; Mol, Volkslegers 277; and the appendix to the present study.

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show, for instance, how payments for memoria services in kind and cash varied among rural parishes. All memoria payments in Oirschot and eleven other larger and smaller rural parishes across the Low Countries were in rye, but payments in tiny Swichum were all in cash. Socially, the memoria registers document how rural communities of the living and the dead were structured, horizontally in terms of kinship groups and vertically in terms of of social status. A third dimension of these imagined communities is their treatment of ‘outsiders’ such as absentee lords, priests, and landowners. Osmosis between town and country has been studied from an urban point of view – for instance in Leiden – but hardly from the rural perspective offered in rural memoria sources. 20 The material remnants of memoria practices include not only written documents such as registers and wills, but also monumental objects such as funeral slabs. How much – or little – these sources and objects reveal of the ‘mentalities’ of late medieval villagers, is yet another point of discussion. The present study is not the first contribution to Historia Agriculturae to deal with late medieval memoria practice in a rural context. Peter Hoppenbrouwers’ dissertation (1992) already included memoria sources in its analysis of late medieval society in a cluster of sixteen villages in Holland. Its focus was threefold: families, the social distribution of landownership, and communal organisation and self-government. Memoria and its sources and providers were discussed under the third heading. 21 The present study is yet the first monograph to describe and compare memoria in a variety of late medieval village parishes across the northern Low Countries. Another first is that not only local registers – the primordial bookkeeping of memoria – are analysed but also the accounts of the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch, the only serial source documenting the course of individual memoria participation over time in hundreds of urban and rural parishes across the Low Countries. One reason why memoria sources are useful for a study of the diversity of late medieval villages is – somewhat paradoxically – their relatively uniform structure. Their ‘shared codes’, as Erll calls them, not only enabled and shaped collective remembering in the Low Countries. They also enable us to identify and analyse the pluriformity of medieval village life in its diverse interactions with the strong unifying force of the church. The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) defined church rules and rituals at the local parish level, both urban and rural. Memoria was practiced before 1215, but only in monasteries and major churches. It became a common practice after purgatory was pronounced official church doctrine in 1274. All these rituals influenced the layout of the parish churches where they were performed. Although local churches, most notably in the

20 See for instance De Boer, Graaf , and on geographic and social mobility Kan, Sleutels , and Brand, Over macht . 21 Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 552-556 (English summary: 669-681).

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countryside, varied widely in size, style, and wealth, it has been suggested that a medieval Christian traveler, for instance from Portugal, could find his way blindfold in any European village church.22 How historians have addressed the diversity of the late medieval countryside is discussed in the next section, the organisation of a medieval parish in section 1.2, a historiography of salvation markets and their neoclassical equivalents in section 1.3, and some approaches to memoria in section 1.4. Chapter 2 introduces the written sources used in the present study. Historical details of the 56 rural parishes in our sample and their memoria registers are given in a separate appendix.

1.1. Dimensions of diversity The standard typology of medieval Dutch rural settlements includes the following categories: 23

1. villages on marine clay with arable and mixed farming; 2. villages on river clay or loess loam with mixed farming; 3. villages in reclaimed bog areas with mixed and livestock farming; 4. villages in sandy areas with mixed farming.

This division implies a certain economic ranking. In 1511, for instance, a hectare of clay land in northwestern Friesland was valued twice as much as a hectare in its sandy southeastern areas. Different soil conditions were also related to different demographic patterns. In Holland in 1514, the average household on sandy or peaty soil included more people than households on clay land. 24 In terms of structure, settlements on artificial mounds dominated on marine clay. The stripwise parcelling of reclaimed peat bogs shaped many linear settlements in peaty areas, while settlements of open fields surrounded by farms or hamlets typically developed on sandy soil. The variety of settlements was much wider than the variety of agricultural practices. Mixed farming was obviously the rule in most medieval villages, with the exception of peaty areas where arable farming had become almost impossible. Specialisation became more common in the 16 th century. To this model, Thoen’s construct of social agrosystems adds another dimension, or rather several dimensions. The ‘building blocks’ in his proposed identification checklist of medieval farming practices include:

22 Erll, Memory 102-104; McLaughlin, Consorting 17-19, 183-184; Kroesen & Steensma, Interior 10. 23 Bieleman, Farming 28-30. Bieleman’s early modern and modern groups 5 and 6 are irrelevant to the present study. 24 Buma & Telting, Register ; Tjessinga, Aanbreng ; cf. Mol, Leuwerderadeels aenbrengh ; Stapel, ‘Holland’ 182.

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1. environment, both physical (pedology) and cultural (private and public infrastructure); 2. technology (mixed/specialised, intensive/extensive) and capital (collective/ individual); 3. social property relations (including access to commons) and power structures; 4. labour relations and income strategies (commercialisation, family life-cycle strategies); 5. interactions (migration, diffusion of technology) with other agrosystems, including towns.

This descriptive model was tested in 2004 on two subregions of the medieval country of Flanders: the strongly market-oriented marine clay and peat lands near the seaside – and the major towns – and the sandy inlands with their generally more conservative ‘commercial survival economy’, which in at least one way supported the rich coastal economy – as an unfailing source of seasonal workers. Van Bavel (2010) builds on Thoen’s model in a comparative study of medieval developments – actually of different avenues of commercialisation, from ‘manors’ to ‘markets’ – in six regions: 25

1. the Meuse valley, including parts of the modern Belgian and Dutch provinces of Limburg; 2. inland Flanders, the Scheldt basin in modern Belgian Oost- and West-Vlaanderen; 3. Drenthe, the sandy central part of the modern Dutch province of the same name; 4. the Campine, including part of the modern Dutch province of Noord-Brabant; 5. the Guelders river area, the Rhine//Meuse basins in modern Gelderland; 6. the county of Holland, including the modern provinces of Noord- and Zuid- Holland.

Van Bavel, informed by Douglass North’s ‘new institutional economics’, cursorily discusses the economic agency of religious institutions in a variety of contexts: agriculture, trade, property rights and tithes, capital markets, usury laws, village communities, poor relief, and education. Van Bavel’s choice of six relatively large regions as units of comparison has drawn some criticism. Many regions, notably Holland, not only accommodated a sequence of different agrosystems over time, but also could – and most often did – accommodate different types of systems at one time. 26 Drenthe, labeled by Van Bavel in its entirety as an ‘agrarian peasant area’, is given short shrift, too. Van Bavel ignores the sophisticated analysis by Theo Spek (2004) of its medieval transition from a subsistence economy to a market economy. Spek, himself inspired by Van

25 Thoen, ‘Agrosystems’ 47-49, 62; Van Bavel, Manors 16-17, 26. 26 North, ‘Institutions’; Van Bavel, Manors ; Soens & Thoen, ‘Path dependency’; Van Dam, ‘Fuzzy boundaries’.

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Bavel’s earlier work on the Guelders river area, notices different pathways to and different speeds of commercialisation in Drenthe.27 The economic agency of mainly urban religious foundations in Dutch Brabant, Flanders, Guelders, Holland, and three regions not included in Van Bavel’s sample (Friesland, Namur, and Utrecht) has been analysed by Auke Rijpma (2011). Religious foundations owned from a mere 15% of all lands in Holland up to 40% in Friesland and Utrecht (table 3). These high percentages are explained by the large landholdings of local monasteries. Land rents accounted for 50% of revenues of rural foundations and 30% of those of urban foundations. The rents of foundation lands were lower than those of private lands. In Friesland and Utrecht, the huge size of monastic landholdings created deeper land markets than elsewhere. The combination of weak territorial states with strong nobilities came with high levels of institutional landownership, while highly urbanised regions had lower levels. Annuities were the second-largest source of revenue, especially for urban foundations (20% to 30%). House rents were a distant third, again mostly for urban foundations (10% to 20% of revenues). The money from these sources was spent on poor relief, often by almshouses and poor-tables; on education, often by parishes and monasteries; and on religious services, of which monasteries, parishes and chantries were the main providers, and monasteries the most expensive. 28 Some concern is justified as to how representative Van Bavel’s and Rijpma’s samples are, and how much of the diversity among late medieval religious entities is buried in them. Rijpma’s Frisian figures, for instance, are based on a cluster of five villages. 29 As no memoria sources from this microregion have been identified, it is not in our sample, but 25 parishes in various other parts of Friesland are. Table 4 shows that the differences among religious foundations in these parishes overshadow the aggregated differences between Friesland and Holland. Like the coastline in the famous paradox, late medieval diversity looks different when watched up close or from a distance.30 Another concern is the urban bias in Rijpma’s sample, ascribed to a paucity of rural sources. In 1998 and 1999, preliminary stock-takings by Frans Gooskens and other scholars also yielded significantly more medieval Dutch memoria text carriers from urban than from rural entities. In 2018, at the closure of Medieval Memoria Online (MeMO), a project of Truus van Bueren and others, the balance stuck at 196 preserved original text carriers, including only 24 from villages. (Fig. 2)

27 Spek, Esdorpenlandschap 1014; Van Bavel, Transitie ; cf. Van Bavel, Manors 13, 336. 28 Funding 101, 277-278, 279. 29 Funding 142 (‘Benthum’ is now ‘Hogebeintum’). Roemeling, Heiligen lists some 400 parishes in medieval Friesland. 30 Mandelbrot, Fractal geometry 25-33.

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Fig. 2. Screenshot of Swichum on the MeMO database website. © 2019 Utrecht University.

Among the rural memoria registers of which only full or partial transcripts or editions (in MeMO terminology: ‘surrogates’) survive, 29 were retrieved in the Beneficiaalboeken , a register in three volumes of church assets in Friesland in 1543 that often specifies hand-outs to the poor and other memoria services, even in such tiny villages as Hijum and Swichum.31 Next to this treasure trove, the inclusion of memoria registers from Middelharnis and Sloten has added to the diversity of our own sample. 32 As in the coastline paradox, the scale on which diversities are observed – like the size of a yardstick used to measure a coastline – directly affects these diversities. In our sample, the chosen unit of measurement is parishes rather than entire regions (for instance the county of Holland) or subregions (for instance the bailiwick of Heusden, the location of Hoppenbrouwers’ villages). It must be noted that some parishes included several villages, and that new parishes were sometimes split off from older ones. Their boundaries often, but not always, coincided with local secular jurisdictions. The medieval parish of Sloten in Holland, for instance, included the villages of Sloten and Osdorp, but the secular jurisdiction ( schoutambacht ) in 1494 also included Sloterdijk, which had its own parson. The manorial chapel of Loenersloot Hall was under the parish of Loenen in Utrecht, but its site was under a secular jurisdiction separate of Loenen.33 In

31 Funding 68, 83-88; Gooskens, ‘Repertorium’; idem, ‘Necrologia’; MeMO ; BB (with special thanks to Hans Mol). Two sources in Gooskens, ‘Repertorium’ have been excluded from our sample: a 14 th -century memoria register from Alem, now in a closed diocesal archive at ’s-Hertogenbosch (pers. comm. Frans van Genugten), and a book of hours written in 1565 by a parson of Kwadijk, which at closer inspection does not contain any memoria notes (NHA/176/1335). 32 Kuiken, ‘Necrological sources’ 35; more information in the appendix, below. 33 Stapel, ‘Holland’ 179-180; Enqueste 88; Kort, ‘’ 86; Kennemaria 124-125; Buitelaar,

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terms of scale, a late medieval parish is perhaps best identified as a microregion rather than as a single village. How the Christian communities in these rather diverse rural microregions were organised, will be summarised next.

1.2. How rural parishes were organised 34 Throughout the later , parishes were the basic organisational units of the Roman Catholic Church. Urban and rural parsons or their substitutes – deservitores or vicecurati , some of whom were also chantry priests – administered sacraments to parishioners. A parson could hire a substitute at his own expense. Parish priests were also available for other services such as burials and commemorations. Depending on local custom, they could either be selected by lay avowees – often a local lord or local gentry – or by some distant monastery or collegiate chapter, but their appointments – and those of substitutes – always needed authorisation by a bishop. The latter was supposed to convene regular synods in the main parishes in his diocese to discuss matters of discipline and organisation, and hear cases of canon law. Most medieval bishops yet relegated these hearings to their archdeacons, who would also keep records of new priests in their precincts, or to a deacon – usually the parson of the ‘synod church’ (seendkerk ) where these hearings took place. Parson Vallick of Groessen, for instance, answered to the spiritual authority of the dean of the collegiate church of Emmerich, who was also an acting archdeacon of the diocese (after 1559: archdiocese) of Utrecht. As in most parishes, Vallick’s basic income was provided by a ‘parson’s fund’ separate from the parish fund proper. The latter, managed by lay churchwardens, was often referred to as ‘our patron saint’. It was in charge of the church building and its maintenance. In many parishes the lay wardens of a local poor-table were managing some more material aspects of memoria practice, such as annual hand- outs to the poor on the anniversaries of parishioners who had commissioned memoriae . The bookkeeping of these and other anniversaries was rather simple. Most were paid out of the revenue of leased-out lands with which a provider had been endowed. More generally, memoriae could be entrusted to one or more of the following kinds of providers:

1. a parish fund, or ‘church fabric’, managed by a committee of lay churchwardens; 2. a parson’s fund, or ‘rectory’, managed by the parson himself or his substitute priest; 3. a poor-table, or ‘Holy Spirit table’, managed by lay almswardens or a similar committee;

Vechtstreek 228-230. 34 After Kuys, Kerkelijke organisatie and Van der Heijde, ‘Groessen’, unless noted otherwise.

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4. a guild or fraternity functioning as a local burial society, often with its own altar in church; 5. a private memoria foundation or chantry, managed by one or more avowees (collatores ); 6. a monastery, especially when the commemorated persons were also buried there.

The first three of these providers can be characterised as public, and chantries and religious guilds or fraternities as private. Monasteries can been compared to joint-ventures between a private founder, or founding family or dynasty, and a monastic order. Most parson’s residences were the property of a parson’s fund, which very often also owned local land (table 4). The romantic image of rural parsons tilling their own lands is hardly supported by local sources. In 16 th - century Friesland, only a few parsons were registered ‘users’ of rectory land, and the odds are that even they hired farmhands for the actual job. Both in Friesland and Holland, most rectory land was leased out. Its revenue – in cash or in kind – was the parson’s basic income. 35 As we know from Vallick’s account, there were also fees ( accidentalia ) for specific religious services. Priests who performed memoria services, and often the verger as well, were given an annual fee. The revenue collected from endowed lands also paid for candles and for hand-outs to the poor, be it food, shoes, clothes, or money. Sometimes churchwardens received a few pence, too. In places where many memoria services were commissioned, especially but not exclusively in urban parishes and in monasteries, these services were recorded in a separate codex or memoria register. In lesser rural parishes with fewer memoria services, a missal would often double as a memoria calendar. The parish organisation of Oirschot was more complex than that of the other 55 parishes in our sample. The parson of Oirschot was also the dean of a local chapter of secular canons who each derived their basic income from the revenue of a separate private fund, a so-called prebend. Aside of these prebends, the collegiate church of Oirschot was home to 19 private chantries. As in the urban parish of St Pancras in Leiden, however, the chapter as a whole operated as a public fund from which memoria services could be commissioned. Its memoria calendar lists 1334 anniversaries. 36 One type of provider is deliberately passed by in the tour we are about to conclude. Table 5 suggests that memoria services of urban hospitals were much in demand. The largest number of obits recorded by a single provider in Leiden (2550) is in a register of St Elizabeth’s Hospital, a charity founded in 1428 in the urban parish of Our Lady. It invites prayer for its founders and other benefactors (eñ voer alle die ghene die hem goet ghedaen hebben ). 37 Public charities of this

35 Tjessinga ed., Aanbreng ; Mol, Friese huizen 180-181; Van Bavel, Transitie 506-507; Mol, ‘Inkomen’. 36 Frenken, Oirschot . The chantries are listed in the appendix, below. 37 Brand, Over macht 361; ELO/504/1160/1.

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kind, however, are not attested in any rural parish in our sample, but some private foundations of almshouses are attested in Oirschot (1336, 1471), Groessen (1560s) and Swichum (1572), and in several Frisian villages (Ferwerd, Kollum, Rinsumageest, and perhaps Joure) outside our sample. Names can be confusing, for hospitals as well as almshouses were commonly called ‘guesthouses’. A practical distinction may be between charities providing memoria services to third parties, like St Elizabeth’s at Leiden, and those set up for the commemoration of founders only, in the manner of a chantry. All rural almshouses listed above were private foundations of the second category. 38 Our brief tour ends here. Before we discuss salvation markets and institutions, some semantic confusion about the latter term may need to be addressed. The Church of Rome as a whole is an institute or institution in the sense of an established organisation, and so are its branches at the regional, subregional, and microregional levels: dioceses, deaconries, and parishes. A specific use of this term in church is the formal establishment of a priest at one of these levels. MeMO also defines individual chapels, churches, corporations, hospitals, and monasteries as ‘institutions’. In economic studies, however, institutions are sometimes identified as ‘crucial determinants of the efficiency of markets’, or as man-made formal rules, or even informal codes, that structure political, economic and social interactions and transactions. In the latter sense, the shared codes of collective remembering in medieval parishes were also institutions.39 The same can be said of those elements in the social agrosystems of rural microregions of which the diversity can be ascribed to institutional differences rather than to different pedologic or demographic conditions. Against this background we will now take a closer look at salvation markets and their institutions.

1.3. Salvation markets and institutions The earliest precedent to the analytic construct of salvation markets – the term was coined by Hans Mol in 1990 – is an observation by Pierre Bourdieu (1974) that medieval clergy were ‘struggling to control access to the production, reproduction and division of the goods of salvation while catering to the religious needs of laymen in an open symbolic market’. 40 Bourdieu’s much-discussed Theory of practice (1972) models historical processes as complexes of economic, social, and cultural transactions. 41 These three ‘fields’ are competitive arenas, or markets, in which different kinds of capital: economic, social, and cultural, can be accumulated. It has been proposed that ‘religious’ or ‘spiritual’ capital be added as a separate category, but Bourdieu himself originally included religion

38 See the appendix and Van der Heijden, ‘Groessen’ 93-98; Spaans, Armenzorg 36-37, 152-155. 39 North, ‘Institutions’ 6; Erll, Memory 102-104. 40 Mol, ‘Kruisheren’ 327; Verter, ‘Spiritual capital’ 155. 41 Bourdieu, Outline ; cf. Bourdieu, Logic 112-121.

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in the cultural field. 42 Assets could be exchanged between fields. A chantry founder, for instance, could donate revenue from leased-out land (an economic asset) in return for memoria services and/or charitable action, which would enhance his or her visibility and status (a social asset). The gift of a painted altarpiece, a rich missal, or some other precious object, such as the chasuble donated in 1461 by Mathias Back to Berlicum church, could also testify to a benefactor’s wealth (an economic asset) as well as to his or her status (a social asset) and good taste (a cultural asset). 43 Which part did salvation markets play in late medieval Dutch villages? Was memoria really a ‘key organising principle’ in every aspect of life? Or was it as marginal as Rijpma’s figures suggest? Rijpma estimates the aggregated incomes of late medieval Dutch charities and religious entities between 3% and 15% of regional gross domestic product (GDP), which is far less than could be expected from the size of their landholdings (table 3). Their expenditure on religious services is estimated between 2% and 9%, and on social expenditure at less than 1%. Such figures hardly support Johan Huizinga’s claim in The waning of the Middle Ages (1919) that the late medieval Dutch were ‘obsessed’ with death. 44 This concern may yet have been more typical of the central Middle Ages – at least of the elites that produced written documents. Arnoud-Jan Bijsterveld (2007) has analysed 5673 charters from the southern Low Countries before 1200. One out of four contained the word memoria as a reference to one or more deceased persons, often in a context of liturgic commemoration. Geary (1994) also identifies commemoration as a main topic in cartularies of the period. Although most charters in Bijsterveld’s survey are related to central medieval institutes such as aristocratic monasteries, and rarely to urban or rural parishes – the rise of the parish as a core institute of liturgic activity began after 1200 – his figures seem to support Geary’s observation. 45 But even if the representativity of his sample may be subject to some qualification, Rijpma’s conclusion that institutional arrangements largely explain the diversity of economic processes in his survey seems well-argued, as opposed to the one-size-fits-all world of rational choice touted by neoclassical economists.46 The limits of the neoclassical paradigm have been outlined by North:47

The neo-classical result of efficient markets only obtains when it is costless to transact. When it is costly to transact, institutions matter. And because a large part of [GDP] is

42 Verter, ‘Spiritual capital’ 151-152; see, however, Bremmer, ‘Christians’ 29. 43 Van der Velden, ‘Berlicum’ 69. 44 Geary, Phantoms 18; Funding 249, 281; Huizinga, Waning 134-146; also Chiffoleau, ‘Usage’. 45 Geary, Phantoms 18, 84-87; Bijsterveld, Do ut des 127, 159-163; Schilp, ‘Memoria’ 48-52. 46 McKinnon, ‘A critique’. 47 Funding 277; Van Bavel, Manors 4; North, ‘Institutions’ 4, 6.

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devoted to transacting, institutions are crucial determinants of the efficiency of markets.

North’s caveat also applies to the ‘religious economies’ model of Rodney Stark and William Bainbridge (1987), an application of neoclassical economics in the religious sphere. 48 In a rather more Weberian context Erik Aerts (2009) identifies the study of competitive markets with a focus on interest and usury, prices and currencies, mobility, the presumed roles of monasteries in agrarian development, and the relation between religious organisations and money in general, as a strategy to show how religions have influenced, shaped and transformed economies in various ways through their organisations, their theologies, and the moral applications of the latter, not only in local or regional European contexts, but also at the macroeconomic level.49 This view contrasts with Marxist notions of religion as part of the superstructure of society rather than the basis of economic relations or, put less ideologically, as a dependent rather than an independent variable. It is also an eloquent summary of the roles played by institutions in premodern European societies. A novel vision of the relation between growth, diversity and equality in markets in general has been proposed by Thomas Piketty (2013). Other variables being equal, economic growth reportedly fosters steady concentrations of wealth. Piketty’s evidence had been collected in two modern economies with efficient markets for land, labour, and capital. Van Bavel (2016) has tested this theory in some medieval and early modern economies, including the Low Countries, which also grew due to institutional flexibility and to high mobility in the exchange of these three factors. Van Bavel indeed found that the efficiency of factor markets initially facilitated economic growth and the emergence of new market elites, but that the accumulation of land and capital by the latter soon created social polarisation and declining average welfare. 50 Van Bavel’s conclusion that economic growth in the long run hurts social diversity is relevant to the present study because salvation markets in the Low Countries, at least before 1500, were also growth markets facilitated by easy exchange of land, labour, and capital, to the benefit of increasingly diverse providers and users. In the 16 th century, there were yet signs of social and economic polarisation. In Dudzele, a village near Bruges, the differences in funeral pomp (burial sites, bell-ringing) for the rich and for common folk had long been rather moderate. Around 1540 these differences became markedly more extreme.51 In section 4.3, below, this phenomenon will be examined in parishes in our sample.

48 Young ed., Rational choice ; Stark & Bainbridge, A theory ; McCleary and Barro, ‘Religion’ 49-51. 49 Aerts, ‘La religione’ 5, 9, 105-106; see also Stolz ed., Salvation goods . 50 Piketty, Capital ; Van Bavel, Invisible hand 144-207. 51 Suykerbuyk, ‘Promotie’ 39-41, 56-57; Dombrecht, ‘Poor or rich’.

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1.4. The memoria paradigm revisited The most direct and most conspicuous institutional catalyst of change in salvation markets was the Protestant Reformation of the 16 th century. Eamon Duffy’s The stripping of the altars (1992) is a lively and eloquent account of this process in England. Before King Henry VIII fell out with Rome in the 1530s, ‘clergy and laity alike, from peasant to prince and from parish clerk to pontiff’ seemed preoccupied with the ‘safe transition of their souls from this world to the next’. A Catholic himself, Duffy paints the height of late medieval memoria in less gloomy tones and, as anthropologists would say, more experience-near than Huizinga, a Dutch Protestant of a much older generation. Even more close-up is Duffy’s Marking the Hours (2011), on the uses of personal prayer books. In a later essay he quotes the will of a villager who in 1517 left the revenue from his flock of ewes to pay for the illumination of the local altars ‘as long as the world doth stande’. The churchwardens, however, finally put out the lights and sold the candlesticks in 1547. If memoria had ever ‘permeated medieval culture as a whole’ (Erll), it was now falling victim to no less than a nationwide paradigm shift. 52 At different times in the 16 th century, the altars were also stripped in – and as a rule removed from – the Reformed churches in most of the northern Low Countries. A second paradigm shift occurred in 1795, when the Dutch Republic was abolished and the removal of all coats of arms and other aristocratic symbols on tombs, epitaphs, and hatchments ordered. The Revolution of 1795 ended public display of the prestige and power (fama ) of the dead, much as the Protestant Reformation had ended public display of care for the here and the hereafter. 53 It seems to follow that there was not a single memoria paradigm but a diversity of memoria paradigms. This diversity was addressed in 2011 on a conference of Dutch and German scholars of medieval history and art history in Utrecht, the town where the MeMO database was launched in 2013. Ever since their first meeting in 2001, this group had been debating the medieval creation and expression of communities of the living and the dead, inspired by the writings of Oexle, Geary, and others.54 Different re-interpretations of the memoria paradigm appear in the doctoral dissertations of Llewellyn Bogaers (2008) on Utrecht and Douwe Faber (2018) on Leiden. Bogaers’ focus is on Catholic lay devotion as a social experience rather than as an eschatologic concern. Her sobering conclusion that to the urban community of Utrecht, memoria was a ‘marginal affair’ takes direct issue with Oexle’s memoria paradigm, but is supported by Rijpma’s data on Utrecht and

52 Huizinga, Waning 134-146; Duffy, Stripping 301-303; idem, Marking ; idem, ‘The end’ 399; Erll, Memory 48-49. 53 Israel, Revolutionary ideas 337; Assmann, Erinnerungsraüme 33-43. 54 Van Bueren et al., Reformations ; Van Bueren et al., Care ; Van Bueren et al., ‘Researching’; MeMO.

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elsewhere. In its empathic optimism, Bogaers’ study has been compared to Duffy’s, and her observations on 16 th -century gentrification of Utrecht now has a rural parallel in Dombrecht’s analysis of Dudzele. Faber, on the other hand, while adding a few pinches of Duffy, stays close to Oexle’s paradigm in his treatment of the interdependence of urban politics and religion from a memoria perspective. 55 The perspective adopted in the present study of rural salvation markets strays from the medieval memoria paradigm in two ways. Rather than building on constructions of memoria as a ‘total social phenomenon’, it adds a memoria dimension to the analytic construct of social agrosystems. Another difference with the medieval memoria paradigm is that this researcher does not subscribe to the epistemologic presumption shared by, among other scholars, Bogaers, Duffy, and Faber, that religious ‘mentalities’ such as devotion can be distilled from memoria sources.56 Instead, topics such as loyalties expressed in medieval wills are discussed as shared codes and webs of meanings. The concept of shared codes has been introduced above, but the idea of ‘webs of meaning’ may need some clarification. It refers to Max Weber’s definition, made famous by Clifford Geertz (1973), of man as an ‘animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun’. Geertz has been criticised for not providing a bridge between ‘external symbols’ and ‘internal dispositions’, in other words: between shared codes that can be studied empirically, and ‘mentalities’ that cannot. 57 His interpretations of codes at multiple levels indeed stop short of conjuring up ‘mentalities’ by generalising across cases. The present study does not aim to cross that epistemologic bridge either. The present study is organised around Bourdieu’s trias sociologica . The economic chapters discuss parishes and markets, the social chapters societies and translocalities, and the cultural chapters objects and shared codes. The primordial memoria sources used in it are memoria registers or fragments of local memoria registers from 56 rural parishes, supplemented in thirteen parishes by accounts of an external fraterny (table 1) and in seventeen parishes by preserved wills (table 6). A rural memoria register, preserved either as an original text carrier or as a surrogate, is included in the appendix, below, if it mentions (1) the name of at least one commemorated person together with (2) the entity from which memoria was commissioned, and (3) the kind of memoria commissioned. A memoria calendar of Berlicum, for instance, commemorates Mathias Back and Lady Elizabeth, a rich couple from ’s-Hertogenbosch. Back died there in 1461

55 Bogaers, Aards 707; Funding ; Van der Hoven, [review] 372-373; Dombrecht, ‘Poor or rich’; Faber, Leiden 208. 56 Cf. Bogaers, Aards ; Duffy, Stripping 301-303; Faber, ‘Burgertestamenten’ 87-88. See also section 8.1, below. 57 Geertz, Interpretation 5; Asad, ‘Anthropological concepts’.

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but was buried in Berlicum. Back’s entry in this calendar meets the requirements listed above, for it mentions an annual memoria service, commissioned from the local parish fund and performed on the anniversary of Back’s decease. Compare, however, this churchwardens’ account of 1538 from a rural parish in northern Drenthe: 58

Geye Tymens, of blessed memory, has commended her body to the earth and her soul into the hands of the Almighty God, and bequeathed to our worthy Holy Patron St James [read: the parish church of Roderwolde] seven grasen of hayland on the south bank of the Matsloet, of which the late Boke, her husband, has bequeathed the other half, being six grasen .

The reason why this source is not included in our sample, is that it lacks essential information. It does not refer to what in earlier years would have been usual practice: that Geye and her husband had left land to the local church to pay for their memoria . There is not even evidence, either in this preserved account or in other sources, that memoriae were still being performed locally when Geye died. After all, the 16 th century was an age of transition in which many old traditions were fading.

58 Van der Velden, ‘Berlicum’ 36, 69; Van Dijk-Eerden, Kerkvoogdenboek 3.

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2. Local texts and contexts

Around 1910 the archivist Auguste Flament, who was inventorying the parish registers of the village of Nuth in Dutch Limburg, noticed that the parchment wrapper of one 17 th -century register was covered on both sides with Latin texts in an early 15 th -century hand. It turned out to be a memoria calendar for the first four months of the year. After treating the faded texts with gallic acid, Flament was able to quickly transcribe this necrologium , as he called it, of the parish church of Nuth. 59 This anecdote is typical of Flament’s time. His use of a very aggressive reagent would now count as malpractice, but he worked in a period when hundreds of medieval sources were being published, in Monumenta Germaniae Historiae in and in Dutch periodicals such as Archief voor de Geschiedenis van het Aartsbisdom Utrecht , Bijdragen voor de geschiedenis van het Bisdom van Haarlem , or Publications de la Société Historique et Archéologique dans le Limbourg . They often served such political agendas as the positioning of the newly consolidated German empire, or the emancipation of the Catholic minority in the Netherlands – the largely Protestant kingdom created after the separation of the Belgian provinces in 1830. Flament’s discovery appeared in Publications , and rural memoria registers from Abcoude, Hazerswoude, Sloten, , and Zoeterwoude in Archief and Bijdragen .60 Dutch Protestant historians, on the other hand, had not entirely ignored memoria registers. One of the earliest printed editions of a register from the northern Low Countries, for instance, is in a collection of letters and other documents published in 1658 by the Calvinist scholar Christianus Schotanus as an appendix ( Tablinum ) to his history of Friesland. Schotanus had transcribed this Latin calendar at the ancestral home of the Glins family of Dronrijp, who were also Protestants. The MeMO database has no entry for these Annotata ex ephemeridibus Glinsianae familiae , as Schotanus named them, because they are a surrogate of the original consulted by Schotanus, which has been lost. With only 28 records, it is a relatively minor memoria source. The most voluminous local rural source in our sample is the calendar of Oirschot, mentioned above, with 1334 anniveraries.61

59 Flament, ‘Nuth’ 299. 60 Grevenstuk, ‘Abcoude’; Gonnet, ‘Hazerswoude’; Grijpink, ‘Sloten’; ‘Gonnet, ‘Zoeterwoude’. 61 Schotanus, ‘Tablinum’ 20-22; Noomen, Inventarisatie 287-295; Frenken, Oirschot .

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Before the Protestant Reformation forbade them in most of what is now the Netherlands, memoria practices came in different sizes and shapes, in line with the wealth of the commemorated. Anniversaries such as the Backs’ in Berlicum were very common. They often included vigil, mass, and a grave visit, but a simple annual mentioning of one’s name at Sunday prayer in church was a more affordable alternative. A so-called ‘soulbook’ with 121 of these Sunday intercessions has been preserved from Berlicum. The names of thirteen villagers listed in it (clergy first, followed by gentry and commoners) have also been identified in the oldest memoria calendar of the same parish. 62 The bottom end of rural society was served in some parishes by shared anniversaries for the nameless poor, free of charge and on or around All Souls’ Day, but in Voorburg on all four Ember Days. 63 Anniversaries were public memoria services in the sense that they were often commissioned from the parish or one of its public funds (section 1.2, above). Parson Jacob Vallick’s kerckenboeck of Groessen, for instance, lists eleven of these public services. Private foundations such as chantries and almshouses, who often hired their own priests, provided more frequent services. One chantry priest in Dronrijp was paid to read three weekly vigils and masses. The needy residents of a private almshouse founded in Swichum in 1572 had to pray daily for its founder’s salvation. 64 Some local lords founded complete memoria monasteries in their villages, for instance in Warmond (Sir Jan van den Woude, twice in 1410 and 1413) and Oostrum (Sir Jan van Brouckhuysen in 1450). 65 In such prestigious medieval public-private joint ventures, memoria was practiced around the clock. The widely promoted services of the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch were a purely private matter. The appendix to the present study lists 74 memoria registers, arranged alphabetically by parish. Each entry begins with the present name of the main village in the parish. If it is in MeMO, its institution ID is added, followed by the earliest known name of the parish and its patron saint(s), and by the characteristics of the medieval settlement in terms of the Dutch standard typology. The next items compare the present states of the medieval churches in our sample with their renditions on Jacob van Deventer’s provincial maps. (Fig. 3) These mid-16 th -century drawings have been generally accepted as dependable. 66 The items on the administration of the medieval parishes list the secular and religious jurisdictions to which they were subjected, and the persons, families, or organisations who selected their parsons. All archdeaconries listed here ceased to

62 BHIC/1575/13; Van der Velden, ‘Berlicum’ 69-71. 63 Kuiken & Van Poelgeest, ‘Adelsdorp’ 54; Grijpink, ‘Sloten’ 440; Van Booma, Voirburch 143. 64 Van der Heijden, ‘Groessen’ 68-93; Speetjens, ‘Founder’; FT nr. 81; Spaans, Armenzorg 152-155. 65 Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 83; Janssen, ‘Oostrum’ 123-134 (Sir Jan van Brouckhuysen’s will). 66 Koeman, Gewestkaarten ; Versfelt, ‘Oldambt’; Zijlstra, ‘Kerkenkaart’.

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exist in 1559, when dioceses were reorganised. 67 If a village had its own lord exercising jurisdiction, it is listed as a ‘seignory’. If that jurisdiction included the right to try criminal cases against nobles and capital offences, it is listed as a ‘high seignory’. Local private corporations (fraternities, sororities or guilds), chantries (often recorded as ‘altars’, ‘chapels’, or ‘prebends’), and local charities like almshouses (but not local poor-tables managed by the parish itself) are listed under separate headings, as are external providers such as the Fraternity at ’s- Hertogenbosch. The sign ‘<’ between the name of a chantry and a year refers to the oldest known attestation, if no exact year of foundation is known. The final items in each record describe memoria registers from the parishes in our sample. Memoria registers came in different formats. Many followed the lay- out of a calendar of saints, while others were set up as cartularies with transcripts, or regests, of contracts for memoria services. In some cases, these formats were combined to varying degrees, as in the memoriboec of Voorburg. Archives, libraries, and other public institutes where the memoria registers in our sample are kept, are listed in the following format: town/institute/archive title number/item number or shelf mark. All listed websites with full scans of these memoria registers were last accessed in August, 2018. The calendar from Dronrijp mentioned above is a typical memoria calendar from a rural parish in the northern Low Countries. It lists 28 anniversaries and hand-outs ( portiones ) to the poor, and it also describes the lands encumbered with the cost of these memoria services. Sometimes a founder’s last will is quoted. In parish churches where memoriae services were performed more frequently, a random medieval visitor had a good chance to witness a priest reading an anniversary mass, or saying prayers on a grave. If (s)he were not so fortunate, various silent memoria objects could be admired, like memoria portraits on stained glass windows or altarpieces, and tombstones. In Dronrijp church, for instance, thirteen late medieval tomb slabs have been preserved (table 7). 68 If we read memoria registers as a primordial source of the economic, social, and cultural history of rural medieval Dutch memoria practice, funeral objects such as these can be a collateral source, together with charters, wills, and court, tax and fief registers. Such collateral sources are very helpful for our understanding of medieval rural parishes as social agrosystems. The distinction between ‘primordial’ and ‘collateral’, however, is relative, not absolute.

67 Kuys, Kerkelijke organisatie 31, 50-57, 69-71; Dierickx, Oprichting . 68 Schotanus, ‘Tablinum’ 20-22; De Walle, Friezen nrs. 1284-1300.

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Fig. 3. Facsimile (1941) of Jacob van Deventer’s map of the county of Holland (c. 1545).

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The Frisian Beneficiaalboeken of 1543, for instance, not only list assets in nine urban and 263 rural parishes, but also hand-outs to the poor and other memoria practices in 29 villages, including Dronrijp. In this parish the rectory was in charge of fifteen annual hand-outs for commemoration of two named and thirteen unnamed persons, and the junior parish priest of hand-outs for the memoria of eleven named persons. The reports from Dronrijp also mention four local chantries, two founded by priests and two by laity.69 Together with the memoria register, these data offer an almost stereoscopic view of local memoria . The availability of collateral sources varies widely, not only by region but also by subregion. Theye are briefly introduced in the following sections, arranged by modern Dutch province. The first time a rural parish in our sample is mentioned in these sections, it appears in boldface .

2.1. Friesland Friesland was created in 1498 by a fusion of three districts in the northern Low Countries which had claimed a legal status aparte (Reichsunmittelbarkeit ) since 1248. In 1580 Friesland joined the Dutch Republic and confiscated all Catholic church holdings. In premodern and modern times a handful of outlying islands were incorporated in this territory, but they play no part in our survey. Only two memoria calendars from rural Frisian parishes ( Dronrijp and ) have survived, but the Beneficiaalboeken contain records from another 28. The following collateral sources are relevant:

1. the Aenbrengh , a Frisian equivalent of the English Doomesday Book , dated 1511, with an update of 1540, the latter including two parishes (Hijum and Swichum ) in our sample; 70 2. a corpus of 212 last wills of members of Frisian elites, dated between 1373 and 1550; 71 3. a corpus of 960 charters, last wills and administrative documents in medieval Frisian; 72 4. a corpus of funeral inscriptions, first published in 2007 and updated online frequently. 73 5. an account book of the church fabric of Bozum (1515-1553);74 6. muster rolls of 1552, listing heads of landed and other households and including Arum , , Hijum, Hommerts, , Lutkewierum ,

69 BB 656-661. 70 Buma & Telting, Register ; Tjessinga, Aanbreng ; Mol, Leuwerderadeels aenbrengh . 71 FT ; Mol ed., Zorgen . 72 Sipma & Vries ed., Oorkonden . 73 De Walle, Friezen , online on www.walmar.nl/inscripties. 74 Also listed in the appendix as a primordial source under Bozum.

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Makkum , , , , , Swichum, Warga , and (table 8); 75 7. a wealth tax register of 1578, including ten parishes in our sample (table 9); 76 8. an update of 1578-1580 of the Beneficiaalboeken of 1543, including Makkinga .77

The boundaries of Friesland were stable between 1328, when twelve parishes – including Makkinga and – were emancipated from the temporal lordship of the bishop of Utrecht and added to a Frisian district, and 1798, when Friesland was split up temporarily. It was reunited in 1813.78

2.2. Gelderland If the borders of modern Friesland are largely the same as those of premodern Friesland, most other Dutch provinces deriving their names from medieval duchies (Brabant, Guelders, Limburg), counties (Holland), and other territories (Utrecht) have different boundaries from their historic namesakes. Four parishes in our sample: Horn , Oirlo , Velden , and Venray , in the so-called Upper Quarter of the duchy of Guelders, were transferred to Dutch Limburg following the peace treaties of Utrecht (1709) and Vienna (1815). These four will hence be discussed under Limburg (2.4). Groessen and Herwen , on the other hand, have almost always been part of Guelders, although Groessen was for some centuries an enclave of the under Guelrian jurisdiction. Groessen church is first attested in 838 and Herwen church in 897, both as part of a manorial demesne with serfs. Servitude is attested in Guelders as late as 1557 in a genre of regional surveys called visitatieboeken . 79 Other regional collateral sources include transcribed charters (1148-1326) and preserved tithe (1308-1569), ground tax (1360-1470, 1490-1550), and fief registers (1377-1806). 80

2.3. Groningen For rural Groningen prior to 1594 – when urban and rural Groningen (‘Stad & Lande’) joined the Dutch Republic – economic data are very scanty. An annual tax, comparable to the Aenbrengh in Friesland, was first levied in 1506. The oldest preserved registers include a list of arrears in Leermens (1516). The next preserved register (1556) only lists total revenues per parish. Leermens was taxed

75 Mol, Volkslegers 181-328. 76 Boarnen 155-395. 77 Boarnen 9-33. 78 Kuiken, ‘Frisones’ 47-48. 79 LNT 178; Van Dalen, Tolhuys 9-13, 37-39; Van Bavel, Manors 75; GA/library/4744. 80 Van Doorninck, Schatting 154-156; Van Schaïk, Belasting ; Bondam, Charterboek ; OGZ ; Sloet et al., Register .

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relatively heavily at 111 guilders. The States of Stad & Lande liquidated most religious assets after 1594. 81 A printed corpus of memorial and funeral inscriptions and heraldry, which includes memoria notes in a missal from Leermens, and a historical topography of castles and manors in rural Groningen to 1795, are both invaluable resources. For the latter, hundreds of archives were combed – for Leermens alone 25 different archives and eleven collections of charters and seals. 82

2.4. Limburg Of the five parishes in our sample in the modern province of Limburg, Nuth used to be part of Outre-Meuse , the Transmosan lands of the duchy of Brabant. Horn , Oirlo , Velden , and Venray were in Upper Guelders, which after a brief flirt with Protestantism reverted to Catholic rule in 1586. With parts of Transmosan Brabant, including Nuth, it joined the Catholic Netherlands in 1648. For Upper Guelders, medieval sources include the tithe, tax, and fief registers mentioned under Gelderland. Other administrative sources from this subregion include registers of a war tax ( Kleefse penningen ) levied in 1544-1548, a list of able-bodied men in 1552, and a grain count of 1566.83

2.5. Noord-Brabant Noord-Brabant is the northern part of the medieval duchy of Brabant. Most parishes in this area came under Protestant rule between 1590 and 1629. This rule was consolidated in 1648. As the medieval bailiwick of Heusden, including Baardwijk , Bokhoven , Vlijmen , and Wijk – the latter not to be confused with Beverwijk in Noord-Holland and Wijk bij Duurstede in Utrecht, which were also called ‘Wyck’ – was part of Holland, the confiscated ecclesiastic assets in these parishes are listed in the accounts of the so-called Geestelijk Kantoor, the office that liquidated and managed those assets after 1572 in Holland south of the river IJ (table 10). It was based at Delft. 84 Tithe registers ( cijnsboeken ) of Oirschot and Schijndel are available online, as are regests of the sentences of the local court of Dongen between 1525 and 1589. 85 The sentences of the urban court of ’s- Hertogenbosch (known as Bossche protocol ) beginning in 1368, also cover Berlicum and Schijndel. 86 Parliamentary convocations (1356-1489) are a useful

81 Benders, Groningen 21; Alma, ‘1498-1516’ 192-193; Alma, ‘1540’ 87-89; GrA/1/706. 82 GDW 31-152; Formsma et al., Borgen . 83 Israel, Republic 205-220; GA/124/2018, GA/124/2217, GA/124/2563. 84 The accounts of 1579, 1656, and 1737 have been published in Van Beuningen, Geestelijk Kantoor . 85 Geneaknowhow.net/digi/bronnen.html, in voce ‘Noord-Brabant’. 86 Transcripts and regests in BHIC/360/314 to 326.

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source on rural elites in Brabant.87 Most other available collateral sources haven been listed by Hoppenbrouwers (1992) and Bijsterveld (1993). 88

2.6. Noord-Holland Sloten – now a suburb of Amsterdam – and its twin village Osdorp used to be parts of a rural parish in the county of Holland, the predecessor to the provinces of Noord-Holland and Zuid-Holland. A rich source for the late medieval history of the parish church of Sloten is the Register van den kercken zaecken tot Slooten , compiled in 1597 by the verger Cornelis Jansz for the Geestelijk Kantoor. 89 Sloten also figures in other sources that cover much or all of the medieval county:

1. demographic and economic enquiries conducted in 1494 and 1514 (table 11); 90 2. registers of a general land tax ( tiende penning ) levied countywide between 1543 and 1564; 91 3. registers of appointed priests kept by the cathedral archdeaconry of Utrecht; 92 4. fief registers of the counts of Holland and other lords and institutions. 93

Sloten and Osdorp were often involved in real estate transactions of burgesses of Amsterdam or Haarlem. In 1536 the magistrate of Amsterdam bought the jurisdiction of both villages. In matters of dike maintenance and water management, Sloten and Osdorp answered to a regional water board – the Hoogheemraadschap of Rijnland – which has preserved a rich medieval archive. 94 Most of Holland, including the present provinces of Noord- and Zuid-Holland, came under Protestant rule between 1572 and 1576. Only Amsterdam, with Sloten and Osdorp, remained Catholic until 1578.

2.7. Utrecht Until 1528 the bishop of Utrecht exercised jurisdictions both religious and secular in the modern provinces of Utrecht (then known as ‘Nedersticht’), Overijssel, Drenthe, and part of Groningen. Four parishes in our sample: Abcoude , Loenen , Lopik , tax (and Mijdrecht , were in the western (or ‘lower’) subregion of Nedersticht. Loenen, however, was split in 1291 between Utrecht and Holland. The manorial chapel of Loenersloot Hall, of which a memoria calendar survives, was part of Utrecht. Preserved fiscal sources from the Nedersticht region include registers of a general land tax (1446-1511:

87 Damen, ‘Prelaten’. 88 Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 979-985; Bijsterveld, Laverend . 89 SAA/329/250. 90 Enqueste ; Informacie . 91 NA/3.01.03/513 ( anno 1544), /735 ( anno 1553), /1110 ( anno 1556); Bos-Rops, ‘Kohieren’. 92 Kennemaria 124-125. 93 Kort, Overzicht 41, 45. 94 Sloof, Rijnland ; Van der Gouw, Dingboeken ; OAR/6939 (Rijnland tax register of 1558).

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morgengeld , after 1536: oudschildgeld ) and a house 1511-1525). The archives of the five urban collegiate chapters of the cathedral (Domkapittel ), St Saviour’s (Oudmunster ), St John’s, St Mary’s, and St Peter’s, contain registers of fiefs and leaseholds, including revenues earmarked apart for memoria services. Kees Cappon (1992) has analysed 93 wills from the 13 th and 14 th centuries in these archives. 95 Lists of chantries and other ecclesiastic assets, based on 16 th -century visitations performed before and after their confiscation, have been published by J.P. de Monté VerLoren (1881, 1884). Other published collateral sources include accounts of the diocese over 1325-1336 and 1378-1523. 96 Nedersticht and its outlying territories joined the Dutch Republic in 1579.

2.8. Zuid-Holland Most collateral sources introduced under Noord-Holland include modern Zuid-Holland. Four parishes listed here had a status aparte . Warmond (1402) and Hoogmade (1460) were outside the juridisction of the bailiff of Rijnland. The local lords left a rich archive with many charters and fief registers, and also two of the four preserved memoria registers from this village. Middelharnis had its own bailiff and dike and water board, and Poortugaal its own dike and water board. 97 In wet matters, Hazerswoude , Hoogmade, Koudekerk , Warmond, and Zoeterwoude answered to the Hoogheemraadschap of Rijnland, and Voorburg to the Hoogheemraadschap of Delfland. Regests of medieval acts of both have been published. 98 In the Rijnland subregion, the demographic and economic surveys of 1494 and 1514 had a predecessor in 1369. Its figures are included in table 11.

2.9. Concluding remarks This concludes our survey of primordial and collateral sources for the study of memoria and of social agrosystems in the provinces where the 56 rural parishes in our sample are located. The diversity among them is considerable. They also seem to reflect regional differences in rural economic and institutional development within the medieval Low Counties. For several reasons, Warmond will be the reference parish for the rest of this study. With four preserved local memoria registers from three kinds of providers – a parish church, a local guild, and two local monasteries – it has the most diverse memoria heritage of all parishes in our sample. It is rich in collateral sources, and these sources and the memoria registers are easily accessible, as is most of the secundary literature. With 84 households (385 communicants) reported in 1514, Warmond was eight

95 Petersma et al., Lusten en lasten 12, 23-24, 33; Cappon, Opkomst . 96 VerLoren, ‘Geschiedenis’; idem, ‘Visitatie’; Muller ed., De registers ; Heeringa ed., Rekeningen . 97 Braber, Middelharnis 7; NA/3.01.01/154.1. 98 Sloof, Rijnland ; www.hhdelfland.nl.

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times smaller than Oirschot, the most populous parish in our sample, and seven times larger than Swichum. From an urban viewpoint, Warmond was in the influence sphere of Leiden, but from our rural perspective the town with its busy markets was part of Warmond’s social agrosystem. No medieval commodity markets are known in Warmond – a fish market is attested in 1647 and a cattle market around 1780 – but its medieval salvation market was sufficiently memorable to attract memoria commissions from near and far, from villagers of different walks of live to burgesses of Leiden. 99 This illustrates how the study of rural salvation markets adds a fascinating dimension to that of social agrosystems.

99 ELO/512/195; ELO/512/207.

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Part Two. Economy

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3. Parishes, providers, patrons

The early beginnings of rural salvation markets in the medieval Low Countries can be related to two developments: the dissolution of manorialism and the rise of the parish as a local memoria institution. The rise of Baardwijk, for instance, from a manorial outpost with a chapel to a thriving rural parish shows how these trends could work in tandem with the agency of local elites. In 1272 the Barendonks of Baardwijk persuaded the bishop of Liège to turn the local chapel into a parish.100 The abbots of Sint-Truiden in Belgian Limburg held advowson of Baardwijk chapel in fief from the counts of Holland. The abbey household ( familia ) included not only monks but also serfs ( servi ) and bondservants ( ministeriales ). In the 12 th century one serf reportedly usurped abbey property in a nearby village. After his death, the abbot gave out the disputed estate in fief. 101 Manorial ties still existed in 1242, when Abbot Thomas enfeoffed Dirk Loef van Barendonk with the tithe and the chapel in Baardwijk. Dirk’s right to nominate a new chaplain was stated, but his fief could only be inherited by someone married to a bondservant ( ancilla ) of the abbey. This provision explains why this fief was listed in 1291 as a ‘bondservant fief’. At Dirk’s request, the bishop of Liège made the chapel a parish church in 1272, a feat remembered in the parson’s memoria register. 102 Baardwijk and other rural salvation markets are portrayed in this chapter in three different perspectives: those of parishes, providers, and patrons. Firstly, the rise of rural parishes will be put into context. After some introductory sections the spotlight will turn to Warmond, to its local lords, and to its subregion. Chapter 4 will analyse the input and output of rural salvation providers, and how and where they competed. It will be argued that rural salvation markets not only grew on a platform of medieval factor markets, but that the latter became a paradigm for the commodification of salvation itself. This part will conclude with a few observations from a patron’s point of view.

3.1. Birth of the rural parish In the century since Johan Huizinga first published The waning of the Middle Ages (1919), our idea of a late medieval village has changed from a closed and corporate community of simple ‘peasants’ to a lively rural society composed of several worlds, sometimes harmonious, but also fractious, unruly, and conflict-

100 Van Bavel, Manors 86-93; Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 543. 101 Lavigne, Kroniek 108. 102 Piot, Cartulaire nrs. 175, 396; Van den Bergh, Oorkondenboek nr. 791; BHIC/253/2/5.

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ridden. According to Thomas Robisheaux (1994), villages rather than towns were the main providers of resources of late medieval civilisation. Late medieval or early modern villages were also much more open to the outside world than earlier generations of scholars had suspected. Robert Swanson (2006) qualifies the economy of a medieval rural parish as a complex organism – a biologic metaphor of what Erik Thoen (2004) has identified as a medieval ‘social agrosystem’.103 Rural clergy, apart from pastoral and sacramental fees, had varied sources of income. Agricultural tithes were their main fiscal source of revenue. In addition, so-called incidental fees and dues were calculated, claimed, collected, and divided among parsons and chantry priests. Fiscal demands, especially for tithes, generated tensions and sometimes litigation. Rural parishes also had landed endowments allowing its priests to act as landlords, or to venture into market farming themselves. The overall economic relation between clergy and laity varied from parish to parish, but priests in clericalised parish economies could be as extractive as the local lord. In chapter 1, above, four factors were quoted as contributing to the growing role of rural parishes in 15 th -century Guelders: 104

1. the waning attraction of large old monasteries as providers of religious services; 2. the increasing popularity of privately founded and endowed chantries in parish churches; 3. the increasing concentration of religious and welfare activities at the local parish level; 4. the desire of local laypeople to control the institutions providing religious services.

Thomas Schilp (2016) dates the pre-eminent memoria function of the parish church back to 1215, when the Fourth Lateran Council at Rome made yearly confession and communion mandatory:105

Without doubt, mandatory lay confession has intensified the rise of the parish as the dominant social system of the premodern era, next to family and kinship. […] For the first time, these new obligations [neue Pfarrzwang ] constituted the village as a community proper.

The core business of parsons in these villages was the performance of six sacraments: baptism, confirmation, mass (including communion), penance (including confession), marriage, and last rites for the dying. The seventh sacrament, the ordination of clergy, was the prerogative of bishops. Burial and

103 Robisheaux, ‘Village’ 79-80; Swanson, ‘Profits’; Thoen, ‘Agrosystems’; more historiography in Curtis, ‘Review’. 104 Swanson, ‘Profits’; Van Bavel, Transitie 328-330. 105 Schilp, ‘Memoria’ 48-52. Schilp studied the parish of Dortmund-Brechten, 90 miles from the Dutch border.

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commemoration were not formal sacraments but sacrament-like services (sacramentalia ). In 1215, twenty of the 56 rural parishes in our sample already existed. Eleven (Baardwijk, Dronrijp, Groessen, Heeg, Herwen, Horn, Lopik, Poortugaal, Scharnegoutum, Sloten, and Warmond) are attested in contemporary sources before 1200. In the medieval parish churches of Anjum, Bozum, Britswerd, Hijum, Leermens, Oirschot (St Mary’s), Warga, and Wijk, primary use of tufa also indicates building dates before 1200. Some old parishes began as missionary outposts of more or less distant monasteries: Baardwijk (Sint-Truiden, under the overlordship of the counts of Holland), Dronrijp and Heeg (), and Sloten and Warmond (Echternach). The new Pfarrzwang stimulated the creation of new parishes, often at the expense of older ones, especially where the transformation of peat wildernesses into arable land attracted new farmers. Abcoude, for instance, was split off from Nigtevecht, Bokhoven from Hedikhuizen, and Mijdrecht from Oudhuizen. On similar lines new parishes were created in peatlands east of Leiden (Hazerswoude, Koudekerk, Zoeterwoude), south of (Hommerts, ), and in Stellingwerf, a border area between Friesland and Drenthe, most of which was allotted to Friesland in 1328. 106 Monasteries and urban chapters continued to play a major role in many new parishes: the Hospitallers of Haarlem and Sneek in Hazerswoude, Hommerts, Longerhouw, and Zoeterwoude, the chapters of St Peter and St John of Utrecht in Abcoude and Mijdrecht respectively, and St Mary’s chapter of The Hague in Koudekerk. in the Frisian peatlands was founded out of the parish of , an affiliate of St Clement’s chapter at Steenwijk. Vlijmen was governed by St John’s chapter of Liège and Schijndel by St Servatius’ of Maastricht. Tilburg was created before 1232 by a duke of Brabant, who left advowson to the Norbertines of Tongerlo, and Dongen in the 1330s by Sir Willem van Duvenvoirde, who kept advowson to himself. The youngest foundation in our sample is Middelharnis, attested in 1465 as ‘St Michael in Putten’. This suggests a link with St Michael’s Abbey of Antwerp, which was then a major landowner in the Putten area. Not all monasteries and chapters holding advowson of rural parishes at that time, however, had been their avowees when these parishes were created. In the 14 th century, for instance, the delegated advowson of Hazerswoude and Zoeterwoude to the Hospitallers of Haarlem and advowson of Koudekerk to St Mary’s of The Hague. Lidlum Abbey in Friesland reportedly became avowee of Winsum in the 1260s when the local parson Titardus, who was also the hereditary avowee of Winsum and of some other Frisian parishes, retired

106 LNT ; Haiduck, Kirchenarchäologie 53-66; Kuiken, ‘Frisones’. De Langen & Mol, ‘Holland’ 270-271 suggests that Zoeterwoude was split off from Leiderdorp and Hazerswoude from Alphen aan den Rijn.

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to Lidlum. Yet monasteries had been the leading – if not the sole – providers of commemoration services during the early and central Middle Ages. Founding families, abbots, bishops, and other aristocrats were commemorated in old monasteries such as Egmond Abbey in Holland or Berne in Brabant. Emo of Wittewierum († 1237), a Norbertine abbot from rural Groningen, lived at the time of the Fourth Lateran Council. In his chronicle he mentions its opening in Rome in 1215. Emo also describes how a prayer community between his parent abbey and other abbeys of his order was maintained: 107

In the usual manner, fraternity was granted to those present by inscribing them in the book, as was the absolution of deceased eprons who had previously been granted fraternity in writing, either in person or by a safe messenger. After their letters had been recited, the abbot added: ‘His soul and the souls of all deceased brethren’, and so on. Many male and female conventuals, both poor and rich, were also ushered in and granted fraternity .

Around 1200, monasteries were flooded with requests for regular commemoration from other monasteries with which they shared a prayer community, and increasingly from lay elites. The accompanying gifts of land, rents, or artifacts made such requests difficult to refuse. To cope with this demand, some monasteries restricted mutual commemorations to four times and lay memoria to three times yearly to limit disruption of their daily choral prayer – the spiritual core business of monks. The ‘invisibe hand’ of the salvation market, and more importantly the institutional changes codified by the Lateran Council, also created some alternatives. In communities where memoria services were traditionally performed by all monks, nuns, or canons, such services were increasingly delegated to one or a few of them. In cathedrals and other collegiate churches, this became normal practice, too. This was a first step on the way to the tailoring of salvation services and also to their commodification, which means that price tags were taking the place of ‘voluntary’ contributions. 108 As memoria became more of a commodity, the salvation market as a whole grew more commercial. At the same time, the Lateran Reformation stimulated parish churches to become memoria hubs. Funds and the local balance of power permitting, parishioners could commission memoria services from the church fabric, the rectory, the poor-table, or a chantry. As a private foundation, a chantry could be set up in a parish church or a separate chapel, for instance inside a local castle. In

107 Gumbert, ‘What do we want’ 21, 26-27; Jansen & Janse, Wittewierum 46, 54-56. 108 Appadurai, ‘Introduction’ 6.

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addition to the prebends of canons, chantries could also be founded in collegiate churches. 109 In 13 th -century Holland, as in other parts of the Low Countries, serfdom and bondage were gradually replaced by relatively looser contracts such as leaseholds and enfeoffments. 110 The Baardwijk charter of 1242 discussed above, especially the provision that later fief tenants had to be wed to a bondservant ( ancilla ), suggests that the abbot of Sint-Truiden wished to keep these vassals under manorial privilege, for a free man married to a serf would himself become a serf. The wife of at least one later fief tenant indeed declared herself an ancilla at the enfeoffment ceremony.111 The 12 th -century usurpation of abbey property by a serf shows that the emancipation of manorial subjects could be the result of their own initiative and subsequent negotiation. More than a century later, Dirk Loef challenged the abbey’s privileges on a different note when he – not the abbot himself – had the chapel at Baardwijk transformed into a full-fledged parish church. Parishes then had a bright institutional future, due not only to post- Lateran Pfarrzwang but also to the rapidly increasing demand for memoria services. A fourfold increase in the population of entire Low Countries between 1000 and 1300 – at twice the growth rate in Europe as a whole – was almost certainly another major factor. The belief that all baptised Christians would eventually be redeemed on Doomsday gave way to a belief that salvation was a rather more individual matter, and that the time spent in purgatory depended to a certain extent on the balance of one’s sins and merits. Prayer for – and initially also to – the dead had been a widely-spread practice long before 1215, but purgatory became part of the official church doctrine at the Council of Lyons in 1274. 112

3.2. Chantries and chapters In 1314, four decades after the Council of Lyons, the first attested chantry in our sample was founded by Heynric van Alkemaed in Warmond church, probably on a side altar of Our Lady’s. In salvation marketing terms, chantries were a medieval shop-in-shop concept. In a very visible way it turned the larger urban churches into salvational department stores. In the late 16 th century, for instance, St Bavo’s church at Haarlem had 33 chantries on 36 altars. St Nicholas’ at Amsterdam had 50 chantries sharing 40 altars. St John’s at ’s-Hertogenbosch had 52 altars, more than any other church in the northern Low Countries, including Utrecht cathedral and other local collegiate churches. Most urban chantries were

109 Bijsterveld, Do ut des 81; Saul, Lordship 136-137; Leverland, St Pancras 301. 110 Van Bavel, Manors 86-93; Devroey and Wilkin, ‘Economic land structures’; Kuiken, ‘Bondservants’. 111 Janse, Ridderschap 35 (the Dutch term was verdieden ); Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 417, 934; Lavigne, Kroniek 172. 112 Van Bavel, Manors , passim; Le Goff, Purgatory ; McLaughlin, Consorting 17-19, 183-184; Brown, Ransom .

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family businesses founded, governed, and often served by a lineage or some other kinship group. Some 7% were founded by a guild, a fraternity, or a sorority. 113 Many rural churches like Warmond, and at least another 30 in our sample, also had one or more chantries. Oirschot was already a collegiate church in 1216. 114 Unlike in ‘chantrified’ parish churches, where chantry priests were subordinated to the parson, the provost of a collegiate church was primus inter pares among his fellow canons. Aside from choral prayer and other common duties, each canon lived off his own altar foundation. At Oirschot there were twelve of these foundations or ‘prebends’. A total of 19 chantries were also founded on several altars in the collegiate church. A 13 th -century dispute between the parson and the chapter at Oirschot is an early instance of competition in a rural salvation market. In 1277 the bishop of Liège ruled that the parson of St Mary’s and St Odulph’s, the tiny parish church that had been the see of the chapter, was entitled to the tithes claimed by the canons as part of the endowment of their prebends. At the time of the bishop’s decision, the chapter had already built its own much larger church. In 1283, the bishop agreed that the canons could elect their own provost, who would also be parson of Oirschot. After the incumbent parson died in 1289, however, the lord of Oirschot, who was co-avowee of the parish, nominated his own candidate. The dispute was finally settled by the bishop. The outcome can be summed up as the incorporarion of the parish – of which advowson was shared by a local lord and the duke of Brabant – into the chapter, of which the duke was the sole avowee. This gave the duke more control over church matters in Oirschot, at the cost of the local lord. The latter is not even mentioned in the chapter’s book of anniversaries, which was set up around 1400. It also meant a role reversal in the local salvation market, with the collegiate church now the main church in the village. The old church, henceforth a chapel, was served by the new provost cum parson. 115 A rather intimate account of the activities of chantries and other memoria providers in a late medieval parish is the kerckenboeck or memoriael , written in the 1560s by parson Jacob Vallick of Groessen to instruct later generations on ‘all that concerns our church of Groessen and the entire parish, the rectory, the chantries, the vergery, and their due duties, and the foundations of memoriae and anniversaries to be performed’. 116 It includes a cartulary of the church fabric, the rectory, the vergery, the chantries in his parish with full texts of the founding deeds of the latter, and of a dozen anniversary foundations. In nearby Herwen, a

113 Kort, ‘Alkemade’ I (1997) 258-261; Speetjens, ‘Founder’ 195-197. 114 ONB nrs. 113, 392 ; cf. ONB nr. 136. 115 Lijten, ‘Kapittelstatuten’; ONB nrs. 396, 440; ’s-Hertogenbosch/BHIC/241/387; Sanders, Inventaris . 116 Van der Heijden, ‘Groessen’ 1.

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total of five chantries are attested – one still existed in 1699 – but there were only two chantry priests (and perhaps only two side altars, too) in 1574.117

3.3. Fraternities and indulgences In 1425, soon after the chapter at Oirschot began its liber anniversariorum , the first entry from this parish appeared in an account of the Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady at ’s-Hertogenbosch, a new and very active contender on salvation markets in the Low Countries and their environs. Between 1425 and 1607, some 1600 people from Oirschot subscribed to the intercessions of the Fraternity. At first sight, these intercessions were modeled on the kind of confraternitas or societas traditionally offered by monasteries to outsiders. Like these monasteries, the Fraternity performed intercessions four times a year. The modest fees of one stiver per person due twice, once at registration and once at decease – the so-called dootsculd – were in theory affordable for much broader audiences than the aristocratic clienteles of monasteries. Some authors have disqualified fraternities as ‘poor men’s chantries’, but this rather sees at local pious guilds which often called themselves fraternities, too. 118 In our sample local fraternities providing funeral or memoria services for brethren and sisters are attested in Abcoude, Baardwijk, Herwen, Horn, Lopik, Mijdrecht, Oirlo, Oirschot, Schijndel, Sloten, Venray (Oostrum), Voorburg, Warmond, and Zoeterwoude, and probably in Dronrijp.119 An additional attraction for subscribers to the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch were the bills of pardon (‘indulgences’) associated with its intercessions. Indulgence-selling goes back to an early medieval practice: the quantification of sins (‘tariffed penance’). By the time of the Fourth Lateran Council, fixed penances were commonly imposed for a variety of confessed sins. 120 Purgatory, originally conceived as a theological metaphor, was imagined around 1200 as an actual place where sinners were purified by fire before being allowed to proceed to heaven. As section 6.7 will explain, its entrance was believed to be in Ireland. The extension of the idea of tariffed penance from the here to the hereafter – in other words, the doctrine that time to be spent in purgatory was commensurate with the balance of one’s sins and merits during life – created a practice of granting, and eventually selling, indulgences as a final step in a long-term process that had started with the quantification of sins and ended with the commodification of salvation. Yet the Fourth Lateran Council also restricted the sales of indulgences. They were made a prerogative of bishops and the remissions that they could buy were limited. In 1335, for instance, the Fraternity was granted

117 Leeuwenberg, Indices 60; Van Sasse, ‘Herwen’ 214-219. 118 Sources in Rosser, Solidarity 219. 119 Attested in a will of 1542 ( FT nr. 180), but perhaps actually based in the nearby town of Leeuwarden. 120 Brown, Ransom ; McLaughlin, Consorting 12-19, 250-259; Meens, Penance 187-188, 214-225.

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an indulgence of 40 days for pilgrims visiting its chapel, and for sworn members, donors, and agents. 121 The Fraternity’s sales agents, or provisores , were indulgence-pedlars not unlike the pardoners, or quaestores , of the international Order of St Anthony, also known as the Hospital Brethren of St Anthony, another formidable actor on the salvation market. In the diocese of Utrecht, they had a monopoly on the sale of indulgences in the name of their patron saint, which also let them claim for their own charity the revenues of local organisations acting in his name. This type of pardoner is described rather irreverently in the general prologue to Geoffrey Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales :122

He hadde a crois of latoun ful of stones, / and in a glas he hadde pigges bones. But with thise relikes, whan that he fond / a povre person dwellynge upon lond, Upon a day he gat him moore moneye / than that the person gat in monthes tweye .

Chaucer’s pardoner was apparently licensed to visit urban and rural parishes and mount the pulpit to promote his indulgences. This scene is not only described vividly by Chaucer, but perhaps also depicted in an anonymous 16 th -century Dutch painting which seems related to St Anthony’s cult (fig.4):123

Fig. 4. The calling of St Anthony, c. 1530, by Aertgen van Leyden. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, object nr. SK-A-1691.

121 Van Herwaarden, ‘Indulgences’ 91-92; ’s-Hertogenbosch/BHIC/1232/17, /18, /32, /289, /292, /566, /703. 122 Van Herwaarden, ‘Indulengences’; Mischlewski, Grundzüge ; Kuiken, ‘Antonius’; Winney ed., Chaucer 73, 124. 123 Van Os et al., Netherlandish art nr. 49; Winney ed., Chaucer 73, 124.

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Wel koude he rede a lessoun or a storie, / but alderbest he song an offertorie; For wel he wiste, whan that song was songe, / he moste preche, and wel affile his tonge To wynne silver, as he ful wel koude; / therefore he song the murierly and loude.

In the diocese of Utrecht, such bills of pardon were not only sold in the name of St Anthony but also of other holy ‘plague marshals’ like St Cornelius or St Hubert. When sales agents from the Benedictine abbey of Kornelimünster near Aachen called at Utrecht in 1378 with relics of their patron saint, a protector against gangrene and epilepsy, the bishop let them tour his diocese and sell indulgences of 40 days. Even Count Albrecht of Holland contributed to ‘St Cornelius’ chest’. Sales agents of the Hospital of St Hubert in the Ardennes were accredited in this diocese as well.124

3.4. Warmond and the Woudes ‘St Anthony’s and St Hubert’s chests’ were among the institutional beneficiaries listed in a detailed will of Lady Jacoba van den Woude, who died as lady of Warmond and nearby Alkemade in 1525:125

1. the collegiate church of Naaldwijk for the perpetual memoria of her late husband; 2. the parish church of Warmond for her own anniversary and memoria ; 3. the parish church of for a funeral mass, with a hand-out of bread to the poor; 4. the Guild of Our Lady at ’s-Hertogenbosch for her dootsculd ; 5. the Guild of Our Lady and St Anne at Wassenaar for her dootsculd ; 6. the Guild of St Matthew at Warmond for her dootsculd ; 7. the Guild of the Holy Name of Jesus at Leiden for her dootsculd ; 8. St Anthony’s and St Hubert’s chests for her dootsculd .

Lady Jacoba also earmarked two pounds in cash for meals for the monks and sisters at Warmond, the inhabitants of two local monasteries created by her great- grandfather. In 1410 Sir Jan van den Woude had dedicated a convent of Tertiaries to St Ursula and her 11,000 Virgins, and in 1412 a Cistercian priory named Mariënhaven. Sir Jan was buried in the latter in 1417. The memoria register of the priory lists anniversaries for himself and for his maternal grandfather. Sir Jan’s anniversary was also commemorated – with four candles – in St Peter’s church at Leiden, on the Sunday and Monday following Assumption.

124 Van Herwaarden, ‘Indulgences’ 87, 96-100 (see also Eekhof, Questierders ); De Moor, Verborgen 431-435. 125 ELO/512/29 (June 20, 1508); cf. ELO/512/367 (January 8, 1518) and ELO/512/30 (March 31, 1523).

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Fig. 5. ‘Portraits’ of Gysbert van Raephorst († 1502) and his spouse Lady Jacoba († 1525) of Warmond in a manuscript of 1660. Photo: Netherlands Institute for Art History (RKD).

His spouse, parents, children, and a brother were commemorated as well.126 Lady Jacoba’s husband Gysbert van Raephorst († 1502) was buried in the parish church of Wassenaar, but his widow also commissioned a perpetual memoria for him from the canons at Naaldwijk. (Fig.5) She spent her final years as a commensal of the Warmond convent, where she had a cottage on the premises. 127 The ‘Guild’ at ’s-Hertogenbosch is the Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady. Its accounts indeed mention payments of entry fees for Lady Jacoba and her sister Lady Reynout in 1471 at Leiden, the residence of provisor Mr Foyken Bartholomeusz. His own dootsculd was paid in 1485 and his anniversary commemorated in Warmond church as well as in Sir Jan’s priory.128 Little is known of the guilds at Wassenaar and Leiden to which dootsculd was also due. The guild at Leiden was perhaps a chamber of rhetoric devoted to the Seven Sorrows and the Holy Name. The guild of St Matthew – in full: ‘Our Lady’s and St Matthew’s Guild at Warmond’ – is documented in a guild-roll and an account book set up by Lady Reynout in 1504. She found irregularities in the payments for repair of St Matthew’s altar, for which each member was charged 10 stivers. Many members were behind in the payment of their dootsculd , in this case a funeral insurance fee of 25 stivers. When a member was buried, some money ( braspenninghe , after 1504 replaced by bread) was distributed among the

126 Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 83-84, 93; ELO/502/1/55v. 127 Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 95; drawing of his tomb slab in BI 153. 128 Van Kessel, Warmond 251, 293; Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhaven’ 49; cf. Keussen, Matrikel I 753.

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local poor of Warmond. This sharing of bread was not only a practical form of charity, but also highly symbolic. The poor were literally made ‘companions’ of the guild, which itself remained a rather elitist corporation. The guild-roll opens with the names of Lady Reynout herself and her father, both marked ‘deceased’ in the margin. 129 The difference between the dootsculd of one stiver due to the Fraternity at ’s- Hertogenbosch and the 25 stivers due to the local guild is considerable. The popularity of the Fraternity was perhaps inspired in part by the modest fees paid by external members for intercession and indulgence. The Fraternity’s business was built on an economy of scale. Once the fees of deceased external members were in, it only needed to include their names in its quarterly intercessions. The services offered by the local guild were more labourious. Apart from maintaining the guild altar mentioned above, they included funeral hand-outs to the poor, and perhaps also decent burials. In the case of St Anthony’s and St Hubert’s chests, dootsculd probably paid for the same combination of collective intercession and indulgence that was offered by the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch. As the parish church of Warmond was dedicated to St Matthew, the St Matthew’s altar mentioned above was probably the high altar. In 1477 the local clergy in Warmond reportedly included a parson and six chantry priests: two attached to Our Lady’s altar, two to St Catharine’s altar, one to a chantry of the lord of Warmond located north of the chancel, and one to a separate chapel inside Warmond Hall. 130 The accounts of the cathedral chapter of Utrecht, where priests of parishes and chantries in Holland were registered, mention a chantry of St Matthew at Warmond between 1419 and 1441. It was served by a priest who was also acting parson of Warmond in 1446. Between 1441 and 1479, St Matthew’s chantry was transferred to the manorial chapel. The account of 1479-1480 lists as its patron saints the Almighty God, the Virgin Mary, St James, St Matthew, and the 11,000 Virgins. 131 The 11,000 Virgins were also patron saints of the local women’s convent. The transfer of the chantry of a local guild to a manorial chapel reeks of appropriation. Although the Woudes still owned a chantry in the parish church, their lust for local prominence seems to have inspired support of institutions outside this shared space. Historically, the parish of Warmond had not always been under their control. Around 1300, advowson of this parish and the nearby parishes of Rijnsaterwoude and Leimuiden was held in fief from the count of Holland by the lords of Alkemade, a peat bog to the east of Warmond. In 1314 Sir Heynric van Alkemaed, living at Alkemade Hall near Warmond, founded a

129 ELO/512/446/2-2v, 5v; Rosser, Solidarity 120-125. ‘Companion’ originally means ‘bread-sharer’. 130 Leiden/ELO/512/18. 131 Rijnlandia 120 -121, 123. He also served on St Catharine’s chantry in 1405-1406 and 1445-1446.

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chantry in the parish church. The lords of , the owners of another manor in Warmond, had a burial chapel in the same church.132 Around 1280, when the Teylingens’ main line died out, the first attested lord of Warmond appeared. In 1399 his great-grandson Sir Jan van den Woude was enfeoffed with advowson of the parish church and the vergery ( mitter ghiften vander kercken ende der costerien ) in Warmond. As of 1402, his powers as lord of Warmond included the right to try capital offences, and also misdemeanours by persons of noble descent. 133 There was a financial motive to give Sir Jan this ‘high seignory’.The count of Holland needed the rich to support his extensive military campaigns. Sir Jan, who had inherited a fortune from his mother, was also given other prestigious positions. He became high dikereeve, steward, and bailiff of the count, and was offered the jurisdiction of Alkemade in 1416. The first parson of Warmond nominated by Sir Jan was one Thomas Blaewert, a canon of the chapter of St Mary in Utrecht. His pastoral duties were usually taken care of by a subsititute priest.134 By that time, there were already three chantries in Warmond church: the one founded by Heynric van Alkemaed in 1314, and two founded by parson Jacobus of Aalsmeer in 1344. 135 According to a local tradition, recorded in 1612 by the traveller Arnoldus Buchelius of Utrecht, the ‘chapel of the oldest lords of Alkemade’ was located north of the chancel and that of Teylingen to its south. Northern side altars were often dedicated to the Virgin Mary. Warmond was no exception. In 1413 Sir Jan van den Woude dedicated a new chantry to her on an existing altar in the north of the church. 136 The parson’s memoria register mentions ‘Jacob van den Woude’s chapel’ and ‘Jacob van den Woude’s portal to the north of the chancel’. 137 Other 16 th -century sources mention ‘Woude’s chapel, north of the chancel in the parish church’. According to one 16 th -century manuscript genealogy, Sir Jan’s brother – or perhaps half-brother – Dirck Bokel was buried here in 1407. 138 The services ordered in 1344 were held on the altar of St Catherine in Warmond church, probably the site where Jacobus was buried, and the site of the Teylingen chapel mentioned in 1612. Without doubt, Sir Jan van den Woude was the most avid memoria -builder in his family. Aside from a new chantry in the parish church, he founded two monasteries in Warmond. Memoria registers of both have survived. Sir Jan was buried in one and commemorated in both monasteries. The initiative for the

132 LNT 385; OHZ-V 338, 620; Kuiken, ‘Copers’ 99; Kort, ‘Alkemade’ I (1997) 258-261; Bijleveld, ‘Ursula’ 43-44. 133 Janse, Ridderschap 231; Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 76-77, 81-82; ELO/512/4, /5. 134 Janse, Ridderschap 134, 230-231; Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 81-84; Rijnlandia 119 ( officiatio Thomae Blaewert ). 135 Matthaeus, ‘Testamenta’ 381-387. 136 Bijleveld, Ursula 43; ELO/512/439. 137 ELO/512/440, 441, 443; Bijleveld, Ursula 43; Kort, ‘Alkemade’ 259-261; Van Kessel, Warmond 255, 269. 138 Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 84. Van der Linden, ‘Esselickerwoude’ 235 is mistaken on this location.

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foundation where Sir Jan was laid to rest had come from Count Albrecht, his patron. In 1386 the count donated land in Warmond to a Cistercian abbey near for the foundation of a new monastery in honour of his late spouse. Albrecht died in 1404 before this was realised. In 1409 Sir Jan spent part of his maternal inheritance on the foundation of a convent of the Third Order of St Francis in Warmond, dedicated to St Ursula and her 11,000 Virgins and in honour of his late parents-in-law. This foundation was confirmed in 1412.139 Meanwhile Sir Jan was negotiating the foundation of a Cistercian priory on the site of Count Albrecht’s donation. In 1412 he agreed to pay for the construction of the compound and to incorporate into the priory a chantry in Delft, founded by his maternal grandfather. Sir Jan promised to give the priory a fully furnished and decorated church within three years. In 1413 he donated to the priory the proceeds from the Delft chantry for the salvation of his own soul and the souls of his late spouse, who was buried in Warmond church in 1400, and of all his ancestors. He was buried in the priory in 1417. Count Albrecht, his son John, and John’s spouse Elizabeth were also commemorated there. 140 In 1477 Sir Jan’s grandson Jacob van den Woude, father of Lady Reynout and Lady Jacoba, made detailed provisions for his perpetual memoria in the parish church, the priory and the convent at Warmond, and in two other institutions of which he also held advowson: the parish church at Esselikerwoude and a dependent chapel of the church of Rijnsaterwoude. 141 The churchwardens of Warmond had to arrange a weekly sung mass and an office of the Holy Sacrament on high altar. The organ had to be played, bells chimed and four wax candles (‘two more than usual’) burnt on the altar. The churchwardens had to purchase two torches to be carried in the annual procession on Corpus Christi Day, and celebrate Trinity Day on the Sunday following Corpus Christi with organ music and sung vespers, matins, and mass. All servers were ordered to don their best robes. Similar masses were to be celebrated on five other holidays, and bells chimed on the eve of the holiday of the 11,000 Virgins, when mass was read at the convent and in the manorial chapel. A memoria service of vigil, mass and almsgiving for Lord Jacob himself, his late spouse, his parents, and their ancestors, was set on the Thursday and Fridays after St Anthony’s Day, St Gregory’s Day, St Pancras’ Day, Dispersion of the Apostles, St Lambert’s Day, and St Elizabeth’s Day. Each time nine candles were to be lit and 14 groats spent on bread or grain for the poor. 142 Lord Jacob’s grave was to be visited on a daily basis and Miserere and De profundis read for all the deceased listed above.

139 Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhave’ 2-7; Bijleveld, ‘Ursula’ 43-45. 140 Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhave’ 2-7; Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 84; ELO/503/1243/1v; ELO/503/1243/47v. 141 ELO/512/18 (cf. ELO/512/17 and ELO/512/23). 142 The groat mentioned in this will was probably a silver equivalent of eight pence (Van Gelder, Munten 261).

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Every Saturday evening the parson, the chantry priest and the verger also had to sing the Benediction of the Virgin Mary in front of her altar, with two torches burning. The churchwardens had to give the guild of Our Lady and St Matthew 28 groats yearly for hand-outs to the poor. If the guild were to be liquidated, this obligation would forfeit to the poor-table. To that table, a fund of the parish operating in the name of the Holy Spirit and first mentioned in 1412, Lord Jacob bequeathed some land to pay for hand-outs of clothing, shoes and bread to the poor. 143 Similar bequests of land to the priory and the convent were to pay for separate festive masses, anniversaries and processions in the two monasteries for the memoria of all the deceased listed above. On these occasions the monks would receive a pittance of a pint of wine, the laypeople celebrating with them a half pint, the sisters a half pint, and their confessor a full pint. This gender bias seems typical of the unequal treatment of these Gedächtnisklöster by their founding family and other benefactors. The priory was often preferred to the convent in terms of land bequests and religious furnishings. The church of Esselikerwoude, also called Jacobswoude or ‘Woude’, the parish from which the Van den Woudes derived their surname, was to the east of modern Woubrugge. 144 Lord Jacob entrusted to the local churchwardens annual masses on the octave of Visitation Day and on the holiday of St John before the Latin Gate, both followed by an anniversary in commemoration of the deceased listed above – himself, his spouse, his parents, and all their ancestors – and by a hand-out of bread worth 14 groats to the local poor. The local priest was also required to pay visits to the grave of Lord Jacob’s parents.145 Several bequests of land were to pay for all these memoria services. A final bequest of land was earmarked for the illumination of a dependent chapel in Roelofarendsveen under Rijnsaterwoude, of which the lords of Warmond also held advowson. 146 To this extensive program, Lord Jacob’s daughters added their own agendas. In 1508 Lady Reynout, who had succeeded him in 1503, bequeathed land to the parish church for her perpetual memoria . Every Sunday morning, mass was to be read with collects of the Holy Name of Jesus, the Holy Cross and Our Lady, and intercessions for Lady Reynout, her late husband, her late parents, and for all the living and deceased for which she desired them. After mass, the priest was to read Miserere , De profundis , Pater noster and Ave Maria on her and her parents’ grave. Those who wished so were to be sprinkled with holy water, and all bells were to be rung. The same liturgy had to be performed every Friday morning on the high altar, with an extra collect of St Matthew. Vigil and mass – both with nine candles burning – for Lady Reynout and the other persons listed in her will

143 ELO/512/485; Kuys, Kerkelijke organisatie 74-76; Van Booma, Voirburch 15. 144 Van der Plas, ‘Esselijkerwoude’; cf. Van der Linden, ‘Esselickerwoude’ 235-237. 145 Reportedly in the parish church of Warmond (Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 95). 146 Rijnlandia 100-101; on the chantry in this chapel: Dólleman & Van der Steur, ‘Van Grieken’ 60, 62.

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were to be read on the Thursdays and Fridays following the anniversary of her death. On all the above days, the priest should also visit the grave and read Miserere , De profundis , and other psalms.147 When Lady Reynout died in 1518, she left to her sister not only Warmond Hall, the nearby jurisdictions of Warmond, Alkemade, and Woude, and an updated administration of St Matthew’s Guild, but also a consolidated calendar of memoria services to be performed by the parson. In 1508 Lady Jacoba had made provisions for her own memoria . She wanted a simple burial, a decent armorial slab, and an anniversary with a hand-out of bread to the poor in the parish church. Compared to her grandfather’s, father’s and sister’s memoriae, her program sounds relatively modest, even if it included ceremonies in such distant places as Naaldwijk and Wassenaar, and quarterly intercessions in the splendid chapel of the Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady at ’s-Hertogenbosch. 148 Little is known about the memoria of the generations before Sir Jan van den Woude. The spouse of the earliest Van den Woude attested as lord of Warmond reportedly died in 1309. She was commemorated in Egmond Abbey, an old monastery in the same aristocratic tradition as Sint- Truiden. 149 In 1394 Sir Jan’s father Sir Jacob van den Woude († 1395) ordered monthly masses in Warmond church for his salvation and that of his parents, spouse, and children. In the course of the 15 th century the Woudes became the dominant patrons of memoria services, to the extent that 25% of the services in the memoria calendar of the parish were for their salvation. Yet the oldest datable memoria in this register seems to be for a villager of a lower status. In 1380 Symon Dirckz entrusted to the churchwardens an anniversary followed by a visit to his tomb outside church.150 The eleven monthly masses commissioned in 1395 were not a perpetual memoria but a mensurnal cycle, a temporary provision to bridge the year between Sir Jacob’s decease and its first anniversary. Sir Jacob entrusted this cycle to the urban chapter of St Pancras at Leiden, but he wanted it performed in Warmond church. Typically, all 25 canons were required to attend. If all of them indeed came to Warmond each month, the sight must have been impressive. 151 One imagines a cortège of fully robed clergy from the manor to the church with bells chiming, all but eclipsing the anniversaries of lesser local souls like Symon Dirckz’s, or the routines of the chantry priests.

147 ELO/512/32. An altar or chantry of the Holy Cross at Warmond was not found in other medieval sources. 148 ELO/512/29. In 1417, Lady Reynout had also paid her entrance fee to the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch. 149 Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 77. 150 ELO/502/418/107v); ELO/512/410; Van Kessel, Warmond 253. 151 On mensurnalia : Faber, ‘Obsessie’ 39-40; Van Bueren, Leven 60.

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3.5. Warmond in its subregion The ties of Warmond church with St Pancras’ dated back to the foundation of that chapter in 1366. Gerardus Jacobi († 1387), one of the founding canons, was also titular parson of Warmond, and the founding discussions took place at Warmond. Gerardus dedicated his prebend to St Matthew, the patron saint of his parish church. 152 Of the local memoria providers operating in Leiden of which memoria registers have survived the hospital of St Elizabeth, founded 1428, was apparently most popular. Jacop van Woude was among its 2550 individual benefactors (table 5).153 Translocal salvation providers also operated in this urban market. Between 1432 and 1582, the Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady at ’s- Hertogenbosch booked entry fees from 565 persons in and around Leiden. Mariënhaven was the undisputed leader in the local salvation market of Warmond, even if the large proportion (39%) of commemorated fellow Cistercians is deducted from the record (table 12). Cistercians, with monks and nuns of other orders and canons and other secular priests, were together good for 494 entries (49.5%) in the priory’s memoria register, and laity for 504 entries (50.5%). The register lists burials in 141 lay entries, including 136 burials in the priory at Warmond. Kinship with a Cistercian (a monk or lay friar, in 47 entries a Cistercian of Warmond) is attested in 83 entries. Of the 136 burials in the priory, 15 are listed as relatives of Cistercians of Warmond. The memoria calendar of the priory was much fuller than that of the parish. Three people had their anniversaries performed in church as well as in the priory: the priest and monk Cornelis Willemsz van Berghen, the parson Mr Kerstant Pietersz, and Jacob van den Woude, lord of Warmond. 154 Mariënhaven was a member of a special prayer community within the Cistercian order. In 1421 it was a founding member of the so-called colligation of Sibculo which soon became a group of 20 enclosed Cistercian priories, mostly in the northern Low Countries, and committed to the kind of strict observance of monastic discipline mentioned above.155 Monks of twelve of these observant priories were commemorated in Warmond.156 Most remarkable among the 104 monks of Mariënhaven itself was Philips van Matenes († 1533), Lady Reynout’s brother-in-law. He joined the order as widower of Lady Reynout’s sister Maria. Their son Jacob was buried inside the priory in the grave of his great-grandfather Sir Jan van den Woude, who had founded the priory in 1412. Their daughter Maria, married to Sir Jan van Duvenvoirde, became lady of Warmond in 1526.157

152 Leverland, St Pancras 88, 106, 291. 153 ELO/504/1160; see also ELO/504/1178 and ELO/504/1179. 154 Jacob van den Woude († 21 December 1503), father of Lady Reynout, Lady Jacoba, and Lady Maria. 155 Van Dijk & Vonk ed., Moderne devoten ; list of incorporated priories in Van Dijk, ‘Klein monasticon’. 156 Monks of the co-founding priories of Sibculo (54) and IJsselstein (53) ranked second and third (table 6). 157 Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 93-94.

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As Cistercian monks were preferably buried in unmarked graves in the inner court of their residential monastery, Philips van Matenes was very likely laid to rest there, too. 158 On the other hand, some very meritorious lay sponsors were buried in the priory’s chancel. The mother of one monk, for instance, a wealthy widow of Alphen, donated furniture, a silver-gilt chalice, an annuity, and money for the construction of the church. She was remembered as a ‘special’ benefactor in whose name the monks and lay friars were treated to white bread and wine five times a year.159 In 30% of entries the priory’s memoria register lists the residences of remembered laity, most of whom were from Warmond (often called ‘this village’, 54 records) and Leiden (20 records). Wills and other contemporary sources suggest that these proportions were representative of the entire lay population remembered in Mariënhaven. Those from Leiden included the family of Heyne Ottenz (‘our loyal friends’). In 1461, Heyne – or Heynric – made bequests to Mariënhaven and two other priories of the Sibculo group at a time when these priories were preparing to implement an even more rigourous observance. 160 This new strictness may have enhanced the perceived quality of – and hence stimulated investment into – the intercessions of these convents. The nearby sisters’ convent seems not to have been a very active local memoria provider. We know of four weekly masses and perpetual memoriae for confessors and other priests. (Fig. 6) This seems disproportionate to the many sisters who were attracted from well-to- do Leiden families. On a total of 163 who took the vows between 1420 and 1600, some 30% were of noble or patrician descent. Six, including two matres , were kinswomen of the founder’s family. Most others had their roots in the urban elite. The memoria list yet does not mention some services known from such other sources as Jacob van den Woude’s will of 1477, a 15th -century cartulary, and a 16 th -century account book of the convent.161 It so seems that the urban elites of Leiden were happy to park their daughters in a convent at Warmond, but preferred the monks of the nearby priory to care for their own memoria . It appears from the memoria register of the priory that most monks were also ordained priests, but gender bias may have played a role as well. From the beginning, the sisters were never treated at a par with the monks. When the priory and the convent were founded, the priory received a donation of twenty hectares of land and two annuities. It so seems that the urban elites of Leiden were happy to park their daughters in a convent at Warmond, but preferred the monks of the nearby priory to care for their own memoria . It appears from the

158 Van Dijk, ‘Context’ 197. The memoria register (q. Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 94) does not specify his place of burial. 159 Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhaven’ 46. 160 ELO/503/1453. 161 Van Luijk, Bruiden 190, 387-389; Van Kan, ‘Warmond’ 109-110; ELO/512/531; Nolet, ‘Warmond’.

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memoria register of the priory that most monks were also ordained priests, but gender bias may have played a role as well. From the beginning, the sisters were never treated at a par with the monks. When the priory and the convent were founded, the priory received a donation of twenty hectares of land and two annuities.

Fig. 6. Parchment leaf with memoria services in Warmond nunnery. Photo ELO, Leiden.

For the convent, one hectare and a single annuity were deemed sufficient. 162 In 1581, the balance of their revenues from land holdings and annuities was drawn up. The annual income of the erstwhile priory was estimated at 2,255 guilders and the income of the convent at 921 guilders. The latter was yet very high for a women’s convent in the Leiden area.163 Some apparent Warmonders also entrusted anniversaries to urban providers in Leiden: Niese Claes van Warmonde (1355) to the church fabric of Our Lady’s; Fye (1382) and Symon Symonsz van Warmonde (1384) to the Holy Spirit Board; and Claes Valkenz (1406) and Ian Rikenz van Warmonde (1457) and his widow Reymburch (1459) to St Pancras. 164 ‘Apparent’ means that the context does not show whether ‘Van Warmond’ was a surname or a sign of provenance. Additional links with Leiden appear from the guild-roll of St Matthew’s. One out of seven deceased guild members lived at Leiden, including one canon of St

162 Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhaven’ 5-6; ELO/512/479/9v. 163 ELO/503/1672; Van Luijk, Bruiden 134; friendly communication A. van der Noort (ELO, Leiden). 164 ELO/511/2032/65; Kam, ‘Memorieboek’ 172; 203; ELO/502/8/64, ELO/502/8/88, ELO/502/8/135.

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Pancras († 1415).165 This suggests that although the guild-roll was initiated by Lady Reynout in 1504, the guild was already founded in Sir Jan’s days. Lady Reynout and other guild members also had anniversaries in Warmond church. 166 Our sample includes three other rural parishes near Leiden: Hazerswoude, Koudekerk, and Zoeterwoude. The parsons of Hazerswoude and Zoeterwoude were appointed by the Hospitallers of St John at Haarlem, whose own memoria calendar has also been preserved.167 Apart from a handful of parsons who were themselves Hospitallers, however, no names from Hazerswoude or Zoeterwoude can be identified in it. In 1480 the burgrave of Leiden donated meals and wine to a convent in Zoeterwoude, on condition that he be included in the memoria services of the sisters.168 No other parishioners of Leiden commemorated in Zoeterwoude or in Hazerswoude, or vice versa , are known. Koudekerk was different. 169 The parson, who was not appointed by the local lord but by the chapter of St Mary at the Hague and also resided there, only performed collective commemorations four times a year, as in the monastic tradition of the central Middle Ages. The local nobility, including the lordly Van Poelgeest family and the Van Tol family – related by marriage to the Poelgeests – were nonetheless amply represented in these quarterly services (table 13). The Poelgeests were good for 25% of the anniversaries in the parson’s memoria registers, a share comparable with that of the Woudes in the memoria calendar of Warmond church. The Tols and some lesser nobility or gentry like the Coudecercks, a bastard branch of the Poelgeests, had another 25%. A special case was Lady Aleid van Poelgeest, a mistress of Count Albrecht. She was slain in 1392. At the expense of her murderers, the count founded a chantry for her memoria in a new side-chapel of Koudekerk church. She was also included in the quarterly commemorations. The local Poelgeest Hall had its own in-house chapel, but in the course of the 15 th century some Poelgeests turned to Leiden as the main location for elaborate memoria practices. The chapter of St Pancras served as their bridgehead. In 1407 the canon Jan van Poelgeest was buried in its collegiate church. His prebend, created for him in 1376, was held by three later Poelgeests. Jan’s will lists several memoria services for himself and his family, both in Leiden and in Koudekerk. In 1452 Dirc van Poelgeest incorporated a family chantry dedicated to St Barbara into the chapter. The parish church of St Peter, the oldest church in Leiden, also attracted memoria services from the Poelgeests. In 1469 Jan van Poelgeest († 1482)

165 ELO/512/446/6; Leverland, St Pancras 122, 293; cf. Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhaven’ 44. 166 ELO/512/446/3 through /7; Van Kessel, Warmond 299-317. 167 Haarlem/NHA/2123/359 ( Liber memoriarum domus hospitalis S. Ioannis Hierosolimitani in Haerlem ). 168 Gonnet, ‘Zoeterwoude’ 145-149; idem, ‘Hazerswoude’ 204-211; ELO/503/1485; ELO/503/1486. 169 Sources in Kuiken & Van Poelgeest, ‘Adelsdorp’

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entrusted to the parson and the urban Holy Spirit an anniversary to be performed in church by three senior priests, two full choirs, and all 33 chantry priests affiliated with the church. The entire mass was to be illuminated by three large wax candles on Jan’s grave. Following mass, the parson or his substitute was to read Miserere and De profundis on the shrouded tomb. Apart from this aristocratic pomp, designed among more pious purposes pour épater les bourgeois , and the usual quarterly services at Koudekerk, Jan and his spouse Lady Margriet van Zwieten were also commemorated at a convent in Oegstgeest near Leiden where Lady Margriet had been buried in 1446. The couple were depicted on an altarpiece in its chapel.170 The next generation was included in the quarterly commemorations at Koudekerk but buried – and also lavishly commemorated – in St Peter’s at Leiden. The armorial slab of Jan’s son Sir Adriaen van Poelgeest and his wife († 1507) can still be seen inside the church. Other cadet and bastard branches soon followed. Jan Claes Willemsz van Poelgeest, whose grandfather was sheriff of Koudekerk, was buried beneath the organ. His anniversary with eight candles was celebrated by three priests, with all chantry priests attending and a hand-out of wine and roast to the poor. Michiel Gerritsz van Coudekerck was buried in the chancel under the arms of Poelgeest differenced.171 The branch to which father Jan and son Sir Adriaen van Poelgeest belonged, was also a cadet branch of the lordly family. The fact that they were taking a backseat in Koudekerk may have been a reason why they bought citizenship in Leiden, where they later served as burgomasters and allocated the larger part of their memoria . In Leiden, they also became external members of the Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady. The accounts mention entry fees of Jan van Poelgeest (1476), his servant Jan Jansz (1477), and his son Sir Adriaen and daughter Sophie (1480).172 No other families from Koudekerk and none from Hazerswoude or Zoeterwoude are identified in the accounts. At first sight, this diverse allocation of salvation services for rural gentry in urban churches ran against the Pfarrzwang imposed by the Lateran Reformation. The duty to receive sacraments in one’s home parish, however, was not evaded directly, for commemoration was a sacrament-like service ( sacramentale ), not a formal sacrament. It can yet be argued that Pfarrzwang was circumvented indirectly. Memoria masses include communion, which is a sacrament. Were Jan and Sir Adriaen van Poelgeest perhaps considered parishioners of St Peter’s because they were burgesses of Leiden? This may indeed be a reason why Sir Adriaen and his spouse did not commission memoria services in their own name

170 Van Bueren, Leven nr 90. 171 Sources in Kuiken & Van Poelgeest, ‘Adelsdorp’ . 172 Her (Sir) Arijen vã Poelgest and men vrou (Lady) vã Poelgest were also commemorated in St Elizabeth’s Hospital at Leiden (ELO/504/1160/42).

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in Koudekerk.173 Like many wealthy burgesses of Leiden, they were nonetheless inscribed in the memoria register of the priory at Warmond, where the monks were treated in their name to wine every August. Warmond, Koudekerk and Leiden were hubs in a translocal elite network which made itself visible through the allocation of memoria services. The lordly families of Warmond and Koudekerk were also related by marriage (table 13). Janne van Poelgeest († 1499), lady of Warmond, was commemorated in Koudekerk with her parents, in Warmond church with her husband Jacob van den Woude, her in-laws, and her daughter Lady Reynout, and in Warmond priory with her husband. The seal of Mr Kerstant, the parson mentioned above, relates his ancestry to a cadet branch of Janne van Poelgeest’s family. Baerte, the mater of the local convent in the 1550s, was her niece.174 There are few signs of such translocal salvation services for common villagers in the memoria registers of Warmond, Koudekerk, Hazerswoude, or Zoeterwoude. As rural commoners were rarely listed with surnames, they are also identified less easily than, for instance, the Woudes and Alkemades of Warmond, or the Poelgeests and Tols of Koudekerk. Even the direct family of Mr Foyken Bartholomeusz, mentioned above as local agent of the Fraternity in Leiden, was apparently commemorated in Warmond church only, and Mr Foyken himself in Warmond priory. 175 They are not commemorated in any known register from Leiden and were almost certainly from Warmond. This may in turn explain why a common Warmonder like Adam Jansz appears in the accounts of the Fraternity. In 1480, Adam bequeathed an annuity to Warmond church. An anniversary for him and his wife Baerte was performed in church in December (total fees: seven groats), on the same two days as Lady Janne van den Woude’s († 1497, total fees: ten groats). The couple were commemorated with a plain anniversary. The lady had a vigil of nine psalms and a sung mass. 176 A local corporation like St Matthew’s Guild at Warmond is also attested in 1474 and 1481 in Zoeterwoude. At its festive meal on the Sunday after Christmas, this Christmas Guild ( dat heilighe kerstghilde tot Zoeterwou ) paid the parson a yearly fee to read a weekly mass on the high altar for its (deceased?) brethren, and an additional fee for two weekly masses during three years (1481-1484). This rural guild may have been inspired by its namesake at Haarlem, which was probably founded around 1320.177 After all, the parson of Zoeterwoude in the 1480s was a Hospitaller of Haarlem.

173 Sir Adriaan was yet commemorated in Koudekerk as anonymous ‘offspring’ of Jan van Poelgeest and his spouse. 174 Nolet, ‘Warmond’ 71. Mr Kerstant’s armorial seal (Van Poelgeest differenced) is appended to ELO/512/19. 175 Van Kessel, Warmond 257 (Bartelmees Foeytgesz & wife Kerstyn & Willem Bartelmeesz & daughter). 176 ELO/512/425; Van Kessel, Warmond 293; Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 91-92. 177 Gonnet, ‘Zoeterwoude’ 145, 147; Jaspers, Kerstmisgilde 28.

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3.6. Concluding remarks This chapter began with the dissolution of manorialism and the rise of the parish, two parallel institutional developments that helped to establish parish churches as institutional hubs of rural communities and memoria practices in the 13 th century. Rural memoria providers included parish institutions like church fabrics, rectories, and poor-tables, but also such independent local institutions as fraternities, chantries and, in the case of Warmond, modern monastic foundations. The case of the local ruling Van den Woude dynasty is illustrative. Commemorated in the 1300s in Egmond Abbey, an old and aristocratic monastery, they appropriated Warmond church after the main patriline of the lords of Teylingen died out. Before 1400 some villagers had already commissioned anniversaries from the churchwardens, and there were also chantries. In the 1410s, however, Sir Jan van den Woude founded two modern monasteries near the parish church as well as his own chantry in church, which also hosted the corporate memoria services of a local guild. It was moved after 1441 to a private chapel in Warmond Hall, where Sir Jan’s descendants resided. Around 1500 the memoria cult of the Woudes had become so dominant that it included 25% of all commemorative services performed by the rectory. The Woudes were also commemorated in a local priory and a local convent, in the bede-roll of a local guild, and in their own private chapel. This development seems to support Van Bavel’s theorem that markets first create growth, flexibility and diversity, followed by social polarisation and contraction – an observation in line with what Dombrecht (2014) noticed in Flemish funeral practices in 1540.178 Of course the eventual collapse of salvation markets in Warmond and elsewhere in the Low Countries was primarily due to an external institutional paradigm shift. In the last quarter of the 16 th century the Protestant Reformation, and the secularisation of religious assets inspired by it, took away the economic basis on which church fabrics, rectories, chantries, monasteries, and guilds had operated. This perhaps suppressed Catholic memoria practice more effectively than the formal bans that were also issued. The relative flexibility of rural salvation markets allowed patrons to commission memoria services from one or more providers, either inside or outside their home parish. The Poelgeests of Koudekerk, for instance, were as dominant in local commemoration practice as the Woudes were in Warmond church, but some branches invested in even more conspicuous services in Leiden. Jan van Poelgeest († 1482), mentioned above, was both commemorated in Koudekerk church and in Leiden and in a convent founded by his in-laws, and also by the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch.

178 Van Bavel, The invisible hand ; Dombrecht, ‘Poor or rich’.

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The three following chapters will analyse the economic and social aspects of these salvation markets in other villages in our sample. Chapter 4 (‘the commodification of memoria ’) will investigate the effects of market factors and factor markets on the distribution of salvation services. Chapter 5 (‘local society’) is about kinship and other social networks and their dynamics in rural salvation markets. Chapter 6 (‘translocalities’) will take another look at these markets as open systems.

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4. The commodification of memoria

As explained before, commodification means that something which originally does not carry a price is assigned an economic value. It thus becomes a product intended principally for exchange – a commodity.179 This process is the motor of commercialisation. The commodification of salvation, most visible in the indulgence trade, followed the quantification of penance developed in the central Middle Ages. Once people were used to the idea that sins were forgiven if the church was paid the proper price, either in prayer or as a material gift, the idea took hold that time spent in purgatory could be shortened by the offering of similar gifts. As parishes had become the leading local institutions handling confession and penance, they also became the main outlets for the sale of indulgences. The latter were even offered as prizes in lotteries, for instance in the town of Bergen op Zoom in 1517. 180 Such practices were an easy target for reformers like Martin Luther, who saw not only indulgence-peddling but the entire memoria industry as a corruption of ‘pure’ Christian faith. On the other hand, leading medieval theologians felt that commemoration meant much more than a blunt trade-off. It was believed to express and create a religious community that was, as St Thomas Aquinas wrote in 1265, ‘celebrated in heaven’. Until then, the dead ‘were joined with the living in a single community […] in an unpaid debt to the Redeemer’.181 These words imply that the increasing numbers of special masses and private chantries, and the sales of intercessions by corporations like the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch, were not only meaningful commercially, but also socially and mentally. The commercial dynamics will be discussed in the following sections, the social dimensions of these markets in Part Three, and their cultural implications in Part Four.

4.1. Market factors Despite all high-spirited intentions to create a community celebrated in heaven, the earthly delivery of memoria or salvation services required real transactions of land, capital, and labour, all duly registered in writing to ensure that the obligations involved were performed for the period set in a deed. Salvation markets relied on factor markets as much as the trade in material commodities did. In economic terms, markets are a matter of microeconomics. This means that the outcomes of market studies cannot be transposed blindly to the level of

179 Appadurai, ‘Introduction’ 6. 180 Van Herwaarden, ‘Índulgences’ 96-97. 181 McLaughlin, Consorting 12-15; Rosser, Solidarity 218-219.

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macroeconomics. At the system level, markets are black boxes – open systems to be described in terms of observable and distinct input and output.182 Input is usually labeled ‘market factors’ and output ‘products and services’. How markets function can be assessed by identifying relations (‘elasticities’) between input and output. Transaction costs are an important component of market factors such as land and capital. The efficiency of factor markets in the late medieval Low Countries was largely due to the swift and affordable notarial services of urban magistrates and rural sheriffs for the sale, lease, or registration of land. In the wake of the dissolution of manorialism, many thousands of donations and sales of land to parishes, monasteries, and other memoria providers were sealed and registered. On the capital market, ecclesiastic legislation against usury was circumvened by the transfer of annuities secured by real estate, mainly land or houses. Legally, such annuities were not loans but sales. 183 These novel financial instruments became a popular way to fund long-term memoria services. Efficient factor markets allowed religious institutions to become large landowners in many villages. In Warmond in the 1540s, for instance, the abbeys of Egmond, Leeuwenhorst, and Rijnsburg together owned 25% of all land. Egmond and Rijnsburg leased out most of it, but also gave out plots in fief. Leeuwenhorst, a Cistercian nunnery, mainly relied on short-term or hereditary lease. The Woudes were also active as liege lords in Warmond. 184 In 1452 Jacob van den Woude controlled 6% of land in Warmond, nearly as much as the parish funds (6.5%, including the poor-table) and the local priory and convent (7%). The lord also held the local tithes, a source of parish revenue, in fief from the count of Holland. Each year he auctioned these to the highest bidders. 185 The 1540s figures from Holland are from dike tax registers of Hazerswoude, Koudekerk, Sloten, Warmond, and Zoeterwoude, and from a land tax register of Voorburg. The Frisian Beneficiaalboeken (1543) give comparable figures for 18 parishes in our sample. Most but not all of these holdings are listed in pondemaeten , which can be converted to hectares as easily as the morgens in Rijnland. 186 Table 4 lists religious land holdings in 24 villages in Holland and Friesland. In the 18 Frisian parishes, religious instututions owned at least 23% and in the five parishes in Holland 16% of the total local area. 187 The average Frisian parish owned 43 hectare locally. The mean number of chantries per parish

182 Jespersen, Methodology 193-195; Glanville, ‘Black boxes’. 183 Funding ; Van Bavel, Manors . 184 Van Egmond, Pachters ; Kort, Overzicht 47. 185 Janse, Ridderschap 351; Van Kessel, Warmond 11-59. 186 One Frisian pondemaet equalled 0.36 ha, one Rijnland morgen 0.92 ha. 187 Friesland: 2930/13,085 ha, Holland: 1650/10,725 ha. The total surfaces of the parishes in Holland are given in the dike tax registers. The total surfaces of the Frisian parishes are derived from Mol & Noomen, Prekadastrale atlas .

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was two in Holland, and slightly lower (1.7) in Friesland. On average they owned 17 hectare of local land in the Frisian parishes, but less than half of that (7 hectare) in Holland. In our entire sample of 56 parishes, the average number of chantries was 2.4. This includes no fewer than 19 attested chantries in the collegiate church of Oirschot, and eight in Tilburg. It appears from the Dronrijp memoria calendar, among other sources, that investments for an anniversary were as a rule more modest than those for a chantry. Endowments for anniversaries, measured in talents (0.36 hectare) or ounces (0.03 hectare), varied between 0.2 and 2 hectare. In 1447, two perpetual anniversaries were endowed with a house in Schingen (near Dronrijp) and two acres of land. As the size of an acre varied, this gift cannot be translated into hectares directly, but in 1445 one perpetual anniversary was endowed with 0.3 hectare known locally as Daedakkers . 188 Elsewhere in Friesland or Holland, anniversaries were endowed with comparable lots, for instance one or two gemet (0.4-0.8 hectare) in Poortugaal, or one or two morgen (0.8-1.6 hectare) in Voorburg. This also puts into perspective Sir Jan van den Woude’s gifts to his monasteries in Warmond: 20 hectare and two annuities to the priory, and one hectare and an annuity to the women’s convent.189 The former equalled two full- fledged chantries, the latter little more than a plain anniversary. Annuities could be in money, in kind, or both. Annuity payments in kind for memoriae are attested in twelve parishes: Baardwijk, Berlicum, Horn, Koudum, Makkinga, Nuth, Oirlo, Oirschot, Steggerda, Tilburg, Venray, and Vlijmen. This number does not justify hard statistic conclusions, and there was also much local diversity. In Steggerda in 1543, for instance, Claes Jellens’ heirs were paying an annuity of five guilders to a local chantry for his perpetual anniversary, but refused to pay a measure of rye which they supposedly also owed the chantry. Fortunately they were able to prove that Claes had bought off the latter annuity with a couple of oxen worth sixteen guilders. Indeed the late medieval Netherlands were not yet systematically monetised. Payments in kind were still accepted in several rural areas – most notably outside the county of Holland – long after 1600. There was, however, no shortage of money that could have frustrated the development of market economies in these areas. 190 Perhaps market access was eased by the flexibility with which alternative modes of payment were accepted locally, especially in poorer – often sandy – regions. On the other hand, most donors of memoria rye were themselves all but poor. Some were landed gentry like the lords of Grijzegrubben in Nuth. The local memoria calendar lists some bequests of annuities of a bag of rye per commemorated family member,

188 BB 73. Old Frisian Daedakkers literally means ‘death acres’. Postma, Veld 48 equals one talent to one pondemaet . 189 Van der Gouwe, ‘Poortugaal’; Van Booma, Voirburch ; Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhaven’ 5-6; ELO/512/479/9v. 190 BB 1055-1056, 1058; De Vries & Van der Woude, Modern economy 81.

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and also for members of other families, as well as bequests of land and, in one 16 th -century case, of an annuity of one groat. 191 The transition to a rural money economy is illustrated in a description of church assets and services in Koudum in 1543. By tradition, the ‘afterdeeds’ due for deceased villagers included a loaf of bread, a piece of butter, and candles at the funeral as well as on the seventh day after it, and also at the memoria masses celebrated one month and one year after the funeral. In the month following the funeral, a small loaf of bread and a pound of butter were due almost daily, and also three times per week during the year after the funeral. Memoria masses after the first anniversary of the funeral were charged at the same rate as the funeral itself. In 1543, these duties could be bought off with a lump sum: seven guilders or more for the rich and landed gentry, six for common farmers, and three or four guilders for those beneath the latter. The truly poor could be exempted ‘for the sake of God and their bede’, and the rate for continued commemoration was three stivers and a candle. These progressive local memoria fees are reflected in a wealth tax register of 1578. Three landed gentlemen of Koudum were taxed between six and eight guilders each, five owners of tax-paying houses three guilders each, and 36 commoners one guilder each. ‘Poor workers’ were exempted. There were instances of demonetisation, too. In Warmond in 1504, Lady Reynout replaced the hand-out of money to the poor at the funerals of local guild members by a hand-out of bread. 192 The grain mentioned in the local registers was usually rye. Annuities payable in rye were still due in 1654 to the Geestelijk Kantoor from tenants of secularised religious lands in Baardwijk and Vlijmen (table 10). In Oirlo, two out of three annuities paid to the church fabric for memoriae were expressed in rye harvested from specific plots of land. Some were owned, others leased by a memoria founder. In 1480, Claes van der Schueren promised the parson of Oirlo an annual amount of rye harvested from a plot of land leased from the church fabric. This was to pay for a Sunday anniversary for Claes, his wife and parents, followed the next Monday by a prayer on their grave. In Tilburg, one memoria founder bequeathed an annual bag of rye from a farm in Louvain. To this entry in the local liber anniversariorum a later hand added that not only the parson but also the chaplains and the verger, being ‘resident beneficiaries of Tilburg church’, should have their share.193 A hectare of land, a bag of rye per year, or an equivalent payment in cash – this was about the going rate for a perpetual memoria in a late medieval rural parish in the Low Countries. In his survey, Rijpma suggests that payments in grain were especially welcomed by local charities, who could directly pass them

191 Flament, ‘Nuth’. A practical overview of medieval currency units in the Netherland is Van Gelder, Munten . 192 BB 890-892; Boarnen 254; ELO/512/446/2-2v, 5v; Rosser, Solidarity 120-125. 193 Van Beuningen, Geestelijk Kantoor 93; RHCL/14.A002A-AEK/74.156; Boeren, ‘Tilburg’ 125.

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on to their needy clients. This could not be confirmed for the four rural almshouses in our sample – two in Oirschot, one in Groessen and one in Swichum. The almshouse founded in Groessen in the 1560s received gifts in cash from some local gentry. The almshouse in Swichum was founded in 1572 by Viglius Aytta († Brussels 1577), a son of a local gentleman-farmer who ended his career as counsel to king Philip II. The seven needy residents of the almshouse were required to pray daily for Viglius’ soul. For the expenses of this charity, Viglius earmarked two annuities with a total principal sum of 1000 guilders. In 1543, land and annuities payable in money made up most of the income of the church fabric, the rectory, and a chantry in Swichum. The church fabric further owned about one hectare of land to pay for a perpetual memoria in church for Viglius’ uncle, the cleric Mr Bucho. The yearly rent was 1.5 guilders and a pitcher of lamp oil. 194 The human factor in rural salvation markets covers a variety of economic actors and agents: local priests, but also salvation entrepreneurs such as the agents of the Fraternity of Our Illustrious Lady at ’s-Hertogenbosch. In neoclassical terms, they produced a variety of public services – social spending (including local poor relief and education), special masses, and the care of church buildings and their furnishings. In terms of Bourdieu’s theory of practice, they also converted parts of the economic capital of their patrons into social and/or cultural (or ‘spiritual’) capital. 195 At the same time, these actors put to work their own social and cultural capital. The social capital of priests can be defined as the trust put into them as intermediaries between the here and the hereafter or, in neoclassical terms, as trained and trustworthy distributors of sacraments and sacramentalia . The trustworthiness of priests as memoria providers was by and large circumscribed by institutional factors. A new parson or local chantry priest, for instance, could be nominated by local gentry or by the avowee or avowees of a chantry, but this always needed approval by a bishop. Training also mattered. Every priest needed at least enough Latin to read a missal. Many late medieval rural priests in the Low Countries were listed with some academic degree. In Brabant, for instance, about one in every four acting parsons had read arts in Louvain or elsewhere. Some 50% were actually ‘officiating’ as local substitutes (deservitores ) of the titular appointees. In Friesland, between 15% and 18% of rural priests attended university, against 29% of urban priests. No significant difference was found between parsons and chantry priests. 196 When avowees became better educated, they demanded better educated priests. The Alkemade chantry in Warmond, for instance, was served by untitled clerics until 1482, when

194 Rijpma, Funding 65; Van der Heijden, ‘Groessen’ 93-98; Spaans, Armenzorg 152-155; T/5/2650; BB 149. 195 Funding 14, 73; Verter, ‘Spiritual capital’ 151-152. 196 Bijsterveld, Laverend 210; Roemeling, Heiligen 269-270.

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a theology professor from Louvain was instituted. His case was not unique. In 1496 professor Adrianus Florentii became a chantry priest in Wassenaar. He is best known as Adrian VI (r. 1522-1523), the only Dutch pope in history. 197 Bijsterveld (1993) concludes that the trust factor yet outweighed training in appointments of parsons in Brabant, and that trust correlated strongly with kinship. Annemarie Speetjens (2011) also found that 60% of priests nominated for urban chantries were kinsmen of the founders.198 Judged by the examples above, this kind of nepotism was not exceptional in rural parishes either. On the other hand Lord Jacob van den Woude’s will of 1477 does not express much trust in Warmond church, the institution of which he and his decendants had advowson. Not only were the services for his memoria written out in painstaking detail, but also the conditions of payments to the priests in case of neglect. The churchwardens were made responsible for these arrangements. Lord Jacob’s will reveals the dilemma of long-term investment into an impersonal institution whose future office-bearers he obviously did not trust unconditionally. Rather than of an obsession with death, as Huizinga would understand it, this text speaks of an obsessive fear of being shortchanged. The conclusion that Lord Jacob trusted the churchwardens better than the local priests may yet be too far-fetched. His will rather shows a wish to put in place some sensible checks and balances. Trust was also a quintessential market factor to the Fraternity of Our Illustrious Lady at ’s-Hertogenbosch. Its agents were based as salvation entrepreneurs in at least three parishes in our sample: Baardwijk (1499-1564), Oirschot (1496-1575), and Wijk (1526-1533). Some, like Dean Willem of Oirschot (fl. 1507), were local priests. In Leiden we already met Mr Foyken (fl. 1482-1485) who recruited in Warmond as well. The Fraternity furnished all agents with transcripts of its bills of pardon. There were also incentives for deserving agents such as bonnets, cowls, and sets of knives. In the 1480s, an envoy was dispatched to Holland to arbitrate between some overzealous recruiters who were competing against one another. Local priests often saw these agents as unfair competitors on their salvation markets, too. In the 1460s Mr Symon van Venloe, an agent at Delft, complained that one ‘simple priest’ was confusing his flock with sermons against his own recruiting efforts. To his defence, his fellow-agent at Cologne provided him with notarised statements from leading scholars of canon law. The Fraternity was charged 30 guilders for these documents. 199 At first sight, the Fraternity kept balanced accounts of entry fees and dootsculd payments. Total entry fee payments (44,450) only slightly outnumbered dootsculd payments (42,700). Records from the thirteen parishes in our sample

197 Bijsterveld, Laverend 371; Rijnlandia 122 (Mr Jacobus de Angulo dictus Hoeck), 128. 198 Speetjens, ‘Founder’ 202. 199 Van Dijck, Optimaten 97-101, 412-418.

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where the Fraternity was active are less balanced, however, most significantly in Oirschot (1016/764), Baardwijk (313/207), and Wijk (54/8). All in all, 1759 payments of entry fees and 1402 payments of dootsculd were entered from these villages. More importantly, the names of villagers for whom entry fees and dootsculd were registered rarely match. In Oirschot, for instance, the percentage of identifiable villagers with records of both entry fee and dootsculd payments was only 13%, in Baardwijk 8%, and in Dongen 2%. 200 A vast majority of external – rural – Fraternity members were obviously registered only once, mostly as new entries. Each external member was entitled to a yearly premium: a candle. In 1521 a total of 14,686 candles were shipped all over the Low Countries in late January, on the eve of Candlemas. Weather permitting, they were dispatched by cart or boat, and sometimes by sledge. Priests in parishes with registered members were supposed to announce the arrival of these shipments from the pulpit. 201 ‘Trust us’, these candles told their recipients, ‘you are one of us. We remember you and when you die, we will read your name each quarter to expedite your passage to heaven.’ Production of these loyalty gifts was done in-house, but not on a cost- effective basis. Around 1510, they cost about half a stiver per candle. 202 It follows that after two winters the cost of production and shipping would exceed the entry fee of one stiver paid by each recipient. If the recipient died within four years, the Fraternity would make a small profit, being entitled to another stiver of dootsculd . Yet many villagers in our sample seem to have registered relatively young, for their dootsculd was sometimes paid more than fifty years later. This interval can only be calculated in the relatively few cases in which records of both entry fees and dootsculd payments have survived. In Baardwijk, for instance, the average interval in 38 cases (8%) was 14.5 years. Of these 38 villagers, who were together entitled to 550 candles between 1450 and 1559, only eight died within four years. Peter Schilders, a priest and also agent of the Fraternity, paid his entry fee in 1516 and died 11 years later. His entry fee and dootsculd added up to two stivers, but the ten candles sent to him cost five stivers. 203 In 2% of all cases in the account books, an overdue dootsculd was settled through a bequest, usually a capron or a tabard. Such entries are preserved from Oirschot (43), Vlijmen (5), Baardwijk (4), Berlicum (4), Tilburg (4), Schijndel (3), Wijk (2), and Dongen (1). In 1475, for instance, a grey tabard left by Goyart Henrick Juttenz van Best, of Oirschot, was assessed at seven stivers. These bequests in kind were yet too few to compensate for the negative revenue. Why,

200 Cf. Van Dijck, Optimaten 76, 100. 201 Van Dijck, Optimaten 209-210, 420. 202 Cost per candle calculated after Van Dijck, Optimaten 233, 419-421, counting 20 stivers to a (Rhinish) guilder. 203 Van Dijck, Optimaten 76. On the Schilders family of ’s-Hertogenbosch: Van Dijck, Optimaten 52, 166.

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if not for a profit, did the Fraternity maintain a database of some 80,000 external members? An answer can be given in three different keys. In terms of ‘spiritual’ capital, the supply of inexpensive memoria services for a wide audience looked like a work of charity which was believed to reflect on the posthumous bliss of the core members (‘sworn brethren’) of the Fraternity. On a less exalted level, the vast external membership added to the social capital of the sworn brethren. Through its agents, the Fraternity had proven the capability to gain the trust of more people than any other institution in the Low Counties, with the exception of the Catholic Church itself. In economic terms the question may be justified whether the Fraternity treated its external membership as more than a commodity. Lady Jacoba van den Woude is a case in point. Her will of 1508 ordered her heirs to pay her dootsculd to the Fraternity. She and her sister Lady Reynout had joined it in Leiden in 1471. 204 The accounts mention receipt of their entry fees, but not of dootsculd payments. The brethren may have been avid name-collectors, but only few external members really made it into their quarterly commemorations – if the accounts were, as it has been claimed, complete transcripts of the original (but sadly lost) lists of external members produced by its agents. 205 It makes one wonder whether these agents always gave their principals a full and true account of their revenues. Perhaps the trust put into the Fraternity by Lady Jacoba and thousands of others was not fully warranted after all.

4.2. Market shares At the same microeconomic level on which we set out, we will now inspect the output of memoria providers in our rural salvation markets in terms of market shares: the percentages of these markets served by specific providers, or groups of providers. These shares can be measured in units such as the numbers of anniversaries in the memoria registers of local foundations, or in the numbers of entries in the accounts of a translocal provider like the Fraternity at ’s- Hertogenbosch. The cumulative figures – the numbers of anniversaries and entries over time – are listed in table 1. The numbers of attested competitors vary between one and five. A simple tool to compare competition in such oligopolistic markets is the so-called Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI), the sum of the squares of the shares of competitors in each market. It varies between between zero and one.206 As it appears from table 14, Leiden (0.31) was more competitive than Warmond (0.69). Among the 26 rural parishes compared with Leiden in this table, Oirlo had the highest HHI (0.99). The register of the local church fabric lists 173 records; the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch has but one record. The

204 ELO/512/29 (June 20, 1508); section 3.4, above. 205 Van Dijck, Optimaten 101-102. 206 Funding 249, 281; Baumol & Blinder, Economics 267-268.

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remaining 25 parishes have HHIs between 0.37 and 0.96. The variance in HHI among these parishes does not correlate with the total numbers of records in all local and translocal registers. Oirschot, which has the most preserved records (3020), has an HHI of 0.42, the same as Wommels, which has only 10 preserved records. HHI variance does not correlate with the diversity of providers either. The percentual market shares of the Fraternity in all villages in our sample vary considerably, from 0% in 39 parishes to 75% in Tilburg, 76% in Dongen, and 80% in Baardwijk. On average, the Fraternity penetrated most successfully in salvation markets in the diocese of Liège. As mentioned before, there was some overlap between commissions from the local church and the Fraternity. In Warmond, not only the lordly family but at least one commoner was commemorated both in church and by the Fraternity. Oirschot, with 1686 records in Fraternity accounts and a calendar of 1334 entries, seems best suited to assess the overlap between both. For good measure, Baardwijk (511/124), Tilburg (138/58), and Schijndel (132/336) were also counted. A total of 112 villagers appear in both sets: 5% of Fraternity records, or 6% of local memoria records. In the four parishes in the diocese of Liège compared above, the Fraternity accounts list 2467 payments, against 1852 records of anniversaries in the local memoria calendars. These numbers do not mean that the Fraternity was always the market leader in these parishes. Most payments made to it were from or on behalf of individuals, while local memoriae quite often included one or more couples with their children, and sometimes also their in-laws and other kinspeople. Joint anniversaries for three or more conjugal families were most frequent in Schijndel (table 15). In terms of pure rational choice, it could make sense to consolidate the memoriae of several members of one extended family. In Schijndel the going rate for a decent joint anniversary was an annuity of one pound – far more than a twice-only payment of one stiver to the Fraternity. In other parishes in our sample, such annual local memoria fees could still run higher. In Warmond, for instance, an annuity of four groats and five shillings was charged in October for the anniversary of Florys Claesz, his wife, two sons with wives and children, and a hitherto unidentified woman. 207 In institutional terms, joining a fraternity was of course different from ordering commemorations from a church fabric. Membership of a fraternity, either local or translocal, was always on an individual basis, as was membership of a parish, but memoria services could be entrusted to the latter by individuals as well as by groups of individuals such as members of a family or a local guild.

207 Van Kessel, Warmond 275-276.

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4.3. Measuring inequalities In our conclusion to chapter 3, above, the social and economic rise of the lords of Warmond – the Van den Woude family – was tentatively framed in terms of Van Bavel’s theorem that markets first create growth, flexibility and diversity, soon followed by social polarisation and contraction. More precisely, Van Bavel argues that the commodification of land, labour, and capital not only produced rapid economic growth in some regions, especially in Holland, but also had a leveling social effect as wider circles of social groups and individuals in these regions gained access to these assets. In the long run, however, new elites accumulated so much land and capital that average welfare declined rapidly, for instance in Amsterdam between 1584 and 1634. This observation runs counter to the so-called Kuznets curve which suggests that inequality first increases and then levels out in the course of economic development. This historical pattern has been identified for Britain, the United States, and some other cases, but it is apparently not a hard and fast rule. In the words of Haughton and Khandker (2006), there are rather too many components of inequality – different prices, and personal factors like occupational choices – and they may interact very differently. 208 There are several ways to express social inequality in graphs or numbers. A Pen’s parade is a direct graphic representation. On the horizontal axis, people are lined up from poorest to richest. The vertical axis shows income or expenditure per capita, or the accumulated numbers of memoria services per person or family. In Warmond, for instance, the lordly family with their share of 25% of services would show up at the very end of the parade as true giants compared to commoners commemorated only once or twice a year, or the invisible poor commemorated anonymously. The real income of the lords of Warmond was indeed one of the highest in Holland. Around 1475 the revenue of Lord Jacob van den Woude from fiefs in Holland alone was valued at lb. 360, the 13 th highest in the entire county, outranking both his direct neighbour, the lord of Alkemade Hall (lb. 117), and the lord of Koudekerk (lb. 150).209 An often-used summary measure of income inequality is the Gini coefficient (G), ranging between zero (‘perfect equality’) and one (‘greatest inequality’). Changes of income distribution over time, or differences between regions, can also be expressed as G-values. A value of 0.65 is supposed to distinguish between ‘unequal’ and ‘egalitarian’ societies. Based on land use distributions in three Campine villages in the 1550s, Van Onacker and Masure (2015) understand G-values between 0.51 and 0.62 as signs of ‘very moderate inequality’ compared with Oostkerke and Koolkerke in rural Flanders, where values varied between 0.72 and 0.82. 210

208 Van Bavel, Invisible hand , especially 260-261; idem, Manors 262; Haughton & Khandker, Handbook 115. 209 Janse, ‘Leenbezit’ 183, 198, 200. 210 Haughton & Khandker, Handbook 101-120; Van Onacker & Masure, ‘Unity’ 65-68.

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Such interpretations are always relative, if not subjective. 211 It also matters whether a medieval tax register only lists the haves, or the have-nots as well. Based on a local census of 3000 urban households in Leiden in 1498, for instance, Jan Luiten van Zanden (1998) obtained different G-values for the distribution of total income (G = 0.35) and capital (G = 0.84). As the same number of households was reported in a regional survey in 1514, the 1498 census at first glance includes all local households, but the number quoted in 1514 was probably itself derived from the census. In the Veluwe subregion of northern Guelders, a cattle census was conducted in 1526. Van Zanden expresses this in a G-value of 0.35 if ‘paupers’ without cattle are not counted. If the latter are estimated at 5% of all villagers and then included, this produces a value of 0.39. From the rental values of houses in twelve villages in Holland in a survey of 1561, a G-value of 0.35 was reported. 212 Van Zanden did not include the values of real estate other than houses in his analysis of the tax survey of 1561. In the 1543 edition of this survey, the values of houses in village centres – as opposed to outlying farmhouses with farmlands – are often listed separately. There were, for instance, 18 houses in Warmond (G = 0.26), 43 in Middelharnis (G = 0.24), 70 in Poortugaal (G = 0.21), and 101 in Zoeterwoude (G = 0.49). If all local heads of households are included, and also owners and users of local land residing elsewhere (for instance 136 in Warmond, including nine outsiders, and 455 in Zoeterwoude, including 32 outsiders), this leads to G = 0.55 in Warmond and Middelharnis, and 0.66 in Poortugaal and Zoeterwoude. These values seem high compared to those in Swichum (0.39) and Hijum (0.51), two villages in Friesland for which tax registers of land users in 1540 have survived. Yet this gap is only relative, for all Gini coefficients reported here are unbiased estimates. In addition to point estimates of G, 95% bootstrap confidence intervals (BCI) were estimated to reflect uncertainty with respect to G-values. Typically, the larger the numbers of units counted, the narrower the range of the estimated 95% BCI. In Swichum, for instance, where only 19 land users were taxed in 1540, the estimated 95% BCI for G is [0.27-0.56]. By contrast, in Zoeterwoude, with a total of 455 taxed persons, the estimated 95% BCI for G is [0.63-0.69].213 It should follow that inequality in all six quoted instances ranges between low and intermediate.

211 See especially the methodological discussion in Boeschoten & Van Manen, ‘Haarlem’. 212 Soltow & Van Zanden, Income 28, 38-39, 51, 64. The twelve included villages in Holland were Callantsoog, Noord-Scharwoude, Ransdorp, and Twisk, now all in Noord-Holland; and Bleiswijk, Bodegraven, Hendrik Ido Ambacht, Katwijk aan Zee, Kethel, Overschie, Zwijndrecht, now all in Zuid-Holland; and Engelen, now in Noord-Brabant. 213 With many thanks to Dr Anne Boomsma, who used the G function from the R Library DescTools on my collected data from Hoek, ‘Cohier’; Van Kessel, Kohieren ; Mol, Aenbrengh ; Van der Helm, ‘Zoeterwoude’; and Zaaijer, ‘Kohier’. The 95% BCIs are: Hijum (all) [0.41-0.63]; Middelharnis (all) [0.51-0.60]; Middelharnis (houses) [0.21-0.29]; Poortugaal (all) [0.62-0.71]; Poortugaal (houses) [0.16-0.24]; Swichum

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The relatively high G-values for houses in Zoeterwoude need some more explanation. Unlike in the other five villages compared here, the values of six mills – four windmills, the other may have been treadmills – were included. Six mills is a lot for a medieval village, but Zoeterwoude bordered on Leiden, and some mills may have served the urban textile industry. One windmill was reportedly shared (25%-50%-25%) by three villagers. As a proto-industrial asset, the average mill in Zoeterwoude was valued at 37 guilders, against four guilders for the average house. The most expensive house (22 guilders) belonged to Ghysbrecht van Zwieten. This gentleman, who sealed as lord and sheriff of Zoeterwoude in 1509 and was buried in 1547 in St Peter’s at Leiden, owned a total of 279 guilders in local real estate.214 The assessed values of houses in Poortugaal and Middelharnis did not exceed 10 guilders, but the lordly manor at Warmond was taxed at 20 guilders. The main difficulty in assessing the course of equality and inequality in rural salvation markets over time is the absence of year-to-year records, with the exception of the accounts of the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch. Memoria calendars, for instance, show the cumulative numbers of commemorations per person (or family) in a parish, but not how patterns of inequality developed. A better way to assess the dynamics of inequality in salvation markets is to look at chantries. A chantry being more costly than a fraternity membership or an anniversary – even if the variety among plain and elaborate anniversaries is accounted for – chantrification meant gentrification. 215 Urban chantry foundations in the northern Low Countries rose between 1250 and 1550. New urban chantry foundations by families also increased after 1300 and peaked between 1450 and 1500. The decline after 1500, due mainly to dwindling numbers of male lay founders, was compensated by a wave of new foundations by clergy. The absolute numbers of female lay founders hardly changed.216 This seems well in line with Mol’s analysis of 308 wills of urban and rural Frisians between 1401 and 1580, including chantry foundations as well as less expensive memoria commissions. The total numbers of these preserved Frisian wills increased over time from three in the first decade of the 15 th century to 39 in the 1540s. New chantry foundations peaked in the 1470s and declined after 1500, both in absolute and relative numbers. (Graph 1) In the 1470s, the wills mentioned seven new chantry foundations on a total of sixteen dispositions for the afterlife. 217

(all) [0.27-0.56]; Warmond (all) [0.51-0.61]; Warmond (houses) [0.20-0.34]; Zoeterwoude (all) [0.63-0.69]; Zoeterwoude (houses/mills) [0.49-0.59]. 214 Van der Helm, ‘Zoeterwoude’; NNBW 5 (1921) 859-860; cf. Kaptein, Nijverheid 134-138. 215 Trio, ‘Moordende concurrentie’ 143-146; section 6.3, below. 216 Speetjens, ‘Founder’ 205. 217 Mol, ‘Friezen’ 212. Mol counted 21 new chantry foundations between 1401 and 1550.

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50

40

30

20

10

0

KNOWN FOUNDATION YEARS ONLY ALL FIRST ATTESTATIONS

Graph 1. Chantry foundations in rural parishes, 1300-1599. Graph © 2018 Loes Hoogerbeets.

Of the 141 chantries in the rural parishes in our sample, the foundation years of 41 can be derived from a will, a deed, or some other contemporary source. The Beneficiaalboeken , for instance, refer to the will of one Hille Aeuckes who founded a chantry in Scharnegoutum in 1523.218 The numbers of the earliest attestations of these 141 chantries in periods of 25 years are shown in graph 1. They rose between 1450 and 1500, and even more steeply between 1500 and 1525, but the trend is less outspoken when only chantries with attested foundation years are counted. This is indeed more precise than counting all first attestations, as the latter only provide a terminus ante for a foundation. If the total number of memoria commissions in our sample were constant between 1450 and 1525, the increasing rates of chantrification between these years would yet support part of Van Bavel’s theorem: growing inequality in maturing markets, in this case maturing salvation markets.

218 BB 811; Roemeling, Corpus .

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1400

1200

1000

800

600

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0 1425-1449 1450-1474 1475-1499 1500-1524 1525-1549 1550-1574 1575-1599

Entire Low Countries (x10) Oirschot Baardwijk Oisterwijk Leiden

Graph 2. New external Fraternity memberships, 1425-1599 Graph © 2018 Loes Hoogerbeets.

In reality, however, the total numbers of memoria commissions during this period were not constant, if the numbers of entry fees in the accounts of the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch are any indication. Graph 2 shows that they peaked between 1500 and 1524, not only in Oirschot and Baardwijk, the two villages where the Fraternity was most successful, but in all parishes, towns, and regions where the Fraternity recruited between 1425 and 1599, including its hometown of ’s-Hertogenbosch itself. In the entire area where the Fraternity was active, the accounts show a rather constant growth between 1425 and 1524. With 657 new subscriptions, 1514 was still a very good year, second only to 1495 and 1496 (761 and 985 new subscriptions respectively). 219 Not only expensive chantry foundations, but also inexpensive Fraternity subscriptions were sold in relatively large quantities between 1500 and 1524. This bullish market was part of a larger Western European ‘devotional boom’ rather than of a trend towards greater social and economic inequality. 220 Some more aspects of these dynamic markets are discussed in the following concluding section.

219 Van Dijck, Optimaten 410-411. For good comparison, the total numbers of subscriptions in graph 2 have been divided by ten. The numbers rendered as ‘Entire Low Countries’ in that graph must hence be multiplied by ten. 220 Suykerbuyk, ‘Promotie’ 39-41, 56-57; see, however, Dombrecht, ‘Poor or rich’ (Dudzele, a village in Flanders).

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4.4. Concluding remarks In this chapter, some aspects of the commodification of memoria services were discussed. Looking at the huge numbers of subscriptions recruited by the Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady from all corners of the Low Countries and beyond – up to almost one thousand in a single year – the question arose to what extent these subscriptors were themselves treated as a commodity. It was argued that the Fraternity’s external membership was primarily a form of social capital. In plain modern English, this meant that the Fraternity was trading in trust wholesale. Yet no members, either external or other, are known to have been the subject of transfers of their commemorations. Once entered into a commitment to memoria services, the Fraternity could alienate that commitment no more than a church fabric or rectory could transfer a contracted anniversary to some third party. The founder of an anniversary or chantry, on the other hand, could make provisions for an orderly transfer of commissioned services to another provider in case the original provider would at any time be unable to guarantee its performance. In Voorburg, for instance, Jan Andriesz and his wife Ermgairt bequeathed to the local guild of Our Lady an annuity of one pound for a weekly mass. If the guild were ever liquidated, the local Holy Spirit Board – a part of the parish funds of which Jan seems to have been an administrator in 1440 – would succeed to this memoria .221 Some memoria founders in Dronrijp made similar provisions. In 1447, Oeds op de Schingen willed that if his heirs were to neglect his two perpetual anniversaries, the administration of this memoria , and the revenue from the homestead and land encumbered with it, would devolve to the local chantry priests charged with its performance. The local chantry priest Nicolaus († 1478) willed that his successor would forever celebrate Nicolaus’ anniversary with an ‘honest hand-out in church’. If he malperformed, the annuity earmarked for his services would devolve to the parson and the other priests. In Sloten, a local fraternity was given advowson of a chantry founded in 1451, but if they failed to nominate a new priest shortly after the incumbent priest had died or resigned, advowson would auomatically revert to the founder’s family. The latter apparently happened before 1506 when Stephanus filius Hugonis, a son of the founder, was posthumously attested as avowee. 222 Obviously no invisible hand but testamentary and other institutional constraints limited – and often forbade – the circulation of memoria services in rural salvation markets. In this sense these services cannot be termed a ‘commodity’ in any other than a metaphoric way. Yet from a patron’s point of view, rural salvation markets were really markets in a modern sense. To quote a

221 Van Booma, Voirburch 135, 141-142. 222 Schotanus, ‘Tablinum’ 20-22; SAA/1389/6; Kennemaria 125.

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slogan from a long-defunct British airline, medieval patrons never forgot they had a choice. Patrons paid the priests and called the tunes, be it Miserere and De profundis or a vigil of nine psalms. Such bespoke anniversaries were a far cry from the crowd-funded and uniform commemorations of tens of thousands of Fraternity members at ’s-Hertogenbosch. With the right sales pitch, however, even these intercessions could be made attractive to very demanding clients. Imagine, for instance, the Fraternity’s agent at Leiden entertaining Lord Jacop van den Woude and his spouse and his sister Lady Janna in 1464 or 1465, praising the Fraternity’s services and perhaps waving in their face a copy of the bill of pardon of 1418. Before next Candlemas, three candles destined for Warmond Hall would be shipped to Leiden. 223 Such efficient intermediaries held the key to the swift operation of factor-based salvation markets. The foundation of the Sloten chantry in 1451 is another example. After a notary public had passed the deed, the text was rushed to the bishop’s personal secretary at Utrecht, who approved it within two days instead of the full month it would take otherwise. 224 In the economy of rural salvation markets, the human factor really mattered. A variety of rural salvation markets has been discussed above. Together they attest to various economic transitions from ‘manors to markets’ in 56 rural microregions across the northern Low Countries. In Thoen’s checklist of 2004, the social dimension of such ‘social agrosystems’ is bound up with economic factors like power structures, labour relations, and income strategies. 225 In the next two chapters, the social dimension of our salvation markets is analysed in a concentric manner: local society in chapter 5, and ramifications beyond their rural microregions in chapter 6.

223 Entry fees received 1465/1466 from ‘Jacop van den Woude & joffr Janna uxor’; ‘joffr Janna van den Woud’. 224 SAA/1389/6; cf. Van Kan, ‘Van der Speck’ 420-421; on secretary Byndop: Van den Hoven, De Heren 756. 225 Van Bavel, Manors ; Thoen, ‘Agrosystems’ 48.

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Part Three. Society

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5. Local society

Leaving aside past ideologic discussions of ‘peasant societies’ and ‘village communities’, the social dimension of rural salvation markets may be pragmatically defined in terms of Bourdieu’s theory as the field where the effects of social capital are most visible – a medieval equivalent of civil society. A recent study of early modern ’s-Hertogenbosch shows how the public church as well as lay corporations contributed to the sense of an ‘imagined community’, to borrow a term from Benedict Anderson (1983). Although Anderson’s main focus is on nation-building and nationalism after the Printing Revolution, he casually mentions the medieval church as an ‘imagined religious community’ of the pre- print age, and even seems to include rural parish life in his claim that ‘all communities larger than primordial villages of face-to-face contact (and perhaps even these) are imagined’. 226 I subscribe to Anderson’s suggestion that the distinction between ‘primordial villages’ and larger ‘imagined communities’ is probably less relevant. Significant others in late medieval villages were not always met face to face but often imagined, in texts or in other objects or rituals which produced and reproduced bonds between the living and the dead. Of course most villagers commemorated were originally not strangers but often close kin of those who maintained their memoria . After two or three generations, however, this face-to-face familiarity between the living and the dead would have faded. By that time, the dead were mere names read aloud from the pulpit in the village church, once a year or every Sunday, depending on the financial means available. This function of memoria registers was comparable to that of the printing press in nation-building. They produced and reproduced bonds between the living and their deceased fellow- villagers. In addition, the sculpted tombstones and painted portraits of the very rich could serve as aide-mémoires , as could the statues and relics of the patron saints of the parish church and its chantries. These saints were imagined as powerful members of the imagined village community. The Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady in its late medieval format was an even more obvious instance of an imagined religious community. Until 1620, it provided memoria services to almost 3000 external members from 16 villages in our sample. These villagers were remembered quarterly in the Fraternity’s chapel, to the maintenance of which their subscriptions contributed. Yet most subscribers

226 Hoppenbrouwers, Drenthe 1; Burke, History 79; Vos, Burgers 386, 391; Anderson, Imagined communities 6-7, 54, 207.

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would never ever visit the chapel. Their subscriptions were handled by local agents. 227 Anderson’s lucid theorem – ‘all communities are imagined’ – makes romantic oppositions between society ( Gesellschaft ) and community ( Gemeinschaft ) obsolete. They are two sides of the same coin, one more experience-distant, the other experience-near. In this and the following chapters, rural parish life in the northern Low Countries is presented in terms of civil society and imagined community , in addition to being a factor market for social capital. The horizons of this treatment are concentric. The present chapter adopts a local horizon. Chapter 6 is about translocalities, from relations between villages, monasteries, towns and lords down to the ultimate translocality: the – imagined – community between the living and their kin in the here and hereafter. First of all, however, it may be useful to give some thought to a practical question. How do we know who was who in medieval memoria sources? The next section discusses some problems of identification.

5.1. Identifications Identification has been introduced in section 4.1, above, as a technical term for the description and modeling of input and output factors in black boxes, or in open systems in general. In everyday life the same term is a synonym of recognition, especially of persons: the identification of airplane passengers (‘May I see some ID, please?’), for instance, or the identification of victims in a crash. Every serious genealogist will agree that identifying people in the medieval past can be very difficult. One cannot always ‘know who Willem Wouters was’, but Hoppenbrouwers (1992) proposes some practical criteria to identify medieval rurals. If two or three of the following conditions are met:

1. location in time and space (both persons are attested around the same time and place); 2. agnatic kinship (both persons are attested as kin of the same relatives in the male line); 3. continuity in time (both persons are attested over time in several functions in one place);

Hoppenbrouwers assumes a match. 228 Some identifications remain uncertain, especially when near-namesakes or namesakes are listed with different spouses, or several generations of one family went by the same Christian names. The Thomas de Snepscoet who was commemorated in Oirschot in January, for example, had namesakes who were aldermen in 1364 and 1425. The first

227 Van Dijck, Optimaten ; Van Herwaarden, ‘Indulgences’ 96-100. 228 Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 123-145, esp. 141.

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Snepscoet to join the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch was a Thomaes Henricxz van Sneppenschoet (fl. Oirschot 1511). 229 Some Woudes of Warmond are also difficult to tell apart. A 16 th -century genealogy claims that ‘all lords of Woude were named Jacob’ except Sir Jan van den Woude († 1417). But who could tell whether the ‘Lord Jacob van den Woude’ credited in the memoria calendar of Warmond priory with the gift of a window was Sir Jan’s son Jacob († 1431) or his grandson Jacob († 1503)?230 Language poses problems of identification, too. Most names in accounts of the Fraternity are in the vernacular, while many in local memoria calendars like that of Oirschot are Latinised. Sometimes a calendar itself offers a translation. In Oirschot, canon Henricus de Camp alias vander Velde was commemorated in March. When he paid his entry fee to the Fraternity in 1526, he also was its local agent. His dootsculd record of in 1547 tells us that Henricus de Campo alias van Oirscot was also a chaplain at ’s-Hertogenbosch. The priest Wernerus de Merode, commemorated in Oirschot in March, is the canon Werner van Merode whose dootsculd was paid in 1495. Werner, who had studied at Cologne, was a bastard son of the local lord Jan van Merode († 1485), whom he included in his anniversary with a ‘decent lesson’ of nine psalms. To pay for it, Werner left the parish a new Bible, a chasuble, and a hand-out of rye for the canons and the chaplains. 231 His cousin Squire Werner van Merode (not in the local calendar) paid his entry fee to the Fraternity in 1498. The identification of kinship networks in parishes in our sample poses its own problems. Ideally, local memoria registers record the anniversaries of villagers with lots of kith and kin. This is most often the case in Schijndel, where fifteen recorded anniversaries include between three and six conjugal families (table 15). In Warmond Florys Claesz was commemorated with his wife, his son Ghysbrecht with wife and children, an unknown woman, and grandson Dirck Ghysbrechtsz with wife and children. They were apparently close kinsmen of the Woudes of Warmond. When Ghysbrecht was enfeoffed in 1389, Lord Jacob described him as his ‘dear cousin’.232 Fief registers are indeed a treasure trove of kinship ties between rural fief tenants and their successors, and between rural fief tenants and their lords. Between 1307 and 1599, a total of 58 ‘cousins’ are attested as fief tenants of the lords of Abcoude, Koudekerk, and Warmond, and of the lesser local lords of Alkemade Hall in Warmond and Tol Hall in Koudekerk.233 Judicial archives are

229 Frenken, Oirschot 12 and note 34; cf. Henr. Thome vanden Snepschut (obit dated Oirschot, 6 October, 1404). 230 Van der Linden, ‘Esselickerwoude’ 229; Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhaven’ 54; Gevers, ‘Warmond’. 231 Frenken, Oirschot 22, 28 and note 87; Visschedijk, Oirschot nr. 60. 232 Beijers, ‘Schijndelse familienamen’; Van Kessel, Warmond 275-276; Kort, ‘Warmond’ 716. 233 Kort, Gaasbeek ; Kort, ‘Poelgeest’; Hoek, ‘Tol’; Kort, ‘Warmond’; Hoek & Verbeek, ‘(Oud-)Alkemade’.

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another rich source for the identification of kinship. Legal matters such as wedding contracts and settlements of feuds required the consent of specific groups of kinsmen of both parties.234 The identification of kinship groups, and how they were commemorated, helps to inform us about the horizontal dimension of civil society in late medieval villages. The vertical dimension of societies is usually addressed in terms of stratifications: the identification of social and economic status groups. The social, economic and cultural status of medieval villagers is not always self-evident from local memoria registers or the accounts of the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch. In these sources Latin dominus (Middle Dutch: he (e)r), for instance, is often an identifier of priests, but it can also refer to a lord temporal or to a knight. In the latter case it is the equivalent of English ‘Sir’. It should be noted that a lord temporal could also be a knight, and that both categories often enjoyed the status of rural nobility, but neither were synonymous with it. Nobility and gentry were defined by birth, a lordship temporal was an appointed office, and ‘knight’ was a military rank. Magister (or meester , ‘Mr’ in the present study) often referred to an academic degree, but sometimes to trained professionals like goldsmiths, school teachers or chirurgeons who had never been to university. Collateral sources reflecting various identifiers of social and economic status include parliamentary convocations (Brabant, Holland), muster-rolls (Friesland, Guelders), and fiscal sources (most regions). Some fiscal sources exclusively targeted rural gentry (in Holland in 1424, table 11) or set different tariffs for nobles and commoners (in Friesland in 1578, table 9). The muster-rolls of 1552 distinguish between harness-owners and others, which also reflects stratification (table 8). 235 These horizontal and vertical dimensions will be analysed in some detail in the next two sections.

5.2. Kith and kin Kinship ( consanguinitas ) was a basic dimension of medieval Dutch society, both urban and rural. One innovation of the Lateran Council of 1215 was a redefinition of consanguinity. After 1215 it included all descendants of one couple of either paternal or maternal great-grandparents. Marriage between close kin ( maghen ende vrienden ) was forbidden, unless dispensation was granted. The important legal role of the consanguinitas in the settlement of feuds was briefly mentioned above. In 1477, for instance, three men informed the sheriff of Warmond that they had settled with the slayers of their kinsman Aelbrecht Dircxz on behalf of his entire kinship. The culprits were to pay an annuity for a perpetual weekly mass to be read for Aelbrecht on St Catherine’s altar in Warmond church,

234 Hoppenbrouwers, ‘Maagschap’. 235 Editions in Van den Arend, Baljuwschappen ; Boarnen ; Mol, Volkslegers (Friesland); Janse, Ridderschap ; Damen, Prelaten .

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and a yearly hand-out of bread to the poor on the day of Aelbrecht’s father’s anniversary. 236 Feuds (‘private wars’) between kinship networks were a functional legal institution of the medieval northern Low Countres. From the 1350s to around 1500, warring parties would identify themselves as ‘Schieringers’ and ‘Vetkopers’ in Friesland and Groningen, ‘Hooks’ and ‘Cods’ in Holland and Utrecht, or ‘Hekerens’ and ‘Bronkhorsts’ in Guelders and – again – Groningen. Such umbrella names often concealed a wide variety of private wars between all kinds of rivaling kinship groups. In Friesland, for instance, local lords in Heeg, Koudum, Longerhouw, Makkum, and Nijland were involved in a series of feuds collectively known as the ‘Donia War’. They began in 1458 when Haring Donia of Nijland attacked the nearby house of a rivaling gentleman, but the following decade saw a near-endless chain of conflicts between constantly changing alliances. Once one feud had been settled, the parties would not rest but join their kinsmen in another. 237 Feuds with a religious background are attested at the local level in some villages in Holland and Zeeland in the 14 th century: Overschie (1314), Leiderdorp (1324), Wassenaar (1338, 1365-1366), Naaldwijk (1339), and Yerseke (1379). Antheun Janse (2001) understands these heated disputes in rural parish churches over matters that seem trivial in modern eyes – priority seating in church, or the order in which the kiss of peace was shared after mass – as a means to sort out ‘minor social differences’, suggesting a basis of relative equality among the feuding parties, at least before 1400. 238 The evidence for this interpretation is circumstantial. There are no statistics to support or discredit it, but the records at least suggest that kinship networks were central to the outbreak and settlement of these feuds. Such networks were part of the rural medieval equivalent of modern civil society. Van Bavel (2010) sees the rise of these collectives as a signal of increasing pluralism and equality in local communities, but pluralism does not equal egalitarianism in a modern sense. In the Campine, for instance, the boards of most rural poor-tables were recruited from the wealthiest 30% of independent local farmers – although some more ‘democratic’ poor-tables are attested in rural Flanders. 239 The kinship networks involved in the church feuds mentioned above were not exactly commoners either. At least those listed in the records from Wassenaar qualify as local gentry. At any rate, the privileges or honours disputed in church feuds were a form of social capital which was deemed worth a fight.

236 ELO/512/437. Aelbrecht’s father is identified in this deed as Dirck Hugensz (cf. Van Kessel, Warmond 292). 237 Noomen, Stinzen 183-192; Janse, Ridderschap 413; Alma, ‘Hekerens’. 238 Janse, Ridderschap 96-98; Glaudemans, Om die wrake 141-142; Kuiken & Van Poelgeest, ‘Adelsdorp’ 62. 239 Van Bavel, Manors 308; Van Onacker & Masure, ‘Unity’ 5-6.

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Such feuds seem to have been part and parcel of the dynamics of rural society, and the settlement procedure involving maghen ende vrienden was widely accepted. Church feuds were as a rule settled in favour of the family with the oldest local rights: priority based on seniority. Hence in 1338 the lords of Wassenaar prevailed over the Raephorsts, a cadet branch of their own family, and in 1366 the Stienhuyses, kinsmen of the Raephorsts, over the Galens. 240 Perhaps, as Nigel Saul (2002) has suggested for medieval England, gentrification itself aggravated competition between families and even turned the parish church into an arena of conflict. If so, this may have created perceptions that the gentry and the parish were to some degree identical.241 No contemporary sources mention church feuds in parishes in our sample, not even in villages with major concentrations of noble houses such as Dronrijp, Koudekerk, or Warmond. A common trait of these local nobilities is that they were linked by intermarriage: The Foppingas and Ockinghas of Dronrijp, the Poelgeests and Tols of Koudekerk, and the Alkemades and Woudes of Warmond. Redmer Alma’s observation that the settlement of feuds between aristocratic families in urban and rural Groningen in the 1420s was often followed by one or more conciliatory weddings illustrates how connubia could be a stabilising factor in competitive aristocratic societies. Perhaps the connubia in Dronrijp, Koudekerk and/or Warmond also originated in settlements of undocumented feuds. A 17 th -century gazetteer claims that an undated church feud in Dronrijp caused the separation of nearby Schingen from the parish. In 1245 Dronrijp was listed as a church while Scyngghen was still a chapel.242 When – and why – Schingen became a parish is unknown. To various degrees these elite networks also dominated local memoria . In Koudekerk and Warmond – but not in Abcoude – ‘cousins’ of liege lords known from fief registers were listed in local memoria registers with surnames such as Van Alkemade, Die Bruyn, Van der Does, Van Egmont, Ouwelant, Van Tol, or Van Zuylen, or merely under patronyms, like Florys Claesz’s family. Florys’ son Ghysbrecht was nonetheless enfeoffed in 1389 with a surname (‘Van Warmond’). There is no direct evidence of actual kinship between his family and the Woudes, but it has been suggested that Florys Claesz descended from an earlier family of lords of Warmond and that the Woudes, first attested as lords in the 1280s, descended from these lords in the female line. Either way, Florys’ armorial seal of 1370 (three fusils conjoined) differed entirely from that of the Woudes. 243

240 Janse, Ridderschap 96-98; Glaudemans, Om die wrake wille 141-142; Kuiken & Van Poelgeest, ‘Adelsdorp’ 62. 241 Saul, ‘Gentry’ 260. 242 Alma, ‘Hekerens’ 24-25; Mol & Van Vliet, ‘Staveren’ 128-129; cf. Schotanus, Beschryvinge 205. 243 Kuiken, ‘Klatergoud’ 140; Gevers, ‘Van den Woude’ 99; Van Kessel, Warmond 274-276, 297.

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In spite of the cosy-sounding term ‘cousin’, relationships between fief tenants and liege lords were by definition asymmetric. Around 1200 the Saxon Mirror set out six levels of unequal feudal relations.244 Enfeoffment created certain obligations on the side of the fief tenant and his – or her – successors, who had to offer a ritual gift ( heergewade ) to their lord at every succession. If someone accepted enfeoffment from one of his peers, he would be degraded to the next lower tier, whether his new liege lord was a ‘cousin’ or not. The lords of Koudekerk and Warmond indeed never enfeoffed one another, although they were technically ‘cousins’ linked by kinship (table 13). One out of three ‘cousins’ of the Poelgeests and Woudes were registered without a surname. This may indicate that they were lower gentry or commoners, but the paternal great- grandfather of Wouter Jansz, who was commemorated in Warmond church with his wife, parents, and children, was actually a Van Warmond. He was enfeoffed as a cousin of lord Jacob van den Woude in 1430. 245 Table 15 compares the generations commemorated with Florys Claesz by means of anniversaries in Warmond and other parishes in our sample where three or more conjugal families were commemorated together, a practice recorded most often in Schijndel. The role of the conjugal (‘nuclear’) family as a basic unit of society in Western Europe most probably developed in the early 14 th century. It has been claimed that conjugal and lineal kin were increasingly commemorated to the exclusion of siblings and cognates. Hoppenbrouwers (1985) describes the several social functions of kinship networks in late medieval Holland as situational. In wedding contracts and settlements of estates and feuds, for instance, the consent of the extended kinships of both parties was required, but not for commissions of memoria services. From a breakdown of two urban and two rural memoria registers, including memoria calendars from Baardwijk and Wijk, Hoppenbrouwers nonetheless inferred a ‘salient tendency […] to drive back the notion of extended kinship’. 246 I find this tendency not so salient. The variety of degrees of kinship commemorated locally remains rather consistent through the centuries, especially if compared against Fraternity accounts. In Baardwijk and Wijk, for instance, one out of three anniversaries were for one couple, either with or without their children, followed by anniversaries for one person only (30%). Parents, either nameless or named, were still included in nearly 25% of local anniversaries, and siblings in 8%. 247 Records in the memoria calendars of Oirschot, Schijndel, and Tilburg were still more varied. All this suggests that the choice for a more or less individual memoria was not predicated on a tendency to drive back the notion of

244 Von Repgow, Saxon Mirror 64. 245 Hoek, ‘Oud-Teylingen’ 537-538; Hoek, ‘Warmond’ 730. 246 Hoppenbrouwers, ‘Maagschap’ 70, 108. 247 Hoppenbrouwers, ‘Maagschap’ 106.

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extended kinship, but rather on the choice of one or more salvation providers: a local provider and/or the Fraternity. As such institutional considerations seem to have been decisive, the variety of these memoria services is perhaps better qualified as path-dependent. As an alternative to the conjecture of a contracting kinship horizon, a notion of kinship in a different medieval context may be proposed. Medieval ius commune – not to be confused with modern English common law – was a legal discourse to reconcile local legal practices with the positive law of the Church (‘canon law’) and the body of Roman civil law that was rediscovered in the 12 th and 13th centuries. The earliest known theoretical discussion of memoria and kinship in this scholarly discourse took place in 14 th -century Italy. The key concept was substantia , an umbrella term for the heritage of a family in the broadest possible sense. This included corporeal and visible goods, both moveable and immoveable, as well as incorporeal and invisible rights and actions. Albero da Rosciate († 1354) saw memoria and dignitas as twin elements of substantia , identifying both incorporeal assets as variables dependent on the preservation of a family’s riches ( divitiae ). 248 How the substantia of a family of rural commoners could develop in late medieval Holland is illustrated by the story of Dirc Rutghersz, a humble fief tenant in Vlaardingen in 1337, and his son Rutgher.249 In 1378-1398 Dirc’s grandson Beye Rutghersz is attested as a tenant farmer in Poortugaal and Spijkenisse and in 1400 as a petty landowner in Hoogvliet, all near Rotterdam. Beye Rutghersz’s son Beye Beyensz is also attested as a tenant farmer in Poortugaal. In an unknown year Beye’s wife Lijsbet and son Beye founded a perpetual anniversary in Poortugaal church. The annual expenses for this type of memoria were modest: one pound of wax for the church, two stivers for the parson, and one-eighth measure of wheat to be shared among the poor. Two gemet of land were set as a surety for the parson’s fee and the wheat.250 The preserved local memoria register is not a calendar but a list of ‘memory lands’ out of which 134 anniversaries and eight weekly masses (‘major memoriae ’) were paid. These lands were not transferred to the church fabric or the rectory but remained private property. About 13% of the lands earmarked for anniversaries were used by Dirc Rutghersz’s offspring. 251 Four of the eight major memoriae were for Dirc Rutghersz’s descendants. 252 One was founded in 1513 and listed by the Geestelijk

248 Kuehn, Heirs 20-21. 249 After Hoek, ‘Poortugaal’, unless noted otherwise. 250 Van der Gouw, ‘Poortugaal’ nr. 98. One gemet equals about 0.4 hectare. 251 Van der Gouw, ‘Poortugaal’ nrs. 9, 39, 42, 46, 67, 83, 87, 88, 89, 90?, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105. 252 Van der Gouw, ‘Poortugaal’ nrs. 58 (a o 1512), 139 (a o 1513), 142 (a o 1513); cf. nrs. 82, 124, 138, 140, 141.

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Kantoor in 1599 as ‘a chantry on Our Lady’s altar in Poortugaal church’. The local memory lands register quotes part of the founder’s will: 253

I, Doen Beyesz, of sound mind and of my own free will, create as a perpetual foundation for the remission of my sins, a perpetual weekly mass in honour of the Holy Trinity on Wednesdays in Poortugaal church, if it does not burden the parson too much, and one shall sing De Trinitate , unimpeded by [considerations of] pastoral care. And if Wednesday is a holiday one shall do so on some other suitable day. For this the performing parson or priest shall have four Rhinish guilders, and the chaplain and verger 15 stivers each, and they shall visit [my] grave after mass and read Miserere and De profundis with all it takes. And the church shall have 10 stivers yearly for wine, wax, and bread. All this is secured in perpetuity by 5 gemet of land in Nieuw Roon [and] half of 3½ lynen in Sweerdyck […].

As was noted in section 4.3, above, chantrification often meant gentrification. Doen Beyesz brings to mind the popular wisdom that three generations make a gentleman: from his grandfather Doen Beyesz, who in 1436 bought a share in the rebuilding of a local dike and founded an anniversary, through his father Beye Doensz, who is attested as alderman (scepen ) of Poortugaal in 1458 and founded a chantry, to the younger Doen Beyesz, himself twice an alderman of Poortugaal in 1491 and 1507. As in many villages in our sample, the local lord had delegated his jurisdiction in Poortugaal to a sheriff and a college of aldermen. The island of Putten, where Poortugaal was situated, was a jurisdiction of the Gaesbekes, who were also lords of Abcoude. The elder Doen Beyesz was a client of the Gaesbekes. In 1429 he gave lord Jacob van Gaesbeke two gemet of land in Poortugaal, which Van Gaesbeke immediately handed back to him as a fief. After lord Jacob had sold his jurisdiction in Putten to the count of Holland in 1464, several generations of Doen’s descendants were added to the count’s fief registers as successors, including the younger Doen Beyesz. He was succeeded in 1515 by his son Cornelis Doe Beyesz, who was also sheriff (scout ) of nearby Albrandswaard. 254 The chantry founded by the younger Doen Beyesz was managed carefully. As a 17 th -century pedigree of his offspring explains, its founder had decided that it should always devolve ‘to the oldest and next of his descendants as a perpetual memoria ’ secured by about 35 gemet of land in Poortugaal, ‘to be conferred by the said patron or patroness to some descendant of the said founder to let him study [and] retain him as a priest at the expense of the said chantry’. In other words, the chantry had the traits of a trust fund (fideicommissum ) to keep the younger Doen’s heritage intact. Around the divitiae of his memory lands, a new family identity ( substantia ) crystallised. The pedigree attesting the eligiblity of

253 Van der Gouw, ‘Poortugaal’ nr. 142; Vervloet et al., Parenteel xxiv. 254 Hoek, ‘Putten’ 142-143; Vermaat, ‘Geslachtboom’ 110.

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Doen’s descendants to advowson of the chantry, or to an allowance paid out of its capital, was constantly updated during the next three centuries at the local courthouse.255 The heraldic representation of this rural family kept pace with their social ascent. In 1532 Cornelis Doensz sealed as sheriff of Albrandswaard with a simple owner’s mark, but his brother Beye Doensz sealed in 1545 as alderman of Poortugaal with a heraldic coat of arms (a fox rampant). Doen Willemsz, a grandson of the chantry founder, was buried in Poortugaal church in 1575 under a coat of arms with a fox perched, as was his niece Geertruyt Adriaensdr († 1598). Her husband Aert Henricksz van Driel, dikereeve and sheriff, was buried in the same church in 1596 under a double-headed eagle. The Beyesz group soon adopted this blason as their own, together with the Van Driel surname. The pedigree retroactively calls the founder ‘Doen Beyense van Driel’, claiming his birth ‘from an old noble house named Van Driel’, the lords of Driel in Guelders, and embellishing this with a spurious copy of the foundation deed purporting to be dated in 1466. 256 The 35 gemet mentioned in the pedigree has been explained as a consolidation of the 5 gemet and some lynen in the foundation deed of 1513 with memory lands of individual anniversaries and chantries of the Beyesz group listed in the local register, including Beye Doensz’s undated chantry. Yet the Geestelijk Kantoor in 1599 only recognised the lands mentioned in the deed of 1513 as former chantry land, the revenue of which would henceforth pay for the studies and salaries of Protestant ministers. 257 This decision allowed the Beyesz group to keep most of their memory lands. At the microlevel, this consolidation looks like some more circumstantial evidence of Van Bavel’s theorem that nascent markets create equality, while maturing markets increase inequality. The older generations of the Beyesz group entered the local salvation market as modest tenant farmers, and only became dominant players around 1500. The consolidation of their assets was followed in the 16 th century by a growing tendency to choose close kin as marriage partners, from 3% of attested marriages in the generation living around 1575 to 18% in the next generation.258 In spite of the latter-day claim of the Beyesz group to noble ancestry, titled nobility were entirely absent from the village community as we know it from the memory register. It makes the local salvation market in Poortugaal around 1500 look like a relatively level playing field in which a group of commoners could increase their share through networking and asset consolidation. Dirc Rutghersz’s descendants were no kin of the local lords, the Gaesbekes, but they successfully

255 Van Valkenburg, ‘Voorouders’ 131-132; 256 Vermaat, ‘Geslachtboom’ 110-111; Van Valkenburg, ‘Voorouders’ 131-136; Hoek, ‘Poortugaal’ 154-155. 257 Vervloet et al., Parenteel xii-xiv; Van der Gouw, ‘Poortugaal’ nrs. 46, 87, 101, 102, 103, 105, 141, 142. 258 Van Valkenburg, ‘Voorouders’ 135-136.

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built up their memoria and dignitas , in other words: their substantia . This could be rather more difficult in a highly aristocratised salvation market like Warmond, where the Woudes ruled supreme, or in Koudekerk, where a connubium of local lords and gentry dominated commemoration in the parish. In terms of wealth distribution, however, Poortugaal (G = 0.66) still seems less egalitarian than Warmond (G= 0.55), if distributions of real estate values in these two villages in the 1540s are a valid measure (see section 4.3). The next section will take a closer look at matters of stratification.

5.3. Stratifications The simplest way to express stratification is a distinction between ‘high’ and ‘low’ society, or ‘elites’ and ‘commoners’. In this rather crude model, social mobility is either upward or downward. Cultural assets and practices can also move up or trickle down the social ladder. In the latter case such assets and practices become gesunkenes Kulturgut , as older German scholarship calls it. There is evidence that between 1000 and 1500 the medieval practice of memoria also trickled down, first from prelates to lay princes and aristocrats, and then further down to the gentry and the common folk. 259 In chapter 4, above, the economic aspect of this process was described as commodification. A possible implication of this trickle-down is Alvin Toffler’s famous ‘Law of Raspberry Jam’: the wider culture is spread, the thinner it becomes. The foundation of memoria institutions by early and central medieval princes and prelates – and by later local nobles with dynastic aspirations – indeed seems worlds apart from the massive sale of simple intercessions by an entrepreneurial Fraternity. In terms of stratification, however, the devil is in the detail, especially in the intermediate zone between the worlds of princely aristocrats and what was commonly seen as ‘commoners’. To quote Giles Constable (1995), medieval societies were divided in many different ways and people classified by many criteria, which often cut across and sometimes contradicted one another. 260 The ‘third estate’ of traditional medieval stratification, for instance, was no homogeneous middle class in any modern sense but a highly complex and dynamic field of competing elites and subelites, and the anniversaries commissioned by them were all but uniform. The most elaborate services were commissioned by urban elites in Flanders. Some are also attested in Leiden (see section 3.5, above). In the villages in our sample, however, anniversaries were as a rule rather modest. This finding is in line with an older study of a rural memoria register from the Namur region. 261 Either way our original question, how stratifications were reflected in rural memoria registers, must perhaps include

259 Neubauer, ‘Rhetorical uses’ 89; Bijsterveld, Do ut des 183-186; Trio, ‘Moordende concurentie’ 142. 260 Toffler, Culture consumers 212; Constable, Three studies 252, 279. 261 Trio, ‘Moordende concurrentie’ 143-146, after Genicot, Une source .

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how far memoria practice really trickled down rural society, and perhaps also how thin it was spread. In 1504, during the heyday of memoria practice, there could be little doubt who topped the social ladder in Warmond, our reference parish. Lady Reynout van den Woude proudly led the list of obits in the roll of the local guild. She had also cleaned up the books of this local fraternity, and probably even written the guild-roll herself. The Woudes are also the family commemorated most frequently in the surviving memoria calendar of Warmond church, which was set up during Lady Reynout’s life. The ambitious memoria programs in the wills of some Woudes reflect their status as local nobles with near-princely aspirations. The main theatre for their frequent and lavish commemorations was the parish church, but there were important side-shows in other local institutions which provided memoria services: in the priory and the convent, both founded by the family, and in their manorial chapel, which also accommodated the guild-altar of St Matthew. By most medieval standards, however, the ranking of members and their obits in the Warmond guild-roll was atypical. Normally clergy preceded nobility, as in the roll of Our Lady’s Guild of Venray. The latter is headed ex aequo by two ‘pastors’, one at Venray and one at Oostrum, followed by local gentry. Oostrum, where the guild was domiciliated, was really a dependent chapel of Venray, for in 1535 the local chaplain had to ask the parson at Venray permission to perform a joint anniversary for deceased guild members in the chapel where they were buried. These rituals indeed created such a sense of ‘we-ness’ among the guild members that their chapel was called a ‘church’ in the title of a register of revenues, which was kept by the guild from 1533 to 1558. 262 In Warmond, the lord and lady came first, followed by local secular clergy, a bailiff, a sheriff, common villagers, and finally members from Leiden and elsewhere. On the one hand, both rolls show village associations which included all three orders of society and offered decent funerals and collective commemoration in a relatively egalitarian context, which followed the centuries-old paradigm of a prayer community. 263 On the other hand the Warmond roll also shows how the Woudes had come to dominate local civil society, like the Boetzelaers in Groessen and the Poelgeests in Koudekerk. In the 1560s parson Jacob Vallick of Groessen told his flock: ‘First of all you must know, my dear parishioners, gentlemen and commoners, clergy and laity, young and old, etcetera , that the lord of Boetzelaer Hall, on yonder side of Kalkar, has always been the avowee of our church at Groessen, of which parishioners own the presentation. As long as we nominate someone able and capable, the

262 Janssen, Oostrum 84, 87, 100-121. 263 Bijsterveld & Trio, ‘Broederschap’ (2006) 39-41.

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squire of Boetzelaer should accept him.’ With these words, parson Vallick opened his kerckenboeck or memoriael , written to instruct later generations on ‘all that concerns our church of Groessen and the entire parish, the rectory, the chantries, the vergery, and their due duties, and the foundations of memoriae and anniversaries to be performed’. Vallick, himself the natural son of a parish priest or parson, reserved the right to elect three churchwardens: one cleric, one gentleman, and one commoner. All three should be ‘good people’ without heretic or rebellious inclinations. 264 A cleric, a gentleman, and a commoner – in this phrase Vallick obviously follows the classic medieval doctrine of the three orders, the praying, the fighting, and the working. The Boetzelaers may have lorded over Groessen but on a daily basis clergy preceded gentry, and gentry commoners. These different social groups all cherished different perspectives on stratification, each with their own moral and legal implications. Piety was a favoured yardstick of theologians and other clergy, virtue and honour were most valued by aristocrats, as was wealth among commoners. Yet another medieval perspective on stratification is formulated by Willem van Hildegaersberch, a 14 th -century court poet in Holland. Staet , as he names it, was somewhere halfway a legal order defined by birth and a social class defined by wealth. Staet has also been compared to the modern idea of a lifestyle:

The modern concept of ‘status’ is almost entirely subsumed by the external assessment of a few (economic, political, cultural) traits of a person. To this, medieval staet adds […] the legally and politically determined position that both allowed and required a certain lifestyle.265

A textbook case is the position in 15 th -century Holland of so-called ‘well-born men’, untitled and sometimes impoverished descendants of knights and squires who yet enjoyed ‘noble’ prerogatives such as tax exemptions and hunting rights. Their staet required them to abstain from manual labour and to inhabit a castle, or at least a defendable moated site. If they were caught tilling land – many indeed lived as what we would call gentlemen-farmers now – they could forfeit their privileges. 266 Most exemptions for well-borns in Holland ended in 1424. In that year, well- born heads of households were listed in a tax register (table 11). 267 In Hazerswoude and Voorburg, one out of ten qualified as such, and in Zoeterwoude one out of four. Numbers in Koudekerk can be estimated between 37% and

264 Van der Heijden, ‘Groessen’ 1, 17, 68-93, 98-100; see also Des Tombe, Boetzelaer , especially 350-367. 265 Janse, Ridderschap 41. 266 Janse, Ridderschap 38-42. 267 In Wijk and nearby parishes, well-borns were already fully taxed in 1375 (Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 177- 179).

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59%. 268 This would imply that almost each second Koudekerker was well-born. These unlikely high numbers of ‘nobles’ can be explained by an inflation of the term, which in turn was predicated on downward social mobility. Many well- borns also held lands in fee or fief only. Tax exemptions for nobles, knights, and gentlemen varied between different parts of the Low Countries. Exemptions for nobles did not exist in Friesland and Guelders. In 1369, titled nobles in southwestern Guelders were taxed at a par with untitled commoners. In 1460, one out of twenty heads of family were listed there as nobles and/or knights. The latter may sound to us as a tautology, but ‘knight’ referred to military rank and ‘noble’ to membership of the ‘second estate’, one of the three legal orders defined by birth. A knight could be of free noble ancestry, but many more came from families of former bondservants. In Guelders, most knights listed around 1400 in the Gelre Armorial were of the latter category. 269 In rural Utrecht, a tax exemption for ‘right nobles and knights’ who kept a fortified manor with a drawbridge was introduced by the bishop as late as 1512. Exempt manors were listed in Mijdrecht in 1536, and in Lopik in 1538. Abcoude, not unlike Warmond, was the see of a high seignory, which was exempt under a different statute.270 Clergy were always first estate, on top of the social ladder, whether they were high-ranked absentee parsons or their more humble substitutes. This also appears from the rankings of village delegates in two tax surveys taken in Holland in 1494 and 1514. In one case only (Warmond in 1494), the delegation was headed by the local lord. In all other reports, clergy were listed first: the parson in Hazerswoude (1514), Warmond (1514), Wijk (1494, 1514) and Zoeterwoude (1494, 1514), his substitute in Koudekerk (1514) and Sloten (1494), and sometimes a chaplain (Baardwijk, 1514). The parsons of Hazerswoude and Zoeterwoude registered in 1514 as brethren of the Order of St John. Indeed their commandery at Haarlem had advowson of these two parishes. In 1514 the parson of Sloten was recused for being ill. Two aldermen reported on his behalf. Vergers were not considered clergy. In 1514, the verger of Vlijmen was listed after the deputy sheriff (onderschout ). 271 In late medieval Noord-Brabant, the rural clergy were socially divided between parsons who held a benefice in their own name and their actual substitutes (deservitores ), although some of the latter were close kinsmen of the former. There were even entire ‘dynasties’ of parish priests like the Van Broechovens. Vlijmen was among the several parishes where they served (table

268 Van den Arend, Baljuwschappen 471-477; Koene, ‘Welgeboren’ 14; Kuiken and Van Poelgeest, ‘Memory’ 50-52. 269 Van Winter, ‘Ridderschap’; Gelre nrs. 1169-1270. 270 Van Drie, ‘Inhoud en gebruik’; Plomp, ‘Een boer’ 91. 271 Bijsterveld, Do ut des 208-210; Enqueste , especially 155-156; Informacie , especially 50, 299, 305, 450.

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16). A few rural medieval priests in Brabant, and very few in Friesland, could be related to regional nobility.272 The surviving accounts of the cathedral archdeaconry of Utrecht suggest that rural parish priests of noble or knightly families were also rare in Holland, at least in the parishes in our sample, although some noble or well-born priests served on rural chantries founded by their own families. In Warmond, our reference parish, at least one parson was of noble or well-born descent. In 1477 parson Mr Kerstant Pietersz sealed a deed for the local lord Jacob van den Woude – also the avowee of the parish church, and married to Lady Janna van Poelgeest – with the differenced coat of arms of the Poelgeests, the lords of nearby Koudekerk. Mr Kerstant was indeed Lady Janna’s kinsman. In 1527 his great-nephew Henrik Simonsz registered as a well-born man of Rijnland.273 Among the several secular village officers reporting in Holland in 1494 and 1514, bailiffs and sheriffs ranked first, and bailiffs before sheriffs. In theory, both types of judges were appointed by the county. In practice they were clients, and often kinsmen, of local lords. In 1487, for instance, the sheriff of Koudekerk sealed with the arms of Poelgeest differenced. Louw Gerritsz van Koudekerk, a son of this sheriff, was listed as a well-born man in 1526, as were sheriffs of Alphen, Nieuwveen, and Zevenhoven. 274 Being well-borns, these sheriffs belonged to the second estate, as did bailiffs. 275 Bailiffs tried crimes and cases against other well-borns, while sheriffs only tried minor offences. As a judge, a bailiff presided over a jury of well-borns and a sheriff over a jury of aldermen. As delegates in 1494 and 1514, aldermen followed sheriffs but preceded local officers in charge of dike maintenance: ambochtsbewaerders , gezworenen , heemraeden or waerscippe . The earliest preserved account by two ambochtsbewaires of Koudekerk was filed in 1440. Their duties were part local and part translocal. As a rural precinct (ambocht ) of the Hoogheemraadschap of Rijnland, Koudekerk was not only responsible for local dike and sluice maintenance, but also for a segment of a common dam near Haarlem. Expenses were reported to the Hoogheemraadschap yearly. In 1514, delegates from Baardwijk were listed as a very young chaplain, a sheriff, an alderman, and two gezworenen .276 The most reliable identifiers of commoners in the surveys of 1494 and 1514 are ‘farmers’ (buyren ) and ‘housemen’ ( huysluyden ). In 1514 the buyren reporting from Voorburg and Warmond also identified as ambochtsbewaerders,

272 Bijsterveld, Laverend 124-128; Roemeling, Heiligen 278-279. 273 Kennemaria 124, Rijnlandia 8, 14, 119, Delflandia 184, Zuydhollandia 114; ELO/512/19; Costumen 79. 274 Janse, Ridderschap 146; The Hague/NA/3.18.30.01/207; Costumen 78. 275 Cf. Pieter Symonsz, bailiff of Hazerwoude in 1514 and a well-born man in 1523 ( Enqueste 150; Costumen 75). 276 Janse, Ridderschap 49, 146; Sloof, Ambachtsrekeningen 1-2, 20; Informacie 433.

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and those from Voorburg as ambochtsbewaerders and schotgaerders (tax collectors). But not all ambochtsbewaerders and heemraeden were commoners. In 1400, one Symon van Warmonde sealed as a heemraet of , where he was taxed as a well-born in 1424. But Symon was also a sheriff in 1394, and a burgess of Leiden in 1399. 277 This illustrates how medieval stratifications indeed cut across each other, and also how mobile the rural gentry often was. The literary metaphor of a permanent but delicate osmosis between villages and towns, and also across social strata, seems to apply here. 278 These and other translocalities will be discussed in chapter 6. The three to six villagers who represented each village in 1494 and 1514 were by definition a small elite of ‘good men’ ( goede luyden ) of a certain social standing, if not always clerics or well-borns. The buyren and huysluyden among them were uncommon commoners, well-placed to act as a pivot between the titled nobility, the towns, and the farmers, each with their particular interests. The question may be asked how much sense the English term ‘gentry’ makes in this continental context. In England, a gentleman is a lesser rural aristocrat who is not a peer, but has been granted the right to a coat of arms. John Shakespeare of Stratford-on-Avon, the Bard’s father, is a familiar example. Saul (2002) sums up the position of English medieval landed gentry as follows: 279

The richer gentry identified less readily with the parish and parochial institutions than their poorer cousins. The grander gentry thought in terms of manors and lordships, not parishes, and there was little or no overlap between their territorial interests and the boundaries of the parish. They usually had chapels in their own manor houses, which relieved them of the obligation to attend local church. Yet the richer gentry did not entirely neglect the parish church. They were among its greatest benefactors. They often paid for important building works and in some cases had responsibility for appointing the parson. Even so, the lesser gentry established the stronger bond with the parish. These lesser proprietors filled the leading parish offices.

Some of this resonates when we look at rural elites in the medieval Low Countries, especially when considering the manorial chapels of some lords, and the local offices held by rural subelites. The manors ( castra ) of the lords of Warmond and Koudekerk, for instance, both had their own chapel. The few known altarists of St Lawrence in castro de Poelgest at Koudekerk were kinsmen of the local lords. 280 The only historiographic problem of the term ‘gentry’ may be that it has been traditionally associated in English with upward mobility (‘the gentry is always on the rise’). This seems to fit the Beyensz group of Poortugaal,

277 Informacie ; Fannee, Waremunde 232; Van den Arend, Baljuwschappen 474. 278 Higounet-Nadal, Périgueux I-75; cf. Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 172. 279 Marshall, Gentry xv-xvi; Edmondson, ‘Shakespeare’ 89-94; Saul, ‘Gentry’ 259-260 (paraphrased). 280 Rijnlandia 16 (a footnote mislocates this chapel in Koudekerke in Zeeland), 124.

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even if their claim to ‘noble’ ancestry were credible. It was indeed not uncommon for rural commoners to pose as victims of downward mobility when claiming well-born privilege, and perhaps the well-born in Holland must be qualified as gentry in reverse gear. On the other hand, the English paradigm of a gentry on the rise is echoed in older studies of medieval Friesland, which has often been imagined as an egalitarian rural community. In spite of the rarity of hierarchic feudal relations for most of the Middle Ages, however, rural Friesland – and, witness abbot Emo’s chronicle of Wittewierum, rural Groningen, too – was dominated by competing elites from at least the 13 th century to the end of the Dutch Republic. 281 The first known official registration of 243 local noblemen (hofflinghen ) in Friesland is of 1504. They were not listed by village or parish but by district. Some districts such as Ooststellingwerf and had no resident nobles at all, and a dozen hofflinghen were mentioned without a fixed abode. 282 Half a century later, in 1552, emperor Charles V ordered the enlistment of all able-bodied heads of families in his United Provinces. Only some Frisian and Guelrian muster-rolls have survived. 283 Table 8 shows the numbers of Frisian villagers from our sample ordered to appear in ‘full armour’, supposedly including a gorget and armpieces, or ‘half armour’, perhaps only a cuirass and a morian. If the roll for Hommerts, which begins with a fully harnessed ‘lordship’ (heerscap ) of the Hettinga family, is checked against the local memoria calendar, three other harnessed and two unharnessed villagers were commemorated in Hommerts, as were two gentlemen not enlisted in 1552. A case of osmosis is Sibrant Attez († 19 August, 1561), commemorated in Hommerts but enlisted in 1552 as a villager of nearby with a sword and a spear – apparently without a harness. Feycke Herez, enlisted with a harness, gorget, sword, and spear in Hommerts in 1552, died in Hommerts in 1577 at ripe old age and, as the parson noted ruefully, as a ‘pious Catholic’.284 Such collateral sources, and tax registers as well, show how medieval authorities assessed the economic, political and cultural traits of their rural subjects. A good but rather late example are the accounts of the Personele Impositie , a personal tax on the right to wear silk imposed by the States General at Brussels in 1578. After much debate, it was implemented in Friesland only. The decree of 1578 claimed that people had been spending on silk and other costly clothes so excessively that one could hardly tell maids from ladies, and

281 Saul, ‘Gentry’ 8, 243, 299-300; Noomen, Stinzen 77-81, 93-101, 242-243; cf. Mol, Volkslegers 30-36. 282 Winsemius, Chronijk 402-404. 283 Mol, Volkslegers 181-328; GA/124/2018. 284 Mol, Volkslegers 318-319; Van Borssum, ‘Hommerts’ 46, 51; on the Hettingas: Noomen, Inventarisatie 438-439.

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squires from burgesses and common merchants. To remedy this – and the financial straits of the United Provinces – a new silk tax was introduced. 285 These registers indicate how social distinctions were perceived in 1578. The top tax bracket in villages in our sample was twelve guilders for sheriffs, dikereeves, and untitled nobility. Rural parsons and chantry priests were taxed up to six guilders, people of independent means ten, tenant farmers three, and others according to wealth. Table 9 lists residents of the villages in our sample taxed five guilders or more in 1578. Dronrijp had the most nobles in the twelve guilders bracket. There were also noble sees in Anjum, Koudum, Makkum, and Warga, but the registers of 1578 do not tax any nobles living there. 286 Absentee landownership may explain much of this discrepancy.

90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

Abcoude Hazerswoude Koudekerk Oirlo to 1600 Other Total Graph 3 Frequencies of prescribed numbers of candles Graph © 2018 Loes Hoogerbeets.

285 Boarnen 155-395. 286 Noomen, Stinzen 220; idem, Inventaris.

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In addition to these data from various administrative sources, the local memoria registers and the accounts of the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch also show social stratifications in our villages: directly by the addition of titles, predicates and/or professions to memoria records, and indirectly by the listing of different numbers of candles to be lit during vigils and anniversaries.(Graph 3) Numbers of candles are specified in a dozen or more entries in local registers from Abcoude, Hazerswoude, Koudekerk, and Oirlo, and in a few entries from Berlicum, Lopik, Poortugaal, Venray (Oostrum), Voorburg, and Wijk. In Abcoude, 82% of anniversaries were lit by nine candles, and the preceding vigils by numbers varying between three and nine. ‘Double-niners’ were Jacob Leeu Ianz († 1507) and his wife and parents; Aelbert Dirckz and Jan Aelbertsz Hoechlant and their wives; Wernaer Heynesz and his wife; the parson Cosmas Herbersz; and Bruninck Spruijt († 1444), whose family were accredited as well- born burgesses in Leiden. Jacob Leeu and his wife are also attested as founders of a chantry for St James the Apostle in 1503. 287 No members of the lordly family of Abcoude and Putten could be identified in this register. Lord Sweer († 1400) was commemorated by the Carmelites of Haarlem, whose prayer community he joined in 1386, and in the collegiate church of Geervliet near Poortugaal, founded in 1308 by an earlier lord and lady of Putten. In 1376 Lord Sweer had added five new prebends to this chapter. 288 In Hazerswoude 69% of anniversaries were lit by one to four candles, two candles being most common. Anniversaries and numbers of candles vary between the two surviving memoria registers of Oirlo, a cartulary compiled in 1686 by the parson and another priest (‘Oirlo A’) and a calendar in a visitation report dated 1707 (‘Oirlo B’). 289 The earliest dated anniversary in Oirlo A is for the priest her Willem van der Heiden (fl. 1383) and his parents Gaert van Jansloe and Elizabet. Their anniversary was to be lit with three candles and included a weekly mass and grave visit, but Oirlo B lists them with a common anniversary without candles, quoting the family’s ‘shallow funds’. The youngest dated anniversary, for parson Cornelius Janssens (fl. 1686) and his parents, has seven candles in both registers. In addition to Van der Heiden’s, three anniversaries founded before 1600 also made it into the visitation report: for Jan Coppen (fl. 1554) and his family, with eight candles in 1686 and five in 1707; Lysbet Jan Hennykens (fl. 1558) with five candles in 1686 and three in 1707; and Jan Theuwen (fl. 1586) and his family, again with five candles in 1686 and three in 1707. For Hazerswoude, Koudekerk, and Voorburg, the names of parishioners in local memoria registers can be checked against the lists of taxed well-borns of 1424. There are no matches in Hazerswoude. Most Hazerswouders who were

287 Grevenstuk, ‘Abcoude’ nrs. 52-54, 68, 72, 82; on the Spruyts in Leiden Brand, Over macht 250. 288 Hoynck, Analecta 159-246; NA/3.19.43/10; Kuys, Repertorium 110. 289 GAV/67/11; RHCL/14.A002A/1013. In figure 6.2.1, only anniversaries founded before 1600 are counted.

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remembered with four candles, including two members of the lordly Van Mondtvoert family, were listed as heer and one as a magister (Mr Jan van Egmondt). Tailor Jan Gherytz van Waert and his wife and children were commemorated with two candles. 290 The younger of the two registers of Koudekerk, completed in 1552, has 41 memoriae with prescribed numbers of candles: nine for all eight memoriae of the lordly Van Poelgeest family and for the memoriae of three well-born families, two of which were cadet branches of the Poelgeests. The third family, the Kets, bore the coat of arms of the well-born Van Leeuwen family. The well-born Louweris Gerritsz mentioned above, his father sheriff Gherit Willemsz, Claes van Leeuwen, and three others were commemorated with six candles, and Oeloff Dirricksz van Leeuwen with five. Three candles were set for the memoria of one young Dirc, attested as a commoner in 1371.291 Of twelve well-born residents taxed in Voorburg in 1424, only Dirc van Voirburch († 1438, in 1424: ‘Dirc van den Burch’), his sister Lady Ermgaert († 1438), and Florys Willemsz van Berghen (in 1424: ‘Flor Willemsz’) were commemorated, without any mentioning of candles. In 1435 Dirc and Florys were also churchwardens of Voorburg. One other well-born man, Wermbout Meesz (in 1424: ‘Wermbout Bertelmeesz’), was witness to Florys Willemsz van Berghen’s will in 1450. 292 The well-born Van Tol family of Koudekerk is worth a little digression. The most illustrious perpetual memoria in the younger parson’s register was for young Floris van Tol († 1428), who was commemorated with twelve candles. Young Floris was indeed the most illustrious member of his family. Introduced by his father-in-law Jan van Poelgeest to Count Albrecht’s court, he was castellan of the count’s hunting lodge at Teylingen, bailiff of The Hague, and an executive member of the dike board of Rijnland. Several earlier and later generations were commemorated with five or six candles, reflecting the social ups and downs of these relative newcomers in Koudekerk. The oldest local generation, settled here in 1306, was originally from Voorburg. No well-born Van Tols were taxed in Voorburg in 1424, or commemorated in the memoriboec of that parish.293 Young Floris’ commemoration, which literally outshone those of all other Koudekerkers, seems to have a parallel in that of a cleric mentioned in a list of 1486 from Sloten church. Six of the seven memoriae listed then were plain anniversaries, some with a yearly intercession pronounced on the pulpit, but Mr Jan van Ostrop’s included an anniversary and weekly intercessions with grave visits ‘beneath the chancel’, where the parson should pray for Mr Jan and his kin.

290 Van den Arend, Baljuwschappen 475; Gonnet, ‘Hazerswoude’ 205, 207, 210. 291 Kuiken & Van Poelgeest, ‘Adelsdorp’; Van Zijl, ‘Koudekerk’ 212; the Ket blason in Bloys, Zuid-Holland 136. 292 Van den Arend, Baljuwschappen 476; Van Booma, Voirburch nrs. 1, 263, 335, 361, 365. 293 Kuiken & Van Poelgeest, ‘Adelsdorp’.

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For this the parson was paid ten stivers and each attending priest three groats. The parson should also celebrate an anniversary for all faithful souls on 28 October. In 1472 Mr Jan, a graduate from Louvain, was a court chaplain to the count of Holland and dean of the chapter of St Mary at The Hague, where he was buried in an unknown year. ‘Ostrop’ may indeed refer to Osdorp near Sloten, but Mr Jan’s early relations with the lords of Wassenaar suggest that his roots were in Oostdorp near Wassenaar. Either way the place of honour where his family was commemorated in Sloten seems to eclipse the side altar and chantry of St Anthony founded in that church by a local commoner in 1451.294 There is no list of taxed well-borns in Sloten, but Bert Koene (1997) has estimated their number in 1423 at seven – indeed, more or less accidentally, the number of anniversaries listed in 1486. 295 The entries in the three remaining parishes – Berlicum, Poortugaal, and Venray (Oostrum) – are too few for a breakdown, but it is noteworthy that the only entry in Poortugal prescribing a number of candles was for the verger Bey Adriaensz († 1523), a member of the ambitious Beyesz group. 296 The candle counts in Abcoude, Hazerswoude, and Koudekerk suggest that the numbers of candles prescribed in memoria services indicated social status and/or staet rather than mere material wealth. In Koudekerk a standard of nine candles applied to titled nobility, while illumination for untitled (or ‘well-born’) gentlemen like the Van Tols fluctuated with individual fortunes. The gentry in later medieval Holland were not always on the rise, and what went up could come down as well. We may also consider the data from Oirlo in this light, but with some caution. The decline of the Van der Heidens between 1383 and 1707 seems obvious, but anniversaries in Oirlo in general were probably performed with less pomp and fewer candles in 1707 than intended originally. The reasons underlying this trend, however, are beyond the – medieval – scope of the present study. This aside, the Jan Coppen who in 1554 ordered an anniversary in Oirlo with eight candles was probably as prominent as Bruninck Spruyt was in Abcoude, or young Floris van Tol in Koudekerk.

5.4. Concluding remarks This concludes our reflections on some rural local societies in the late medieval Low Countries, and the ways in which families and individuals were commemorated in and by them. The dynamics of kinship networks were presented in the preceding chapter as a horizontal dimension, and various – and often intersecting – perceptions of stratification as a vertical dimension of these communities.

294 Grijpink, ‘Sloten’; Damen, Staat 480-481; Rijnlandia 111, 127; Prins, ‘Grafstenen’ 457; SAA/1389/6. 295 Koene, ‘Welgeboren’ 17-19. 296 RHCL/14.A002A/1013; Van der Gouw, ‘Poortugaal’ nr. 122 ( soo sal die coster jaerlix setten 3 eerlicke kaerssen ).

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Hoppenbrouwers’ suggestion that perceptions of kinship contracted in the course of the later Middle Ages could not be confirmed from the rural memoria registers in our sample. Instead, the range of commemorated individuals, close kin, and sometimes unnamed ancestors, was found to vary locally and among providers, with Schijndel in Campine Brabant as the rural parish with the most conjugal families commemorated together, and the Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady at ’s-Hertogenbosch focusing almost exclusively – and massively – on individual commemorations. Instead of contraction, a tendency of consolidation of family interests – also concerning memoria – was noticed in some parishes, for instance in the rise of the Beyenz group of Poortugaal. Between 1300 and 1500, these humble tenant farmers became local gentry with a chantry in which the holdings of several earlier –more or less individual – anniversary foundations were merged. A new coat of arms and a new surname were part of the invented tradition inspired by this merger. On the other hand, downward social mobility is associated in Dutch historiography with a category of local gentry known as ‘well-borns’: descendants of knights unable to maintain a noble or knightly life-style ( staet). In parishes where the numbers of candles prescribed for anniversaries were an indicator of social status and/or staet – the medieval Latin term substantia includes both – the ups and downs of different individuals and branches of well- born families can be followed closely. In Koudekerk, for instance, the illustrious courtier Floris van Tol was commemorated with twelve candles, but less successful branches of his family with five or six. The local standard for both titled nobility and well-borns was nine candles. In Poortugaal, the only known villager commemorated with any candles at all (three) was a verger who belonged to the Beyenz group. To these discussions of horizontal and vertical dynamics and their representations in rural memoria practice, a necessary third dimension will be added in the next chapter. Under Arjun Appadurai’s motto of ‘translocalities’, the wider social ramifications of the salvation markets in our sample will be explored: their relations to nearby towns, absentee landowners, etcetera.

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6. Translocalities

Arjun Appadurai (1996) defines translocalities as ‘concrete local spaces characterised by a high density of global flows of things, money, information, people, and imaginations […] whose dimension of everyday life constantly refers and links to other more distant places’ . Accordingly, medieval churches were translocalities par excellence . Even in the smallest villages in our sample, the parish church was a node in a network reaching from Rome to rural realities – a conduit of money, information, and imaginations of distant places, from Jerusalem to heaven, hell, and purgatory.297 On the other hand, even if all churches were translocalities, some churches, or institutions contained in them, were more translocal than others. A cathedral was the see of a bishop, who was a direct representative of the ultimate spiritual authority of the Western Church. The foundation of a monastery not only needed the backing of local authorities but also of a monastic order, and was henceforth inspected on a regular basis by senior monastics from outside its own microregion. Even the foundation of a chantry or the appointment of a new chantry priest required episcopal approval. A common commemoration in a parish church, however, be it an anniversary with a vigil or a Sunday intercession announced from the pulpit, could simply be arranged with a local priest. The power basis of secular rulers in most villages also had a translocal dimension. The courts of the dukes and counts of Brabant, Guelders, and Holland and the bishops of Utrecht were thriving job markets for ambitious urbanites as well as capable rurals in search of offices. Parsons, but also owners of jurisdictions whose core duty it was to chair rural tribunals of law, could hire locals as substitutes. Rural parsons with more pressing business elsewhere often hired a local priest (a deservitor or vicecuratus ) to read mass and provide spiritual care to their flocks, and lords temporal often employed locals, mostly kinsmen, to act as a sheriff or bailiff when tribunal was in session. Tensions between town and country sometimes seem to dominate rural history. In Holland in 1494 and 1514, for instance, many villagers complained of absentee landowners, mostly urbanites, who lived off their leaseholds without paying local taxes. In 1514 a delegation from Sloten and Osdorp claimed that 70% of all land in their villages was owned by outsiders (table 11). At that time their lord temporal resided in Vianen in Utrecht, but in 1531 he sold his jurisdiction – which he formally held in fief from the count of Holland – to the town magistrate of

297 Appadurai, Modernity 192; cf. Brown, Society 130; Kroesen & Steensma, Interior 10.

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Amsterdam. This gave Amsterdammers who owned land in Sloten and Osdorp an even greater say in village affairs. 298 Yet the intimate ties between towns and villages could also reveal themselves more subtly. The local memoria registers of Berlicum, Oirschot and Schijndel, for instance, commemorate several villagers with urban interests, and vice versa . The in-laws of the painter Jheronimus Anthonisz van Aken (‘Jheronimus Bosch’) were landed in Oirschot. Around 1480, when his prenuptials were signed, his fiancee Aleid van den Merenvenne owned land in Oirschot, and in 1484 the couple inherited a fief in Oirschot from Aleid’s brother. Aleid was perhaps commemorated in Oirschot in February as Aleydis dicta de Aken. The Johannes dictus van den Merenvenne commemorated in December can be identified with some more certainty as a member of Aleid’s family.299 In 1487 Jheronimus joined the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch, as his father-in-law had done in 1448 and his wife in 1469. In later years he received several commissions from the Fraternity. 300 His famous triptych The garden of earthly delights (c. 1500) seems to include a rather unkind pun on Oirschot. On the gruesome inner righthand panel (‘hell’), Bosch painted an ear ( oir ) pierced (‘shot’) by an arrow. The following sections will further explore such translocal ties from a memoria perspective: firstly representations of absentee lords and landowners in local and other memoria sources, and secondly the embedding of memoria foundations such as chantries in translocal networks. A separate section is reserved for translocal disasters such as plague and war, and their social effects. By way of a finale, the penultimate translocality will be visited in the footsteps of a 14 th -century knight.

6.1. Absence and representation It was explained above that Latin dominus or Middle Dutch he (e)r could refer to priests, owners of jurisdictions (‘lords temporal’), or knights. Lords of all these three varieties were commemorated in the Cistercian priory at Warmond, founded in 1413 by Sir Jan van den Woude, lord of Warmond, on land originally donated by Count Albrecht, the lord temporal of Holland. Sir Jan, Count Albrecht, and Sir Jan’s parson heer Thomas Blauwert all had their anniversaries inscribed in the priory’s memoria calendar. Most Woudes were permanent residents of Warmond – only one Jacob became a burgess of Leiden in 1472 – but Count Albrecht was not, and Blauwert was a canon of St Mary’s at Utrecht who subcontracted his

298 Informacie ; Enqueste ; Kort, ‘Kennemerland’ nr. 169. 299 Van der Velden, ‘Berlicum’ 71; Frenken, Oirschot 16, 78. 300 Van Dijck, Optimaten 140-142.

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pastoral duties in Warmond.301 His claustral mansion in Utrecht was bought in 1539 by the painter , who was also a canon of St Mary’s. 302 Count Albrecht was the most conspicuously absent lord commemorated in Warmond. He was not buried here but probably in his court chapel at The Hague, next to his first spouse. Another institution where he was remembered was a monastery in Leiderdorp near Leiden, where monthly memoria services for the count and his family were commissioned in 1398. In that year the count became protector of the canons regular of Leiderdorp – obviously in return for these services, for reciprocity of favours ( do ut des , or ‘tit for tat’) was carefully observed in most salvation markets. In 1415 Albrecht’s son Duke John and in 1422 John and his spouse gave land to Warmond priory for their parents’ memoria . Duke John and Duchess Elizabeth also had their own anniversaries in this priory, but Duke John was buried in 1425 in the church of the Blackfriars at The Hague. 303 Before the Lateran Reformation of 1215 it was considered normal for princely aristocrats to arrange burials and memoriae in monasteries, preferably in the ones founded by their dynasties. In the 15 th century, however, burial in a monastery instead of in a parish church was often seen as an explicit favour to a community pursuing a purer form of Christian ideology and practice. 304 For supralocal princes such as the counts of Holland – who were then also counts of Zeeland and Hainault, counts palatine of the Rhine, and dukes in Bavaria – the supralocal context of a monastic burial and commemoration site also matched their own status more closely than a local church. 305 Before 1215, several monastic foundations of the counts and dukes of Guelders served as dynastic burial sites. After 1400 a charterhouse near Arnhem was given the same function. The late medieval dukes of Brabant, whose main residence was in Brussels, also favoured monastic resting places. Duke Henry II († 1248) was buried at the Cistercians, Duke Henry III († 1261) at the Blackfriars in Louvain, and Duchess Joan († 1406) at the Carmelites in Brussels. In 1387 the duchess nonetheless commissioned an anniversary from the chapter of Oirschot and granted some privileges to Oirschot and two nearby collegiate churches, of which she also held advowson. The memoria calendar of Oirschot lists her anniversary in December and that of her grand-nephew Duke Anthoni(u)s, who died in 1415 at the battle of Agincourt, in October. The latter service was commissioned in 1420 by his oldest son Duke John († 1427) ‘for us and our

301 ELO/503/1243/47v; Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhave’ 47, 51; Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 88; Rijnlandia 119-123. 302 Bok & Wijburg, ‘Jan van Scorel’ 16. In 1971 the house (Achter Clarenburg 2) was declared a national monument. 303 Fox, ‘Grafzerken’ 455; ELO/503/1379; ELO/503/1382; ELO/503/1243/1v. 304 Bijsterveld, Do ut des 197. 305 Cf. Duke John’s titles in 1422, summarised in ELO/503/1382.

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ancestors’. 306 Both anniversaries can be seen as commemorative representations of a dynasty of absentee avowees. Most late medieval bishops of Utrecht, who until 1528 were lords spiritual as well as lords temporal of Utrecht and of some outlying jurisdictions in the north- eastern Low Countries, were buried in Utrecht Cathedral and commemorated there and in the other collegiate churches in their town. As far as our sample goes none of them were commemorated in rural parishes, not even in Koudum in Friesland, where the bishop of Utrecht had sole advowson until 1383. Only the calendar of Warmond priory commemorates Ghysbert van Brederoede, a provost of the cathedral chapter of Utrecht. He was elected bishop in 1456, but never allowed to take office.307 Ghysbert, who gave Warmond priory a stained-glass window, was buried in 1475 in a charterhouse at Geertruidenberg. A chirurgeon named Mr Jan Breroede, who was the father of a conventual named Walraven and descended from an unidentified (perhaps bastard) branch of the Brederoedes, was buried in Warmond priory in an unknown year. The calendar lists his gift of two silver ampullae for the high altar. 308 Perhaps Ghysbert’s donation to the priory was also inspired by ties of kinship.

6.2. Absentee parsons Ghysbert’s career illustrates that not only temporal lordships but also spiritual offices were often traded as a commodity in the medieval Low Countries. Canon law even had a name for it: ‘simony’, after one Simon who had reputedly tried to bribe the apostles Peter and John. Simony in a broader sense includes clientelism and nepotism in the filling of spiritual offices. In 1444, for instance, Duke Philip of Burgundy tried to parachute a client as dean of Oirschot. That misfired, but in 1456 the see of Utrecht to which Ghysbert – the son of a nobleman from Holland – had been elected went instead to David, a bastard son of the duke. The illuminator of a book of hours for Ghysbert alluded to it when he painted Simon’s downfall on a page where Ghysbert is portrayed praying. 309 The commodification of spiritual offices was most visible in northern Brabant, where some 50% of priests were substituting (‘officiating’) for absentee colleagues. As far as our sources show, this was less common among parsons and chantry priests in Friesland and Holland. Officiations were very rare in Friesland, where most parishes had resident parsons. Jacob Vallick of Groessen in Guelders is an example of a local native who was appointed as resident parson by an absentee lord temporal, in his case the squire of Boetzelaer near Kalkar. In

306 Tummers, ‘Begraafplaatsen’; Bijsterveld, Do ut des 197; Frenken, Oirschot 65, 74-75, 83-87. 307 Mol & Van Vliet, ‘Staveren’ 80; Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhaven’ 45; Janse, Ridderschap 224-225. 308 Sanders, Waterland 74; Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhaven’ 53. Ghijsberts father († 1417) was also named Walraven. 309 Acts 8:17-20; Reuter, ‘Gifts’; Van Bueren, Leven nr. 17; Bijsterveld, Laverend 82-83, 126, and nr. 1910.

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villages in our sample in Holland, 27% of new appointments of parsons and chantry priests were yet booked as officiations (table 17). 310 Warmond had the most officiations (42%), Hazerswoude only one, and Middelharnis none. The latter two were served by monastics dispatched from afar, but apparently residing in their parishes: Hospitallers from Haarlem in Hazerswoude, and Benedictines from Antwerp in Middelharnis. A substitute was registered twice (in 1406 and 1420) for parson Thomas Blauwert of Warmond, whose core business was being a canon at Utrecht. Most officiations in Warmond – sometimes four in a single year – concerned one or more chantries on St Catharine’s altar.311 The diocese of Liège, which included Baardwijk, Berlicum, Bokhoven, Dongen, Oirlo, Oirschot, Schijndel, Tilburg, Venray, and Vlijmen, had a similar bookkeeping of appointments and substitutions of parsons (including deans of Oirschot), chantry priests, and substitutes. Unlike the accounts from which officiations in Holland were quoted above, the so-called pouillés of Liège do not specify who were substituted, but substitutions can still be derived indirectly. If a parson ( rector ecclesie ) had a simultaneous deservitor ecclesie or vicarius perpetuus , he was in all likelihood an absentee lord spiritual (table 16). Some vicarii even hired their own substitute ( deservitor vicarie perpetue ). In Baardwijk, both the rector and his deservitor of 1469 had anniversaries in church. As the latter was himself remembered as an ‘invested parson’, he was apparently also the rector ’s successor. The family of Mr Henricus Fabri, listed as rector in 1522-1550, has been identified as local gentry, but Fabri and his deservitor Mr Josephus de Valborgh are not listed in the local memoria calendar. 312 Advowson of Berlicum, Bokhoven and Vlijmen belonging to Berne Abbey near Heusden, almost all rectores there were Norbertines. Lambertus de Yvelaer, a Norbertine rector with local roots, was buried and remembered in Berlicum. Several others had local anniversaries. One rector for which a local deservitor has been identified was included in a list of priests read at Sunday prayer. This public intercession implies that he wished to be remembered as part of local society. 313 On the other hand none of the preserved local memoria registers of Bokhoven and Vlijmen commemorate any priests.

310 Roemeling, Heren 279; Van der Heijden, ‘Groessen’ 68; Delflandia ; Kennemaria ; Rijnlandia ; Zuyd- Hollandia . 311 Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhaven’ 47; Rijnlandia 119-123. 312 Bijsterveld, Laverend nrs. 73, 74, 75, 76, 78; Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 548. 313 Bijsterveld, Laverend nrs. 3150, 3153, 1681, 507; Bloys, Noord-Brabant ; BHIC/1575/7; BHIC/1575/112.

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Fig. 7. Brass of Mr Wilhelmus de Ga(e)l(l)en († 1539), parson of Dongen. Photo WikiMedia.

Dongen had the same avowee as the nearby urban chapter of Breda. Although it was not formally incorporated in the chapter, several canons or chantry priests of Breda were also rectores in Dongen, including Florentius Tilmanni Tirloyt (fl. 1473-1524), of whom three local deservitores have been identified; Mr Wilhelmus de Galen de Hoevel (fl. 1530-1537, two deservitores ); and Mr Johannes Clericus (fl. 1541-1553, one deservitor ). Tirloyt was a kinsman of the Dalems, the lords temporal of Dongen. He and Mr Wilhelmus were buried – the latter under a splendid brass effigy designed by Maerten van Heemskerck – and commemorated in Breda. (Fig. 7) Theodericus Wilhelmi ab Angelis, acting as deservitor in Dongen for Mr Johannes in 1541-1550, was buried in 1571 in Dongen church under an armorial slab as ‘Dierck Willemsz, priest’, with the coat of arms of Van Engelen. 314 None of the above priests figure in the only local memoria register preserved from Dongen: a list of 31 local anniversaries compiled by a verger in 1571. Three of these anniversaries were for other kinsmen of the local lords temporal: Joest († 1443) and Thomas († 1523) Horsten, and Reynelt († 1439), the wife of another – earlier – Thomas Horsten. Probably also related was Rudolfus († 1439), commemorated as natural son of custos Wilhelmus de Dongen, who probably was a Van Dalem. 315 The cartulary of memoria foundations in Oirlo only mentions a few substituting priests. In 1526 heer Arnt van Schelberch commissioned an anniversary with five candles from Oirlo church. The Schelberchs were local

314 Bijsterveld, Laverend ; Gooskens, Bredase necrologia 218-219; Herring, ‘Heemskerck’; Bloys, Noord- Brabant II-184 . 315 SAB/ARC0007.3/547; Merkelbach, ‘Dongen’; see also table 16, below; cf. Horsten, ‘Horsten’.

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gentry. One Jan van Schelberch was an alderman of Oirlo in 1487, and the family was good for four local anniversaries. 316 In 1510 Arnoldus de Schelberch was deservitor for the vicarius perpetuus Petrus de Merica, who was in turn substituting for an unknown rector . The cartulary also mentions how heer Jan van Hegelsom, vicarius perpetuus in 1465-1486, had bequeathed a chalice and founded a weekly mass ‘on an idle day when the church or the vicar had no masses’. In 1476-1485, heer Jan had sub-subcontracted his duties as a vicar to one Segerus de Volwinckel. According to a calendar of 1710, his own anniversary was still being performed in February. The dean of Oirschot was listed in most pouillés as rector ecclesie of the collegiate church. The most lavishly commemorated of these rectores was Mr Gerardus de Heere (r. 1416-1426), who had commissioned ten perpetual services for himself and his parents throughout the year. As soon as he was elected dean Mr Gerardus, a law graduate from Cologne, subcontracted his pastoral duties. His deservitor Johannes Jordani de Orsschot was probably the dominus Johannes Jordani whose anniversary was in July. The latter had a daughter Margerita who was commemorated with him. 317 The most conspicuously absent priests in our sample were four parsons of Schijndel. 318 Mr Egidius de Tilia (r. 1427-1443, three local deservitores ), Cardinal Nicolaus de Cusa (r. 1443-1464, two deservitores ), Mr Petrus de Erclens (r. 1469-1485, one deservitor ), and Cardinal Wilhelmus de Enckenvoirt (r. 1502- 1534, two deservitores ) stayed in Rome for most of their splendid careers. The hub of their network, which supported the election of a Dutch pope in 1522, was the church of Santa Maria dell’ Anima where Enckenvoirt, who was also bishop of Utrecht, was buried in 1534. None of these ‘Romans’ appear in the memoria calendar of Schijndel, but three of their substitutes do: Heymeric vanden Velde († 1440, listed in the pouillés as ‘Heimericus de Campo’); Willem (‘Wilhelmus’) Voet (fl. 1446-1450); and Andries van Uden (fl. 1532-1582, with two daughters). 319 De Campo was a namesake and probably a cousin of Mr Heimericus Godefridi de Campo († 1460), a professor of Theology in Louvain who was also the titular rector of two rural parishes in Brabant. Through Cardinal Enckenvoirt’s good offices Schijndel church was rebuilt in the 1520s. 320 Was it a coincidence that Enckenvoirt’s deservitor at the time was surnamed ‘Tectoris’, or ‘son of a roofer’? Most expenses for the rebuilding were paid out of the sale of a special papal indulgence. Enckenvoirt’s coat of arms was

316 Bijsterveld, Laverend nr. 2611. (RHCL/14.A002A/1013). 317 Frenken, Oirschot 20, 27, 29, 33, 39, 41, 44, 51, 67, 74, 79; Visschedijk, Oirschot nr. 36. 318 Unless noted otherwise, this paragraph follows Bijsterveld, Laverend ; Beijers, ‘Familienamen’; Bloys, Noord-Brabant . 319 BHIC/5199/453/1, with thanks to Henk Beijers (henkbeijersarchiefcollectie.nl, accessed 28 February, 2018). 320 This paragraph follows Zweers & Beijers, Schijndel ; Bijsterveld, Laverend ; Beijers, ‘Familienamen’.

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painted on the vault of the new chancel. His deservitor was buried there in 1527 as ‘Hendricus Tectoris de Bladel’. Pope Paul III himself named a new parson in Schijndel, who was soon replaced by Mr Philippus Jacobi de Spina (r. 1536- 1557), dean of St John’s at ’s-Hertogenbosch and a canon of St Servatius’ chapter at Maastricht, the avowees of Schijndel. De Spina, who retained Van Uden as his vicarius , was commemorated in Schijndel in December. In Tilburg, as in Berlicum, Bokhoven and Vlijmen, most rectores were Norbertines, in this case from Tongerlo near Antwerp. It has been claimed that all 16 th -century parsons of Tilburg resided in their parish, but the fact that some were at the same time abbots of Tongerlo, the listing of at least three deservitores in 16 th -century pouillés , and the near-complete absence of rectores and their deservitores in the local memoria calendar make this unlikely. The cover and first leaf of that calendar only mention Rutgherus de Holten (r. 1502-1527), a Norbertine rector of Tilburg, as its incipiator.321 These four examples – Berlicum, Bokhoven, Tilburg, and Vlijmen – suggest that few Norbertine rectores cared to be represented in memoria sources in the villages where they were appointed, except in Berlicum, where Norbertine rectores and deservitores were both remembered locally and where the armorial slab of one Norbertine rector (Lambertus de Yvelaer, † 1485) has survived. But the Yvelaers were local gentry, and the odds are that Lambertus lived on in the village memory mainly because a local family network, with apparent ties to Berne Abbey, was ready to pay for it. 322 Either way, such ties hint at osmotic exchanges between rural elites and monasteries. These exchanges were extractive to the extent that local tithes, which were a main source of revenue of the rectories in Berlicum, Bokhoven, Tilburg, and Vlijmen, were siphoned off to distant abbeys. A remarkable example is attested in Schijndel. Like a modern-day commissioner’s post, this richly endowed rectory changed hands among Roman prelates until De Spina’s appointment in 1536. In 1545 De Spina, who resided at ’s-Hertogenbosch, was allowed to incorporate the parsonate of Schijndel into the Faculty of Theology at Louvain. Four scholarships for Theology students were to be paid out of this foundation, and the Faculty would henceforth appoint parsons in Schijndel.323 Some absentee parsons were on purely extractive terms with their distant flocks but some others, often with attested local roots, also made provisions to be commemorated locally. If extraction defined De Spina’s parsonate, reciprocity defined those of Gisbertus de Foramine of Venray and Viglius Aytta of Swichum. De Foramine (Van der Gaet in Dutch) was a papal secretary, and also absentee parson of his native Venray. In 1462 Pope Pius II allowed him to sell indulgences

321 Bijsterveld, Laverend nrs. 991, 1665, 1788, 3941; cf. Boeren, ‘Tilburg’ 116-118. 322 Bijsterveld, Laverend nrs. 1681, 3153; Bloys, Noord-Brabant I-55; www.cbgfamiliewapens.nl. 323 De Vocht, Inventaire nrs. 531-539, 1669, 2728-2730; see section 7.3 for De Spina’s burial site.

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for the rebuilding of Venray church, where De Foramine was buried in 1493. Viglius, like his uncle Bucho, whose commemoration in Swichum church is attested in the Beneficiaalboeken , was a typical intellectual cleric. After a brilliant international career he was buried in 1577 in Ghent Cathedral.324 In 1566 he bought a house in Louvain to become a study facility – the Collegium Viglii – for twelve bursars. Their tuitions were to be paid out of his estate and of two grants from King Philip II. The memoria character of the Collegium was enhanced by the display on its outside of Viglius’ blason, a sheaf. But Viglius did not forget – and was not forgotten in – his native village either. His will set aside funds for a local chantry, and his almshouse (founded 1572) carried his name and blason. 325

6.3. Absentee lords How absentee lords temporal handled representation in local memoria in their jurisdictions is illustrated by the case of Baardwijk. Since the 1390s successive counts of Holland had given out this jurisdiction to their courtiers as a reward for services rendered. Sir Dierick van der Merwede, for instance, was a trusted counsel and a generous money-lender to Countess Jacqueline (r. 1417-1433). She rewarded him with a handful of jurisdictions in the bailiwick of Heusden, the town where Sir Dierick and some ancestors had served as castellans. Meeuwen, where Sir Dierick was buried in 1452, was one of these rural jurisdictions, and Baardwijk another. Sir Dierick, who probably spent most of his time in Heusden and at court in The Hague, was succeeded in Baardwijk by his bastard son Claes. The latter is the first attested lord of Baardwijk who actually lived there – at least in 1482, when he was called to a meeting in The Hague – and who had his anniversary in the parish church. Claes joined the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch in 1485. His dootsculd was paid in 1501. 326 His son-in-law Mr Cornelius die Jonge and five later generations were also lords of Baardwijk, but Mr Cornelius was buried under an armorial slab in The Hague. He and two of his sons, both also courtiers at The Hague, yet appear in the memoria calendar of Baardwijk. Mr Reinerus die Jonge was commemorated as dominus temporalis in May thanks to the good offices of his brother Mr Jacobus die Jonge, who succeeded him as lord of Baardwijk in 1515. Their father Mr Cornelius is mentioned in the calendar as signatory to Claes van Merwen’s anniversary. 327 The lords temporal of Schijndel were mostly absent, too. Sir Henricus van der Leck, who leased this jurisdiction from Duchess Joan of Brabant in 1398, became a burgess of Brussels in 1399. In 1454 the jurisdiction reverted to the duke, who leased it to the margraves of Bergen op Zoom in 1505, and later to the counts of

324 Bijsterveld, Laverend nr. 2813; idem, Do ut des 210-211; Roemeling, Corpus ; BB 149. 325 De Vocht, Inventaire nrs. 3080-3173; Spaans, Armenzorg 152-155; De Walle, Friezen nr. 6242. 326 Damen, Staat 467, 474; BHIC/253/2-13; Bloys, Brabant II-58; Kokken & Vrolijk, Bronnen 407. 327 Damen, Staat 467, 474; Balen, Dordrecht 1097; BI 99; BHIC/253/2-21.

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East Frisia, the Cirksenas of Emden. 328 None of these absentee rulers were commemorated in Schijndel. Sir Henricus’ family, but as far as known not he himself, was buried and commemorated in grand style in Breda, as were the Cirksenas in Emden.329 These examples are more or less typical of the trade in temporal lordships in such highly feudalised territories as Brabant, Guelders, Holland, and Utrecht. Some actors in this market held local jurisdictions in fief from several territiorial liege lords at once. Squire Jacob van Gaesbeke († 1459), for instance, was lord of Eindhoven and Gaesbeke in Brabant, Putten (with Middelharnis and Poortugaal) and Strijen in Holland, and Abcoude and Wijk bij Duurstede in Utrecht. He was listed in Brabant in 1406 and 1415 with the superior military rank of a banneret. 330 Where he lived is yet uncertain. His castles at Abcoude and Wijk bij Duurstede were held in fief from the bishop of Utrecht on condition that the latter could always claim them as his residence. Jacob’s father Sweer († 1400) probably spent much time in Brussels, but he also owned a hall-keep in Poortugaal and a home in The Hague. Given its later name – Valckensteyn, or ‘Falcon Hall’ – the estate in Poortugaal was probably a hunting lodge. Neither the Gaesbekes nor their successors figure in the memoria registers of Abcoude, Middelharnis, or Poortugal. The only indirect reference is to Jacob’s father: Sweerdyck hamlet in Poortugaal, where some members of the Beyesz group owned land.331 In Utrecht the bishop was both lord spiritual and temporal. Two urban chapters exercised similar combinations of spiritual authority and temporal powers in two parishes in our sample: St Mary’s in Lopik, and St John’s in Mijdrecht. In the latter village, St John’s owned a country estate where its provost would stay to collect local tithes and rents. In 1379-1380 five canons were commemorated in Mijdrecht church as well as in the collegiate church of St John’s at Utrecht. 332 Feudalisation was much less pervasive, albeit not entirely absent, in what is now Friesland and Groningen. In 1399 and 1400 the count of Holland, who at that time also claimed Friesland, enfeoffed two loyal Frisians with the rural jurisdictions of Arum and Nijland, and Sir Philips van Wassenaer, his burgrave in Leiden, was made lord of Heeg and Hommerts. In 1408 Sir Philips was also enfeoffed with the jurisdiction of Voorburg, which included advowson of the parish church. His residence has not been attested in any of these three villages

328 Bijsterveld, Laverend 124-128 and nrs. 989, 992, 2906; Damen, ‘Prelaten’ nr. 250; Heesters, Schijndel 63-66. 329 Bijsterveld, Do ut des 202-211; Bloys, Noord-Brabant 5152, 110-111; Karstkarel, Kerken 729; Stumpel, ‘Cross’. 330 Janse, Ridderschap 119; Damen, Staat 460-461; Damen, ‘Prelaten’ 24-25, 50, 58 and nrs. 43, 580. 331 De Groot, ‘Zweder’; Hoek, ‘Kastelen’; Van der Gouw, ‘Poortugaal’ nrs. 73, 87, 120, 142. 332 HUA/220/149-1; Palmboom, Sint Jan 395, 450-451; H.V.H. & H.V.R., Utrechtsche bisdom 292-293.

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and he was not commemorated there locally, but in an unknown year he was involved in a memoria foundation in Voorburg. 333 It would seem logical that bailiffs and sheriffs, the judicial agents of absentee lords, were commemorated locally more often than their absentee patrons. In our sample, however, they hardly were. In Warmond, for instance, a bailiff and two sheriffs were commemorated – in the local guild-roll, not in church – and only one bailiff (Hazerswoude) and a sheriff (Voorburg) elsewhere in Holland. 334 Few bailiffs and sheriffs were registered by the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch with their office: four sheriffs from Tilburg, the wife of one in Oirschot, and the widow of another in Wijk. All in all only 75 of the 88,073 entries in these accounts mention a sheriff, and only four mention a bailiff. Rather more common was the commemoration of villagers who are identified in collateral sources as bailiffs or sheriffs, but who are not mentioned with their office in local memoria sources. In Koudekerk, for instance, sheriffs Jan Jacobsz (r. 1434) and Gherit Willemsz (r. 1471) were commemorated with five and six candles respectively, but without referral to their office. 335 The same pattern is attested in some Frisian memoria sources in our sample. In Dronrijp, the ‘Dio’ († 1552) remembered in April as a noble gentleman and a son of Reonicus à Glins, is sheriff Douwe van Glins of Glins Hall. He was living at his wife’s ancestral home in Dronrijp. Homme Hettinga, of Hettinga Hall in Hommerts, is attested as a sheriff in 1487. When his wife Wyck bequeathed an annuity to the church and the vicary of Hommerts for her memoria in 1505, she – or the parson who registered her – did not care to mention Homme’s function either. The Beneficiaalboeken mention a memoria in Hijum for Fecke Aebynga, attested as a sheriff in 1479. 336 The office of a rural sheriff in these parts of the late medieval Low Countries was apparently not so prestigious that it needed to be mentioned when a memoria service was commissioned. One exception in our sample is Gerbrant Aytta, a brother of Viglius, who was buried in his native Swichum in 1573 with his full official qualifications as a sheriff (grietman ) and as a provincial steward (rentemeester ) on his slab. But this inscription is not really contemporary. It was commissioned between 1606 and 1632 by Gerbrant’s daughter Jacqueline († 1632) in his honour and memoria . At that time, the office of sheriff in Friesland was being monopolised by a new class of prominent and highly trained Protestants who became increasingly oligarchic in the course of the 17 th century. Eventually Frisian sheriffs commanded as much prestige as aristocratic lords

333 Noomen, Stinzen 115; Janse, Ridderschap 447; Van Booma, Voirburch 14, 132 nr. 330. 334 ELO/512/446/3; ELO/512/446/7; Gonnet, ‘Hazerswoude’ 208; Van Booma, Voirburch 99 nr. 148. 335 Kuiken & van Poelgeest, ‘Adelsdorp’ 63. 336 Noomen, Inventarisatie 162, 294, 438-439; Andreae, Nalezing 58, 91, 281; Van Borssum, ‘Hommerts’ 47; BB 192.

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temporal elsewhere. 337 Another factor may be that few sheriffs in 16 th -century Friesland seem to have been locals. In 1552 only three out of a total of 30 sheriffs were enlisted as residents of a village in their districts, and in 1578 only three were taxed as such. At least five substitute sheriffs are attested between 1552 and 1585 in three districts.338 If most sheriffs in Friesland indeed ruled in absentia , this may in part explain their absence in local memoria calendars and in fragments preserved in the Beneficaalboeken .

6.4. Absentee landowners We will now identify some landowners in rural memoria calendars who resided outside the parish where they were commemorated. Absentee rural landownership was often created by either of two mechanisms: the acquisition of land by outsiders such as religious institutions or urban investors, or migration of rural landowners, mostly to a nearby town, who yet retained their rural holdings. Either way, absentee landowners in Holland were exempt of most rural taxes, to the disadvantage and dismay of local owners. In the parishes in our sample in Holland in 1494 and 1514, absentee landownership reportedly varied between 9% (Vlijmen, 1514) and 99% (Voorburg, 1494). It will be explained in the next paragraph that the latter figure was probably exaggerated. As these tax exemptions did not exist in Friesland, individual absentee landowners can be identified in Frisian tax registers of 1511 and 1540, but none are commemorated in preserved Frisian memoria registers. Absentee landownership at its most extreme was reported in 1514 in Hoogmade, where lord temporal Gerrit van Poelgeest, a resident of Koudekerk, owned 99% of all land. 339 Second came Voorburg in 1494, where 50% was owned by the count of Holland and 10% by outside religious entities. In 1565, however, the surface of locally owned land in Voorburg was assessed at 25%, against 20% owned by burgesses of the nearby towns of Delft (11%) and The Hague (9%). The difference may be due to structural and intentional underreporting of locally owned land in 1494, but also to de facto appropriations of fiefs. Dirck Cobel of The Hague, for instance, held a country estate in fief from the count. In 1565 Cobel was registered as its landlord and a local resident as his tenant. If Cobel is included, about ten absentee landowners in 1565 were living at The Hague, twelve at Delft, two at Dordrecht, and a few in several other places such as Utrecht. 340 A far as the memoriboec of Voorburg goes, none of these

337 De Walle, Friezen nr. 6244; Kuiken, ‘Van Haren’s Church’ 40-42. 338 Mol, Volkslegers 251 (Hennaarderadeel, identification as sheriff: o.c. 241), 254 (Idaarderadeel), 263 (Kollumerland); Boarnen 390-391; T/14/16690/249; T/14/16697/29; T/14/16701/175; T/232-06/22; T/343/B (d.d. 18-5-1583). 339 Informacie 608-609. 340 Table 6, below; Kort, ‘Voorburg’ (a total of 255/565 morgen ); Gordijn, ‘1565’, esp. 417; Van Kan, ‘Coebel’ 421.

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absentee landowners in Voorburg commissioned a local memoria . Only the Cobels were indirectly involved in a local foundation. They were outsiders and also relative newcomers. Their country estate (‘De Loo’) was one of two hall- keeps originally held in fief by the Werves, who were old local gentry. In 1392 Sir Hubrecht van de Werve rebuilt De Loo using bricks from his other dilapidated house. At that time, he and his brother Claes were already living at Leiden, where Claes was an alderman. In an unknown year, Sir Hubrecht’s first wife Lady Beatrys commissioned an unspecified memoria in Voorburg church. 341 The Cobels, or at least some of them, had their memoriae in The Hague, but Dirck’s father appears in the memoriboec as caretaker of some memoria for the Van der Does family. The latter were old local gentry – several generations were sheriffs of Voorburg – but they had moved to Dordrecht.342 A pattern of rural gentry moving to town was also illustrated in section 3.5, above, by the Poelgeests migrating from Koudekerk to Leiden. The Tols of Voorburg, later of Koudekerk, are another instance (table 13). Descendants of a daughter of the courtier Young Floris van Tol and a patrician from Leiden lived at Leiden. Young Floris’ grandson Symon Vrederick Gerritsz married Geertruyt Coppier, who was of urban patrician family. He became a burgess in 1450, and again in 1460, but he and three following generations were commemorated in Koudekerk.343 The annuities paying for their memoriae were secured by land in Koudekerk (by Lady Geertruyt, Symon Vrederick van Tol’s widow) and Hazerswoude (by Jan Mouwerynsz). This example shows how absentee landownership could be created when rural gentry went urban. It is also an interesting case of medieval onomastics, for Symon Vrederick was remembered in Koudekerk as a Van Tol. While modern surnames follow patrilines, cognatic name transport was no rarity in the late medieval Low Countries. Whether an agnatic or cognatic surname prevailed, depended on the prestige associated with these names.344 In Symon Vrederick’s family the Van Tol surname apparently carried more substantia , not only because it commemorated the most illustrious of his ancestors, but also because Symon Vrederick and his son Gerrit van Tolle were both enfeoffed with Tol Hall in Koudekerk.345 But were Symon Vrederick and Gerrit really absentee landowners who used Tol Hall as a country estate? Officially Symon Vrederick was a burgess of Leiden, but it can be argued that this was a mere formality with some tax benefits, and did not require a change of residence. Rules for ‘outside burgesses’ were

341 Van Booma, Voirburch nrs. 143, 144, 146, 173; Janse, Ridderschap 122-123, 440; Van Kan, Sleutels 45, 228. 342 Van Kan, ‘Coebel’ 419-420; Van Booma, Voirburch nrs. 53, 146; Huffer, Bronnen I nrs. 284, 285, 300, 368. 343 Kuiken, ‘Adelsdorp’ 53-54; ELO/501/20/105v ; ELO/501/21/10. 344 NA/3.18.30.01/28; NA/3.18.30.01/34; Brand, Over macht 293-294. 345 Hoek, ‘Oud-Teylingen’ nr. 7.

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indeed very lenient in Dordrecht, where burgesses with a fixed abode in the countryside could still enjoy some urban priviliges, including exemption of rural taxes. Leiden, however, reserved the right to revoke burgess status after an absence of five years. 346 That Gerrit van Tolle, who became a burgess of Leiden in 1468, actually lived there is attested in two urban tax registers. In 1498 and 1502 he was taxed in the Leiden borough of Maredorp. But as the son of a burgess, Gerrit would not have needed to register himself, too – unless his father had forfeited his status. His father’s re-registration as a burgess in 1460 indeed suggests that he had been out of town too long. It seems quite likely that Symon Vrederick and Gerrit both had their fixed abodes at Tol Hall, at least until Gerrit eventually ceded the title to that house in 1471.347 This bit of local analysis shows that an absolute distinction between late medieval absentee and residential landownership cannot always be made. The distinction could be rather fluid or, in Higounet-Nadal’s words, ‘osmotic’. Lord Jacob van den Woude († 1503) is another example. He was not only lord of Warmond but also a governor of the dike and water board of Rijnland, a burgess of Leiden (1472), and a member of the electoral college for the town magistrate (1477). 348 He probably spent just enough time in town to keep his urban privileges, and register with the local agent of the Fraternity from ’s-Hertogenbosch, but he was buried and commemorated in Warmond. Most absentee landowners in Voorburg, on the other hand, had no attested ties with that village. Many were courtiers and officers attracted by the growth of judicial and administrative institutions in nearby The Hague. In 1565 they included at least a bailiff (Dirck Cobel), a barrister (Mr Thomas Brandolyn), a burgomaster (Dirck van Alckemae), and three justices (Willem Snoeckert, Aelbrecht van Loo, and Jan van Wyngerden). It might be expected that their relations with Voorburg were primarily extractive, but some like Dirck Cobel’s father also contributed to local society. The memoriboec mentions how Mr. Frans Cobel († 1532) used to pay an annuity secured by two local houses to the church, the poor-table, and the rectory, for the memoria of the Van der Does family. 349 Absentee landowners with a seasonal country estate can yet be identified in some cases. An early identifier is the provision in leaseholds or fief contracts that an estate was an ‘open house’ to its landlord or liege lord, who retained the right to use the house or part of it. In 1329, for instance, the count of Holland made Rinenburch in Hazerswoude his permament open huys . Count Albrecht’s daughters were raised there by the castellan’s widow after their mother had died.

346 Van Herwaarden et al., Dordrecht 109; Van Kan, Sleutels 228; Brand, Over macht 64. 347 ELO/501/21/14; ELO/501/578/90; ELO/501/581/52; Hoek, ‘Oud-Teylingen’ nr. 7. 348 Higounet-Nadal, Périgueux I-75; Sloof, Rijnland 439; Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 88; Brand, Over macht 64. 349 Gordijn, ‘1565’; Van Kan, ‘Coebel’ 419-420; Kort, ‘Alkemade’ (2003) 170; Van Booma, Voirburch nr. 146.

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The bishop of Utrecht kept an open house in Abcoude, and the provost of St John’s in Mijdrecht. 350 In the 15 th and 16 th century, several burgesses of Leiden acquired country estates in Hazerswoude, Koudekerk, Poortugaal (the old hall- keep of the Gaesbekes), Voorburg, Warmond, and Zoeterwoude. No local commemorations of these outsiders are attested. Jan van Poelgeest, a burgomaster (1446) and sheriff (1447-1453) of Leiden, was a part-time resident of Oude Telynge in Warmond, a homestead held in fief from his cousins, the lords of Naaldwijk. As mentioned before, Jan and his wife commissioned memoriae in St Peter’s at Leiden, in Koudekerk church, and in the convent founded by Jan’s parents-in-law, but they are not listed in any of the preserved memoria registers of Warmond. As the Naaldwijks had advowson of a chantry in Warmond church, however, it cannot be ruled out that Jan and his wife were at some time included in the services of that private foundation. 351 The few memoria notes preserved in a missal from Herwen in Guelders all concern outsiders: Reynold die Beyer, a native of Herwen who died a chantry priest in Paderborn, and the Talholts of Grave near Nijmegen. Die Beyer bequeathed a chalice to Herwen church. 352 Udo Talholt was a counsel, tax collector and money lender to the duke of Guelders. He was rewarded in 1433 with a river foreland (‘Talholtswaard’) near Herwen, and in 1439 with ’t Loo in Apeldoorn, now a royal domain. Udo’s son Jacop studied in Cologne in 1440- 1443 and Orleans in 1445-1447, and was a toll collector at Lobith in 1479. His widow ceded Talholtswaard in 1494 to the counts of Bergh. Jacop Talholt, his wife, parents, and parents-in-law Henrick and Aleyd van de Sand were buried in Herwen church. Their perpetual anniversary included a vigil, mass sung by a schola cantorum , and a grave visit. In 1450 Udo and his wife Geba, both residents of Grave, paid their entry fees to the Fraternity. Their daughters Mary (1461), Ermgart (1463), and Gerborch (1469) followed soon, and their son Jacob in 1478. Ermgart and Gerborch were beguines at ’s-Hertogenbosch. When Udo’s dootsculd was received, he was still living at Grave. Jacop reportedly died at the Herwen tollhouse. 353 We will now proceed further south, from the diocese of Utrecht into the diocese of Liège. Absentee landowners in Baardwijk have been identified in tax registers of 1497 and 1553. About half of the village surface was owned – and given out in fief – by territorial lords such as the counts of Holland or the dukes of Brabant. Of the other half some 10% was owned by burgesses of Heusden or

350 Burgers, Registers nr. NH 430; Janse, Ridderschap 361; De Groot, ‘Zweder’ 67; Olde Meierink, ‘Buitenleven’ 58. 351 Brand, Over macht 221-226; section 3.5, above; section 6.5, below; also Kuiken, ‘Beemster’ 79-81. 352 Begheyn, ‘Kroniekje’ 89. 353 Stenvert et al. Gelderland 72; De Ridder-Symoens, Orléans 13; BHIC/1232/122/359v ( in Herwyn by dblochuys tolhuys ).

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’s-Hertogenbosch, and 2% by farmers in nearby villages. Most land was held by such local families as Berissen, Bloet, Boom, Die Bie, Die Weert, Geyster, Malsen, Nyken, Smeets (or ‘Fabri’), Tielmans, Van der Donck, Van der Dussen, Van der Heyden, or Van den Hoevel. Many of them are represented in the local memoria calendar, and some in accounts of the Fraternity as residents of Baardwijk. 354 There also seems to have been some overlap with the urban patriciate of ’s-Hertogenbosch. The anniversary of Sir Adam and Sir Lambertus Millinck in May, secured by the revenue from half a field between the main street (platea ) and Hooigracht, a disappeared waterway in Baardwijk, can be related to a branch of a well-born family attested at ’s-Hertogenbosch in 1441. Some generations of this urban branch were also lords temporal of Waalwijk near Baardwijk. 355 From an urban viewpoint, Berlicum was in the influence sphere of ’s- Hertogenbosch. Of the 44 preserved medieval deeds in the parish archive of the village, for instance, 38 were drawn up before urban aldermen and only six before local ones. Most of these deeds also express money, surfaces, and weights in urban units.356 From our rural perspective, however, ’s-Hertogenbosch with its important central market was also part of the social agrosystem of the village. Several urban patricians owned land – and secured memoria services by the revenue of it – in Berlicum. Ghisbrecht Pels († 1558), his wife Johanna van Vladeracken († 1560) and their son Jan Pels († 1560) were buried in Berlicum church. The armorial rolls of the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch identify Ghisbrecht as an urban councillor. Johanna was buried under the blason of Vladeracken, another old urban family.357 In the 1400s two Vladerackens were listed as squires of ’s-Hertogenbosch, and one Jan van Vladeracken has been identified as donor of an altarpiece by Jheronimus Bosch. Mr Gerardus de Vladeracken, his wife Lady Lisbeth, and their daughter Sophia were commemorated in Berlicum church in October. Mr Gerardus, who owned a farmyard on the Laar, a village green, is identified in the armorial rolls of the Fraternity as an urban councillor of ’s-Hertogenbosch.358 The oldest memoria calendar of Berlicum also informs us how one Mathias Back and his wife Lady Elizabeth gave a chasuble to Berlicum church for their anniversary. Back died suddenly in 1461 in the garden of Mr Arnoldus Doremans, a chirurgeon at ’s-Hertogenbosch. He was buried in Berlicum church in front of ‘Mary’s chancel’, a side altar. Mathias, the son of Willem Back of ’s-

354 Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 329-373, 696-701, 766-773 (‘de buren van Baardwijk’), 820. 355 BHIC/253/2/23; BHIC/1107/microfiches; BHIC/1232/146/3/77v; Janse, Ridderschap 418; Kort, ‘Grafelijke lenen Heusden’ nr. 13; Van Dijck, Optimaten 432. 356 Heesters, Schijndel 67-71, 116, 188; Van der Velden, ‘Berlicum’ 71. 357 Bloys, Noord-Brabant I-57; BHIC/1232/146/3/91. 358 Damen, Prelaten 100-101; Bijsterveld, Do ut des 205; Van der Velden, ‘Berlicum’ 69; BHIC/1232/146/3/63.

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Hertogenbosch, owned land in Schijndel in 1434. The tenant of his farm, which included a dovecot, had to deliver his dues – part in cash, part in kind – to Back’s home at ’s-Hertogenbosch. Neither Mathias Back nor his tenant and his tenant’s father were commemorated in Schijndel. One can only guess why Mathias and his wife chose to be remembered in Berlicum. Did they perhaps feel closer to its monkish Norbertine parsons than to the rich Roman rectores of Schijndel? If so, the chasuble they donated may have been a special token of appreciation for parson Yvelaer († 1485). Their dealings with the farm in Schijndel were largely extractive. The tenant had to supply their urban household with money, buckwheat, rapeseed, mustard seed, meat (including a fatted lamb at Easter), poultry (including lots of doves), eggs, butter, and a loaf of butter bread at Christmas. On the other hand the terms of the leasehold required Back to share in the upkeep of the farmhouse.359 The latter condition, a sign of the generally farmer-friendly attitude of urban landowners in late medieval Brabant and Limburg, also applied to Hubrecht Heyn van Onstadenz’s farm in Schijndel. His landlord in 1372 was Jan Trudenz of ’s- Hertogenbosch, whose sister Kateline paid her entry fee to the Fraternity in 1392 and died around 1400. The next year the farm was leased out for six years by Aeb Mutsart, also of ’s-Hertogenbosch. They did not claim their farmhouse as a seasonal open house but the nuns of St Claire at ’s-Hertogenbosch, who owned another farm in Schijndel, wanted a tenant (or bondservant) to accommodate their steward and other personnel. He should also cram twelve capons, collected yearly from Lucas van Erpe at Berlicum, and deliver them to the nuns at Easter. None of these landlords or their tenants have been identified in the memoria calendar of Schijndel, but Lucas van Erpe and a son were commemorated in Berlicum.360 Can we come any closer to the lives and memoriae of absentee landowners and their tenants? In the absence of genuine ego documents probably not, but there is a curious entry in the accounts of the Fraternity. In 1499 one Jan Aben was burnt at the stake. His widow reportedly lived at Schijndel, and his estate was acquired by the Clares of ’s-Hertogenbosch. Why Jan was put to death is not revealed. For arson? For witchcraft? Or for heresy? At any rate the fact that the nuns got his heritage, or at least the best part of it, suggests that he – or his wife – was a bondservant. Poor Jan Aben may have been the Jan Aernt Maesz who leased the nuns’ farm for six years in 1498, or else his predecessor. ‘Farmer- friendly’ terms apparently did not apply here, for Jan Aernt Maesz’s lease contract made him fully and solely responsible for the upkeep of the farmhouse and its roof.361

359 Van der Velden, ‘Berlicum’ 36, 69; BHIC/5004/46; Heesters, Schijndel 116, 118. 360 Hoppenbrouwers, ‘Mapping’ 55; Heesters, Schijndel 116, 118; Van der Velden, ‘Berlicum’ 70. 361 BHIC/1232/123/277; Heesters, Schijndel 118.

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A special category of absentee landownership were the local holdings of chantries. As has been explained before, a chantry was a legal person that could be established in a parish church to perform memoria services, but its avowees were not necessarily residents of that same parish. In most cases they had to be descendants of, or at least close kin to the chantry founders. The following section will discuss some chantries with local and some others with translocal networks.

6.5. Chantries in context In 1410, four local gentlemen and the community of parishioners founded a chantry of St Nicholas on high altar in Groessen church. The beneficiary had to be a locally born priest and – perhaps even more importantly – an accomplished organ player. In 1432 the Tenhaeffs, lords of Rijswijk Hall in Groessen, dedicated a private altar to St Mary Magdalene. The chantry priest would read four masses weekly, one being for the salvation of the Tenhaeffs. On the holidays of the Virgin and the Four Apostles, he would also read early mass on high altar. In 1483 a chantry for the Virgin, St Anthony, and St Josse was founded by four local gentlemen and a lady. The chantry priest would read two masses weekly for their own salvation and that of their kin. The extensive records of these three chantries in parson Vallick’s kerckenboeck tell us that these foundations were not only private initiatives of some persons or families, but also a largely local matter. Fees were only due to the bishop at the time of initial registration, and then every time a new chantry priest was appointed. 362 More often than not, however, chantries depended on translocal networks of founders, priests, and avowees. This opposes them to many of the anniversaries and other intercessions discussed above. The latter hardly ever concerned outsiders. If they did, this was perhaps a result of deliberate personal choices – which are not always transparent to modern researchers. A first impression of the translocal networks supporting chantries can be obtained in Warmond, our reference parish. A loose leaflet in the memoria calendar of Warmond, datable around 1500, lists six land donations to the church fabric, five weekly memoria masses, and the avowees of four local chantries: Egmont, Nassouwen, Naeltwyck, and Warmont. (Fig. 8) The youngest datable weekly mass is for Mr Kerstant, a parson of Warmond who reportedly died in 1483. The tenant of some land in Sassenheim set aside for Florys Claesz’s anniversary (see section 4.2, above) is identified in the margin as Steven Jansz, whose widow is attested in Sassenheim in 1544. 363

362 Van der Heijden, ‘Groessen’ 52-68. 363 Van Kessel, Warmond 297-298; ELO/503/1250 (regest nr. 1678); OAR/6714/10v.

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Fig. 8. Chantries on a loose leaflet in the memoria calendar of Warmond church. Photo: ELO.

The first two chantries were founded in 1344 by Jacobus, a parson of Aalsmeer who was living in Warmond and willed to be buried there. His chantries, endowed with an annuity of 20 pounds each, were for the salvation of two bishops, Guido de Hannonia (buried Utrecht 1307) and Jacobus de Outshoerne (elected 1322), of Sir Philippus de Duvenvoirde, and of his own parents and benefactors. Jacobus made the abbot of Egmond the avowee of one, and Sir Philippus’ grandson Sir Johannes de Pollanen (buried Breda 1378) avowees of his other chantry. He named the abbot, Sir Johannes de Pollanen, parson Johannes of Sassenheim, and his own son-in-law – indeed – Baldewinus filius Foikinis of Warmond as his executors. Chantry priests of Jacobus’ own family should be preferred. The annuities were secured by lands in Oegstgeest, Oudshoorn, Rijswijk, Warmond, and Wateringen. 364 The reason why Jacobus’ second chantry appears on the leaflet as ‘Nassouwen’ is that the counts of Nassau became the sole heirs of the Pollanen family fortune and all their rights in 1403 (table 18). Jacobus also commissioned his own memoria from the parson of Warmond, but this is not recorded in the memoria calendar. Jacobus finally added an annuity to the endowment of the capella de Alcmade .365 ‘Naeltwyck’ obviously refers to the owners of Oude Telynge, the homestead mentioned in the previous section, and ‘Warmont’ to Sir Jan van den Woude’s chantry of 1413. The capella de Teylingen , a chantry reportedly dedicated to Our Lady, moved from Warmond church to the almshouse of Montfoort in the early 1550s. A couple of years before, Oude Telynge had been sold by a descendant of the Naaldwijks who was married to a

364 Matthaeus ed., ‘Testamenta’ 381-387; Stumpel, ‘Cross’ 110, 115. 365 Janse, Ridderschap 235; Stumpel, ‘Cross’; Matthaeus ed., ‘Testamenta’ 383-384.

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burgrave of Montfoort. In 1612 an old villager told a visitor that ‘Teylingen chapel’ used to be located south of the chantry of Warmond church, and ‘the chapel of the oldest lords of Alkemade’ north of the chancel. 366 Perhaps the Alkemade chantry is not mentioned here because it was appropriated by the Woudes when they became lords temporal of Alkemade in 1416. Jacob Kort (1997) has argued that the lords of Alkemade Hall rather than the lords temporal had advowson of the chantry. Several descendants of Margaretha van Alkemade, whose father inherited Alkemade Hall in 1410, are indeed attested as beneficiaries of a chantry of the Virgin Mary in Warmond church, from Goodschalcus filius Johannis Oem (fl. 1484) to Florentius Oem de Wyngarden (fl. 1496; table 19). 367 This was probably the Alkemade chantry, reportedly located on the northern (Virgin’s) side altar. None of the appointees mentioned above were locals. The first three were grandsons of Margaretha van Alkemade and Godschalk Oem, steward-general to Count Philip of Holland. The Oems were urban patricians from Dordrecht, but Godschalk made a career at The Hague. His three grandsons who successively served the Alkemade chantry all married and pursued secular careers afterwards. They were well-connected in academic circles at Louvain. When Godschalk’s grandson Floris Oem studied at Louvain he befriended the later Pope Adrian VI, who in 1496 succeeded Floris’ son Mr Johannes on a chantry in Wassenaar church. Mr Johannes also served on the Alkemade chantry. 368 Some marriages are allegedly made in heaven, but some chantries were probably conceived in Louvain. In 1446 Stephanus filius Hugonis de Amsterdammis – he may have attended Latin school there – registered as an arts student. That year Louvain was hit by bubonic plague, but Stephanus apparently survived. In 1451 his father Hugo filius Stephani, a commoner ( parrochianus ) of Sloten near Amsterdam, made him the first priest of a new chantry in Sloten church for the salvation of Hugo’s parents and himself, and dedicated to God, his Holy Mother, and St Anthony. Mr Goswinus Lottini, the notary before whom the foundation deed was passed at the home of a sculptor in Haarlem, was himself a graduate from Louvain. He was a priest of the diocese of Liège, registered as a student in Louvain in 1436, and became resident parson of Rijnsburg in 1455.369 At the time, the ‘plague marshal’ Anthony the Abbot was a popular patron saint of hospitals and chantries. In 1440, for instance, Mr Jan Claesz Diert of Haarlem turned his house into a hospital of St Anthony, and in 1482 a chantry in Haarlem church was dedicated to the same saint by Lady Katryn van Santfoort, a

366 ELO/512/439; Rijnlandia 123-124; Hoek, ‘Riviere’ 420-421; cf. H.V.H., Rhynlant 560; Bijleveld, Ursula 43. 367 Kort, ‘Van Alkemade I (1997) 261; Rijnlandia 122-123; Kuiken, ‘Aanvullingen’ 49, 52. 368 Rijnlandia 122, 128; Van Kan, ‘Dordrecht’ 268-269. 369 Reusens, Matricule 187, 345; Van den Hoven, Heren 737-739; Van Uytven, ‘Leuven’ 12; SAA/1389/6.

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widow of patrician descent, on an existing altar of St Anthony. Such private foundations sometimes created frictions with the Hospital Brethren of St Anthony, the international order that claimed a monopoly on the use of the saint’s name. This may be a reason why the lay fraternity supporting Diert’s foundation is attested under a different name.370 The foundation deed of the Sloten chantry also mentions a confraternitas beati Anthonii , which may or may not have been a local guild. It was either way to have advowson of the chantry after Hugo’s death. Hugo obviously did not trust this confraternity very much, for he also stipulated that if it failed to nominate a new priest in due time, advowson would revert (‘devolve by law’) to his own legal descendants. This happened in 1505-1506 when Hugo’s son died as avowee (collator ) of the chantry. In that year advowson devolved to one Nicolaus filius Gerardi, and in 1548-1549 to Gerardus Ramp, a very senior priest of Haarlem. 371 Both were apparently Hugo’s legal descendants. In the 1470s or 1480s, Stephanus had already relegated his duties as a chantry priest to one Henricus Servatii, who was succeeded in 1483-1484 by Wolbrandus filius Rembrandi. In the tax enquiry of 1494 the latter also identified himself as vicecureyt (substitute) of the parson of Sloten and Osdorp. 372 When Hugo founded his chantry in 1451, Sloten was firmly in the influence sphere of Haarlem. Hugo’s urban network included two burgesses who attended the founding at the home of a local sculptor. The latter was probably commissioned with a statue or an altarpiece (see section 7.3, below). Wolbrandus told the tax inspectors in 1494 that villagers earned a living as wagoners between Haarlem and Amsterdam. This business ended abruptly when a flood cut off the highway between Sloten and Haarlem in 1508, but some found an alternative source of income in dike repair and maintenance. In the following decades the orientation of Sloten shifted to Amsterdam, which acquired the jurisdiction of the village – and almost certainly advowson of the parish – in 1531. 373 The family network controlling Hugo’s chantry was actually rooted in both towns. In 1569 the community of Sloten suspended the allowance of chantry priest Pieter Pouwelsz after he had left the parish for unknown reasons. After a long search a ‘cousin’ of the founder agreed to fill this vacancy. The accounts of the archdeaconry identify him as Johannes Persyn, a patrician’s son from Amsterdam. Johannes had already been parson of Sloten for six years. But if the Persyns were the founder’s ‘cousins’, it follows that they were also kinsmen of

370 Kuiken, ‘Antonius’ 39-41; Allan et al., Haarlem III-242. 371 SAA/1389/6; Kennemaria 125; Grijpink, ‘Register’ 168. 372 Kennemaria 125; Enqueste 88. 373 Enqueste 88; Informacie 50; Kort, ‘Landverlies’; Van Dam, ‘Digging’ 230; Kort, ‘Kennemerland’ nr. 169.

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Gerardus Ramp, the avowee in 1548-1549. They indeed shared a couple of ancestors, attested in Haarlem in 1357 (table 20).374 Not unlike the Alkemade chantry in Warmond church, Hugo’s foundation in Sloten church had apparently evolved from a local foundation into a translocality controlled by an urban patrician network: the Oems in the former case, and the Ramps and Persyns in the latter. Through Gerardus Ramp, it was also joined in a personal union with the chantry of St Anthony at Haarlem, founded in 1482 by Ramp’s great-aunt Katryn. In 1529 Ramp was priest of the latter, and his sister Cornelia its avowee. 375 Cornelia had inherited advowson from her grandmother (table 21). How advowson of Hugo’s chantry in Sloten had devolved to Gerardus through his paternal grandmother, follows from an analysis of his ancestral lines. Most of his great-grandparents are attested in Haarlem before 1451, when Hugo founded his chantry, and none are related to Hugo in ascending or descending lines. Gerardus’ only unidentified grandparent is the wife of his grandfather Engbrecht Rampe.376 The chantry founded in Dronrijp by Sicka Allartz was also embedded in a translocal family network. His obit in the memoria calendar of Dronrijp is in line with his will of 1476, in which he set aside his maternal inheritance for a new chantry in Dronrijp church. Sicka further bequeathed his late mother’s ancestral home at Dronrijp to his aunt Edwar Syarda, an annuity to his fryster (fiancee or lover) Hisse Dotinga, a tabard from Leiden to his sister Petricke, some other goods to several cousins, and the remainder to an unidentified aunt Doeden (table 22). The priest of the nyeuwe pronde, as the new chantry is listed in the Beneficiaalboeken of 1543, had to say mass for Sicka and his kith and kin on Fridays and Saturdays. This chantry probably inspired Hisse, who soon married a gentleman of nearby Minnertsga, to found her own chantry, in part endowed with Sicka’s bequest. A deed has not been preserved, but a new altar was reportedly consecrated in Minnertsga church in the 1490s. In 1510 Sicka’s aunt Edwar, the matriarch of the Syarda clan who lived in an urban castle at Franeker, made provisions for a third chantry in Franeker church. The signing of her will was witnessed by Douwa Pibez, parson of Dronrijp, and four other priests. In his own will of 1511, Douwa founded two chantries, one in Dronrijp and another in a neighbouring village.377 Of these five related chantries, the one in Minnertsga became the subject of a classical ‘cousin from nowhere’ ploy in 1544. Several years earlier, a chantry priest named Ofka Ofkaz had been sent to Louvain to study. He never registered there, and actually was never heard of again, until in the fall of 1544 a man

374 SAA/329/250/47-48; Kennemaria 124-125; Elias, Amsterdam 14-15. 375 Allan et al., Haarlem III-242. 376 NHA/1132/65 (Ramp); NHA/1132/73 (Van Santvoirt). 377 FT nrs. 36, 77, 81; Schotanus, ‘Tablinum’; BB 635, 661; other sources in Walsweer, ‘Capellefrijlien’.

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pretending to be him came to Minnertsga to claim his allowance. Before long his bluff was called. He was a traveling swindler who soon confessed having robbed, among others, bailiff Dirck Cobel at The Hague (see section 6.4), whose servant he had been. By that time, the chantry was already evolving from a pious memoria foundation towards a scholarship fund or studieleen (‘study loan’), as it is usually called in modern Dutch. Some have survived to date, including Lady Edwar’s foundation at Franeker and parson Douwa’s at Dronrijp.378 In 1539 the Frisian government legislated that chantry priests under the age of 25 could spend two- thirds of their allowance ( beneficium ) on study abroad, and one-third to hire a substitute. After 1580, beneficiaries were expected to spend all of it on training to become Protestant ministers. The so-called Van Rossem chantry in Herwen church also became a Protestant studieleen . In 1699 the Guelrian government confirmed that its beneficiary should be a promising Protestant student. 379 The odds are that the Alkemade chantry at Warmond was already a studieleen in disguise when grandsons and a great-grandson of Margaretha van Alkemade became its beneficiaries in the late 15 th century, but the accounts of the archdeaconry do not list any priests substituting for them. The Ayttas of Swichum organised their education differently. Mr Bucho Aytta († 1528), a graduate of Louvain who among other offices was a justice in the Courts of Friesland and Holland, a parson at Leeuwarden, and dean of St Mary’s at The Hague, paid for the tuition of his nephew Viglius. Viglius probably did the same for his cousin Folkerus, who became a student in Louvain in 1561. Five years later Viglius founded his college in Louvain. To ensure that aspiring bursars of his own family were given priority, he set up a genealogical register of his close kin and their descendants. Folkerus became the first and only known priest of Viglius’ own chantry in Swichum, but the latter was never meant to be a studieleen . That function was fulfilled by his college in Louvain until 1797.380 Viglius must have been aware of the growing problem of ‘cousins from nowhere’ claiming benefits from rural family foundations which, often dating back several centuries, had lost track of their more or less distant kinsmen who were by law entitled to advowson, allowances, or both. The chantry founded by Doen Beyesz in Poortugaal in 1513 was another favourable exception. As the 17 th -century pedigree of his offspring explains, it was then a studieleen for descendants who would afterwards be retained as chantry priests. Their pedigree was neatly updated during the next three centuries at the local courthouse, under the auspices of the Geestelijk Kantoor. In January 1603, for instance, Haesge Lambrechtsdr, widow of the dikereeve Claes Cornelisz, named her grandson

378 Dutch Chamber of Commerce nrs. NL-41001121 (‘Sjaerdemaleen’) and NL-01089631 (‘Douwe Pybesleen’). 379 Walsweer, ‘Capellefrijlien’ 94-95, 98-99; Ketelaar, ‘Friese lenen’ 163; Van Sasse, ‘Herwen’ 217-219. 380 Vries et al., Heeren nr. 2; Roemeling, Corpus ; Noomen, Stinzen 201; De Vocht, Inventaire nr. 3099.

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Willem Andriesz as a beneficiary, followed in May by Jan Pieter Beyensz for his son Beye Jansz. 381 Speaking of cousins from nowhere, one wonders whether the affidavit drawn up in June 1566 in Sassenheim – across the lake from Sloten – at the request of three farmers from Friesland, was also meant to claim a benefit, in this case from the chantry in Sloten church, founded in 1451 by Hugo filius Stephani and first held by his son Stephanus, a priest. In 1566 two village elders swore that they had known ‘Steeven Huigen’ well, and that the three Frisian visitors were his great- grandsons. Whether the Sloten chantry was still worth much at that time, however, is doubtful. In 1549, apparently under Gerardus Ramp’s advowson, part of its land had been sold illegally. When the Geestelijk Kantoor took over in 1597, most of it was being exploited privately. In the preserved text of the affidavit – a copy of 1775 – the chantry is not mentioned, and ‘Steeven’ is not described as a priest but as a scion of some cadet branch of an old aristocratic family. 382 For want of hard evidence that ‘Steeven’ was indeed a son of chantry founder Hugo, the affidavit of 1566 must be qualified as a claim to fame rather than to a benefice from a decrepit pious foundation. It foreshadows the memoria culture of a new era, with a new focus on fama and invented traditions. 383

6.6. Disease and other disasters A plague epidemic in 1369, another in 1557 – how rural memoria registers recorded these and other translocal disasters, including the atrocities of war, will be discussed in this section. The memoriboec of Voorburg commemorates how some 500 villagers died of the plague between April and November 1557 – a true carnage, given that the entire parish had only 500 communicants in 1514 (table 11). Ten new anniversaries were inscribed on the few remaining empty pages. Kathryn Claesdr, already a widow before the epidemic, lost a couple of relatives and their children. She added their commemorations to that of her late husband and further included a hand-out of bread to the poor. Only 25 victims (5% of the death toll in 1557) were commemorated by name.384 It appears from several other sources that the plague of 1557 was indeed a translocal disaster. After several years of severe crop failure, a comet was sighted in 1556. In the following two years an epidemic hit many villages in Brabant. In 1558, Schijndel lost one third of its population. Many people in Oirschot also fell ill, but few died. This was attributed locally to the intercession of St Anthony, but in 1557 a heavy storm yet blew down the tower of the collegiate church of St Peter. 385 Herwen was hit by

381 Van Valkenburg, ‘Voorouders’ 131-132; NA/3.01.34/586/55v. 382 Osinga, ‘Oorsprong’ 241-242; ELO/512/18; SAA/329/250/xviii-xix; Kuiken, ‘Wie weet’ 131-132. 383 Assmann, Erinnerungsraüme 33-43. 384 Kuys et al., Kroniek 177; Schutjes, Geschiedenis V-372; Van Booma, Voirburch 53, 79-83, 144-145. 385 Noordegraaf & Valk, Gave 225-226; Heesters, Schijndel 79; Adriaenssen, Geweld 49; Coenen, Baanderheren 116.

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pestilencie in August, 1566. Parson Gerrit Lettinck recorded 200 casualties, including his verger Georgius Franconis. ‘May God comfort his soul, Amen’, Lettinck concluded.386 The legend of St Anthony’s intercession in Oirschot is a late illustration of the cult of so-called plague marshals, saints who were often invoked as protectors against the plague and other diseases. Two of them – Anthony and Hubert – figure in Lady Jacoba van den Woude’s will of 1508, but a chapel dedicated to Mary and St Anthony at Wijbosch near Schijndel is already attested in 1428. Bokhoven church adopted St Anthony as its patron saint in 1369, the first known plague year in Holland. Anthonius Jacobi founded a mass on the altar of all four marshals – Quirin, Hubert, Cornelius, and Anthony – in Baardwijk, where his anniversary was scheduled in September. 387 He was perhaps the Anthonis Jacopsz of Baardwijk whose entry fee was received by the Fraternity in 1525. Local guilds in parishes in our sample also took St Anthony as their patron saint. They are attested in Sloten (1451), Herwen (1473), Abcoude (c. 1585), Horn (1646), and probably Dronrijp (1542). 388 They may have been set up originally as burial societies during or following an epidemic. In towns like Leiden, Alexian friars (cellebroeders ) were charged with the burial of plague victims. 389 The memoriboec of Voorburg is an exception to the rule that most memoria registers hardly ever specify causes of death. The Fraternity accounts, for instance, list five plague victims: two at ’s-Hertogenbosch and one each at Breda, Doeveren, and Gorinchem. Against this background Dick de Boer’s discovery in 1978 of hard evidence of four epidemics (1369, 1381-1382, 1399-1400, and 1411) in a memoria register of St Pancras’ at Leiden was welcomed as a breakthrough. The first epidemic coincided with a demographic contraction in nearby Hazerswoude between 1369 and 1371. This contraction was perhaps also related to increased migration to Leiden, where the textile industry urgently needed new workers. 390 Of 238 households in Hazerswoude in 1369, only 120 were left in 1477 and 100 in 1494, but growth resumed in the 16 th century. On the other hand there was no significant contraction in Koudekerk and Zoeterwoude between 1369 and 1477, and the population of Warmond more than doubled from 29 households in 1369 to 60 in 1477 (table 11). Although the accounts of the Fraternity do not often refer to plague directly, fluctuations in dootsculd payments can be an indication. In our sample Oirschot stands out with 557 payments, followed by Baardwijk with 203 payments (table 23). These figures have been compared against Oisterwijk, a town near – and

386 Van ’t Hoff, ‘Herwen’ 247. 387 ELO/512/29; Zweers & Beijers, Schijndel 77; BHIC/253/2. 388 Sources in the appendix, below. 389 Van Herwaarden et al., Dordrecht 347-348; Ladan, Gezondheidszorg 24, 62-63, 169-170. 390 ’t Hart, Independence 111, 122; De Boer, Graaf 340-341, 347-354.

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slightly larger than – Oirschot, with a total of 839 dootsculd payments, and Leiden, with 496. Dootsculd payments peaked in Leiden in the 1470s, when dootsculd was received for 109 persons. Those in Oisterwijk peaked in the 1490s, much earlier than in Oirschot, where dootsculd payments rose steeply in the 1510s and peaked in the 1520s. The top decades for dootsculd payments in Baardwijk were the 1520s (53 payments) and 1540s (52 payments). None of the apparent mortality peaks in these four parishes, however, can be related to attested epidemics. Before looking for other factors such as famine or war, the possibility must be considered that the observed peaks in dootsculd payments were the delayed effect of previous waves of new subscriptions. It turns out that they were. The human factor may once again have been decisive. Fraternity entry fees from Leiden peaked in the 1460s and 1470s, when Mr Foyken Bartholomeusz was its local agent. He was reported dead in 1485. In Baardwijk, the priest Peter Schilders may have played a similar role between 1516 and his retirement in 1525. 391 Entry fees in Baardwijk peaked in the 1510s and 1520s, and fell sharply in the 1530s. In Oirschot they peaked in the 1510s and 1520s, and in Oisterwijk in the 1490s and 1500s (table 23). Dootsculd payments from Schijndel are too few to allow this kind of inferences, but the dramatic fall of its population from 248 households in 1496 to 159 in 1515 is almost entirely due to a gruesome act of war by Guelrian troops in 1512. In that year many villagers took refuge in the parish church. When it was set on fire, all inside perished. 392 When a rural priest such as parson Vallick of Groessen would recite the Litany of the Saints in these perilous times, he would probably beg Christ in the most passionate of voices to deliver mankind from plague, famine, and war. In his days, these disasters were often interrelated. In the last quarter of the 16 th century, for instance, the scorched-earth tactics of Protestant warlords in northern Brabant not only caused famine but also outbreaks of plague, transmitted by marauding soldiers to malnourished villagers. In 1572 parson Lettinck, Vallick’s colleague of nearby Herwen, recorded thefts of livestock and church treasures in his parish and in nearby villages and towns:393

Most [towns] were captured by surprise. Churches and monasteries were spoliated and monstrances, cibories, and other church utensils appropriated. These Beggars often came here in the parish of Herwen and in other parishes belonging to the king of . They stole many horses, oxen, and so on. Royal mercenaries did likewise in the Land of Bergh.

391 Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 548. There are records of provisores at Oirschot of 1526, 1533-1536, and 1572. 392 Noordegraaf & Valk, Gave 225-226; Heesters, Schijndel 79; Adriaenssen, Geweld 49; Coenen, Baanderheren 116. 393 Van ’t Hoff, ‘Herwen’ 247-248.

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‘Beggars’ ( goeszen ) was the proud nickname of Protestant rebel units under Orangist command. Only well-organised towns could still mount a form of defence that was sometimes effective, and sometimes failed. In the countryside resistance was most often futile and the vicinity of a fortified town seldom helpful. Quite the contrary, all villages around ’s-Hertogenbosch were forced to pay for the defence of that town. Attempts to barricade streets, for instance in Oirschot, had little effect. Tilburg church was heavily damaged by fire in 1576 and plundered by soldiers in 1577. In 1586 Protestant Friesland was invaded by a royalist army. The churches of Koudum and Winsum were set to fire, killing all villagers who were hiding inside. The next year the dean of Oirschot was held ransom by mutinous soldiers. The chapter had by then become so poor that it was unable to pay. 394 We are nearing the end of the translocal chapters of our discussion. We saw how locals and absentees – parsons, lords temporal, and landowners – were represented in rural memoria sources, and how some rural chantries were local institutions while others were translocalities. We also had a brief glance at the representation of translocal disasters (plague, war) in our rural registers. One peculiar translocality has been left undiscussed. Perhaps it is time to have a peek at purgatory.

6.7. The penultimate translocality Around 1475 Yolande de Lalaing († 1497), widow of Sir Reynout van Brederode, commissioned a family chronicle from a Carmelite of Haarlem, a town near to Brederode Hall. One chapter is of particular interest to the present study. In 1399 Sir Jan van Brederode reportedly traveled to Sinte Patricius vegevyer in Ierlant , from which he returned safely later that year. Vegevyer , first attested in the 1240s, is Middle Dutch for purgatory (vagevuur in modern Dutch). The site where Sir Jan is said to have visited is now known as Station Island in County Donegal in Ireland. The chronicle does not say what he really witnessed there. Pilgrims were reportedly briefed in a nearby abbey before being let down a horrifying dark pit. Sir Jan survived this experience, which earned him a full indulgence. Once back home, he commissioned a new chapel for St Patrick just outside his castle. 395 St Patrick’s purgatory also figures in a collection of stories written at the time of the Lateran Reformation by Caesarius of Heisterbach, a Cistercian monk. The collection was copied in several monasteries in the Low Countries. On his inspection tours of Cistercian monasteries, Caesarius recorded several encounters of monks with ghosts in purgatory, from a loan shark of Liège to a Frisian nun. All were relieved of their sufferings by the intercessions of the saints and by the

394 Teenstra, Kronijk 7; Adriaenssen, Geweld 349-370. 395 Van Oostrom, Nobel streven 78-87; Van der Sijs, Woordenboek 1107, 1132.

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alms and prayers of the faithful. Caesarius does not specify how these sinners had been punished, but recommends that sceptics should travel to Station Island to see for themselves. Not all explorers were successful. An abbot told Caesarius how a monk of his abbey had entered the pit of St Patrick’s purgatory and saw demons bubbling up from the depth. They forbade him to proceed unless he took off his habit. The monk refused and was not let in.396 These reports, from Caesarius’ anonymous monk’s to Sir Jan van Brederode’s, describe – or rather: refer to – the penultimate translocality in the world of medieval salvation: purgatory, the place where all but the most blessed souls had to spend at least some unpleasant time before Doomsday, and which could be inspected through a mysterious Irish peephole. Stories like those reported by Caesarius also survive in a couple of collections from Yorkshire: one by the late 12 th -century canon William of Newburgh and one written around 1400 by a Cistercian monk. The older tales of ‘unnatural marvels’ ( prodigiosa ) do not yet refer to purgatory, but one Cistercian tale quotes a lamenting ghost begging a layman for masses and prayers. The laymen then obtains a written absolution which he buries in the man’s grave – a remedy already suggested in William’s tales. When the ghost reappears to the layman, he cheers that he is about to ‘enter upon eternal joy’. 397 These few examples show how Cistercians were instrumental in the propagation of such stories. Jan Bremmer (2002) even suggests that the late medieval term purgatorium as a place was really a Cistercian invention. Incidentally, the only known ‘Vagevuur’ toponym in the modern Netherlands refers to a pingo scar on an estate named ‘Paradijs’ ( sic ), a former Cistercian grange near Roden in Drenthe. 398 At any rate, all stories about encounters with ghosts in purgatory are based on the belief in a community of the living and the dead looking after each other’s interests to secure eternal salvation – the memoria paradigm introduced in Part One. In Thomas More’s Utopia (1516), Utopians are said to ‘believe that by the imperfection of human sight [the deceased] are invisible to us, yet they are present among us, and hear those discussions that pass concerning themselves’. This community also figures in works of Sir Jan’s contemporaries such as Jan van Boendale, Jan van Leeuwen, and Lodewyk van Velthem, who all discuss the fate of souls in the afterlife and manners to ensure their redemption. Ulrike Wuttke (2017) understands this vernacular discourse as an inherent part of the intellectual emancipation of the laity in the later Middle Ages.399

396 NYML/M.672-5/II/178v; Bartelink, Caesarius 381-395. 397 Owens, Ghost 19-26. 398 Bremmer, Afterlife 69, 165; Mol, ‘Bezitsverwerving’ 183, 187-188; ’Kuiper & Spek, ‘Paradijs’. 399 After More, Utopia ; Wuttke, ‘Vernacular’ 164.

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But how did purgatory appear in the visual imagination of contemporaries? Purgatory was pictured on rood lofts or retables in many medieval village churches in and Germany, but very few of these images have survived in the Low Countries. 400 The MeMO database lists a dozen artifacts with often dramatic depictions of Doomsday, but none of purgatory. Three rare Dutch miniatures in late 15 th -century books of hours have been identified. One shows a cleric praying for souls who are at the same time being lifted out of purgatory. Another was made for a member of the Brederode family: Sir Jan’s nephew Ghysbert, bishop-elect of Utrecht in 1455. An initial in his book of hours shows devils poking a fire beneath a group of chained naked figures. In the background lurches the mouth of a monster, a common representation of the gateway to hell. The entire group is about to be carried away in a colourful sling by two angels – obviously to heaven. A third book of hours from Delft has a miniature showing the same happy end in more detail. Rather more cartoonesque is a drawing of ‘relesyng saules in purgatory ’ in an English manuscript. Four naked men in a tub are hoisted from purgatory into a round fortress where Christ and eight blessed souls are awaiting their safe arrival. The rope is pulled by a man who is meanwhile giving alms to the poor, and by a priest who is elevating the Eucharist in front of an altar. ‘These saules ar drawne up oute of purgatory by prayer and almos dede’, as a caption to the scene explains. 401 All the above can be summarised as a northern tradition of purgatory. A distinct southern tradition began in the 1310s in Florence with Dante’s Commedia . Dante painstakingly describes purgatory as a seven-tiered mountain in the southern hemisphere, each tier being reserved for a category of deadly sinners: the proud, the envious, the wrathful, the slothful, the covetous, the gluttonous, and the lustful. A winding road, or corniche, eventually leads the curious poet to the gate of heaven. As the Commedia is in Italian, not in Latin, its ideas were little known by northerners, with the exception of Geoffrey Chaucer, who visited Italy in the 1370s and praises ‘the wyse poete of Florence, that highte Dant’ in The wyves tale of Bathe . Susanne Wegmann (2003) concludes that Dante had no direct influence on images of purgatory in the German-speaking world. This would also include the Low Countries. Even the image of Dante’s purgatory mountain on a fresco of 1465 in Florence Cathedral seems to have escaped the attention of visiting northern artists such as the German Albrecht Dürer or Jan van Scorel from Holland, who worked in Rome in 1525.402 Within the northern tradition, purgatory as part of a community of the living and the dead seems to have been pictured most dramatically in the English cartoon described above. It was used as a teaching aid for novices in a

400 Kroese & Steensma, Interior 72, 213; Wegmann, Auf dem Weg 225-321. 401 Rudy, Piety 196 (also on the cover of Van Booma, Voirburch ); Leven nrs. 17-18; Owens, Ghost 23, 66. 402 Duffy, Stripping 343-344; Cunningham & Reich, Culture 232-235; Wegmann, Auf dem Weg 20-21.

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charterhouse in 15 th -century Lincolnshire or Yorkshire. Another visionary northern tradition of purgatory is the Revelationes caelestes of St Bridget of Sweden († 1373), the saint to whom a chantry in the old parish church of Oirschot was dedicated in 1426. Three late 15 th -century manuscript versions of the Revelationes in Dutch are known. In St Bridget’s visions purgatory was three- tiered, with hell-like punishments meted out in the lowest tier. She describes hell itself as a distinct place beyond the reach of prayers and almsgiving. Most remarkable is that St Bridget also posed as what in late modern terms would be called a medium. She would answer questions from visitors about their dead kin, and about ways to let them proceed to heaven faster. 403 Yet in the Low Countries, at least in Holland, purgatory was most often associated with the name of St Patrick, for instance in the writings of the court chaplain Dirc van Delft, a contemporary of Sir Jan van Brederode. A Dutch translation of a knight’s adventures at Station Island was also circulated widely. Either may have inspired Sir Jan’s trip and his dedication of a chapel to the Irish saint, which may or may not have been intended as a surrogate pilgrim site. In our sample, medieval pilgrimage cults are reliably attested in Oirschot and Venray (Our Lady) and Velden (St Andrew). 404 Between 1485 and 1557 the chantry in Sir Jan’s chapel where a Carmelite had been reading two weekly masses, most likely for the Brederodes’ salvation, was transferred to an urban chapel in Haarlem. In 1557 or 1558 the penultimate chantry priest, himself a Brederode, resigned. 405 This apparent defection was recorded on the eve of the Protestant Reformation, a time when, to quote Susan Owens (2017), ‘purgatory’s permeable borders, which occasionally allowed souls to slip through and find ways of communicating with the living’, were closed – but not for good. In the 19 th and 20 th centuries new generations of ‘spiritualist’ mediums, adopting modern technology to contact the dead, made headlines in America and Europe, including the Netherlands. In 1858 even the Protestant Dutch Queen Sophie invited a medium from England to her palace. Chapters of ‘Harmonia’, a spiritualist society, soon sprang up all over the Netherlands. In Britswerd, a village in our sample, the local Protestant minister became a zealous propagandist. Even without solid scientific evidence for the claims of these modern intercessors between the here and hereafter, at least some of the spirit of medieval memoria practice seems to have made a comeback in an era when, as Oexle (1983) claims, the dead were seen as objects rather than subjects in a shared space.406

403 Duffy, Stripping 338; BHIC/241/377; AB/101D7; UBN/Ms/197; UBU/1030; Matsuda, Death 70-72. 404 Daniëls, Dirc 659; Verdeyen & Endepols, Vagevuur ; Wichmans, Brabantia 420-424; Habets, Geschiedenis I 410. 405 NHA/2123/389/43v; NHA/3295/165; Kennemaria 94. 406 Owens, Ghost 35, 200-211; Gibbels, ‘Klopgeesten’; De Harder, Albertinus 175-178; Oexle, ‘Gegenwart’.

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With these observations we are crossing another permeable border: the division between social history and the history of mentalities. According to Astrid Erll (2011), the mental dimension of memory culture, as opposed to its material dimension which is constituted by mnemonic objects, includes shared codes which enable and shape collective remembering, and the effects that these acts of remembering have on the mental dispositions prevailing in a given community. Yet these mental dimensions are not open to direct observation. Hypotheses can only be formulated after discrete acts of memory – Erll calls them ‘performances’ – have been analysed.407 This seems a proper starting point for the final part of the present study, which will be about culture. It will first discuss material aspects of rural memoria in the medieval Low Countries: objects, heraldry, architecture, and the role of literacy in the rise of the rural parish as an eminent memoria institution.

407 Erll, Memory 102-104.

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Part Four. Culture

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7. Material culture

‘What matters? Stones or ideas?’ are the final lines of David Hare’s theatre monologue Via Dolorosa (1998). 408 The ambiguities of culture can hardly be expressed any better. We will begin with a stone. In 1938 dredgers found a damaged Roman tombstone in an old meander of the Rhine, near the site where the old village of Herwen was inundated in 1764. The stone can be dated to the mid-1st century, for the commemorated officer Marcus Mallius belonged to a Roman legion disbanded after the Batavian uprising of 68-70. The epitaph, carved in a piece of white limestone, says Mallius was buried by his heirs according to his last will at the dike in Carvium , a Roman fort – probably Herwen. 409 Mallius, whose father was reportedly from Genoa in Italy, is the first known person commemorated by name in a village in our sample (table 7). A slightly later object from the same site is a votive altar dedicated to Jupiter by a Roman prefect. Altars dedicated to Mars and Mercurius have been found at Horn. 410 A very early material witness of Christian memoria in a rural parish in the northern Low Countries is an inscription on a sandstone portal in Nederhorst den Berg:

May he who wishes to go to this church Pray for Elburga’s salvation, And no one shall enter unless […].

Elburga is probably the lady Adelburga mentioned in a late 9 th -century vita of Ludger, the Dutch missionary who founded Werden Abbey in 799 and died ten years later as first bishop of Münster. The church of Nederhorst, or Werina according to the vita , was founded by Ludger’s family. 411 The votive altars found at Herwen and Horn are precedents of another medieval memoria practice: the dedication of works of art to the patron saint of one’s favorite parish or monastery. Among the oldest preserved gifts in this genre is an illuminated Gospel Book donated to Egmond Abbey by Count Dirk II († 988) and his spouse. Their portraits adorn two pages of this precious codex. 412 The next few sections will cover four centuries of Christian material memoria culture in the 56 villages in our sample, from the Lateran Reformation of the early

408 Hare, Via Dolorosa 43. 409 Byvanck, Nederland 392-395, 718. 410 Byvanck, Nederland 393, 560. 411 Kuiken, ‘Liudgeriden’. According to the vita , Adelburga was St Ludger’s maternal grandmother. 412 Gumbert, ‘What do we want’ 21.

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13 th century to the Protestant Reformation of the 16 th . The names of some of these villages are already attested before 1200. At least one (Koudum) was then already an elite burial site, witness the eight sandstone sarcophagi found there in 1858. They were imported from the German Rhineland, where similar sarcophagi served as tombs of the Salian dynasty (r. 1024-1125). As no names of persons buried in such Romanesque coffins in Koudum or other villages are known, these anonymous objects will not be considered memoria objects in the proper sense. This does not mean, however, that all elite burials of the Salian era were anonymous. In some urban churches, bishops like Bernold of Utrecht († 1054) and deans of collegiate chapters like Geldolf († 1039) and Hugo (or Humbertus, † 1086) of Maastricht were buried with leaden identification tags inside limestone or sandstone sarcophagi. With the exception of Hugo’s, these quasi-imperial monoliths were not inscribed or otherwise marked.413 Although Bernold, like most others in that era, was buried without any outside marks of identification – his coffin was excavated by chance in 1656 – he was duly commemorated in the written records of his church, and in a confraternity roll of St Gall Abbey in Switzerland. 414 It seems indeed logical to begin our discussion of material memoria culture here with the practice of writing.

7.1. Writing Writing was a necesssary material condition for memoria practice. Even if, in Oexle’s words, memoria was created by the recitation of names, written records were needed to remember when and where which names were to be recited, especially if their numbers ran into the dozens, as in many villages in our sample, or into the thousands, as in the accounts of the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch.415 The Protestant Reformation has destroyed most traces of monastic life in the northern Low Countries. Only one late medieval rural monastery has survived almost intact at Ter Apel near Emmen. Most visitors are impressed by its church, with a sandstone rood loft and a sedilia for three priests, but instead of stones we will look at literacy. In a corner under the roof, heated by the fireplace in the prior’s room downstairs, a medieval writing studio has been reconstructed. Heated rooms ( caminatae ) were a sign of the spread of literacy in the rural Low Countries. In 14th -century Friesland, for instance, camenade was reportedly used as a local synonym for a rural parson’s house.416 Monasteries were a key factor in the ‘churching of the landscape’, the covering of the countryside with a network of parishes. The Frisian parson whose camenade was mentioned above, for instance, was a Norbertine of Lidlum Abbey.

413 Kuiken, ‘Grafkisten’; Bogaers, ‘Commemoration’ 193-195; Kuiken, ‘Prominentie’ 13-17. 414 HUA/220/74 and /75; Van Genderen, Heren 41. 415 Oexle, Memoria als Kultur 50-51. 416 Section 3.1, above; Jansen & Janse, Wittewierum 56; Lambooij, Sibrandus 250.

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Under its 13 th -century abbot Emo, Wittewierum near Groningen also dispatched couples of conventuals as priests to nearby rural churches. Of the parishes in our sample, 33% had parsons appointed by monasteries and 16% by collegiate chapters. In both cases, this was a direct and personal channel for the transmission of literacy. Even before the Lateran Reformation of 1215, which made schools mandatory in all major parishes, rural parish schools taught local elites to read and write. Around 1205, Emo was teaching at the parish school of Westeremden, a village north of Wittewierum. He was then already a university graduate, but most late medieval records of rural parish schools show that they were taught by local vergers.417 The oldest preserved original memoria register from our sample may be the Liber anniversariorum capituli Oirschottensis . It contains 49 parchment leaves bound in the original cover. The calendar of saints in which the anniversaries are inscribed is written in a Gothic textual, which was in use around 1400 and served as prototype for the printed text of the Gutenberg Bible (1455). The first anniversaries on each day are in the same hand as the calendar. With each later entry on a single day, the handwriting becomes less readable, in part because of inferior ink. The calendar of saints follows the calendar of the diocese of Liège and includes the Visitatio Mariae (July 2), an official holiday since 1390 – the terminus post for this text carrier. Although the book has no colophon it is likely to be a product of the local chapter school, which is first attested in 1363. 418 A loose parchment leaf in a handwritten Missale Traiectense – a missal with the calendar of saints used in Utrecht diocese – claims that this text carrier itself was transferred from Almkerk to Wijk when Almkerk was inundated in November, 1421. If so, this missal is probably the second oldest text carrier in our sample. Aside of this historical note, its 302 parchment leaves again lack a proper colophon. The rubricated calendar was written in the usual Gothic textual with obits in cursive typefaces in the margins. Two parchment quires were probably added after 1439.419 In 1435 the parish community of Voorburg decided to consolidate the bookkeepings of the lands and annuities owned by the local Holy Spirit, church fabric, and rectory into a new register, more or less in the way parson Vallick of Groessen set up his kerckenboeck in the 1560s. This lay initiative combined the traditional form of a cartulary with an unconventional memoria register. The deed of the local almswardens and churchwardens was sealed by the burgrave of Leiden and the lord, the sheriff, and the parson of Voorburg. A copy of it was entered by an anonymus in a Gothic textual on the first of 67 parchment leaves

417 Saul, Lordship 19; Jansen & Janse, Wittewierum 290, 324-326; Kuys, Kerkelijke organisatie 76-79. 418 Frenken, Oirschot 1-2; BHIC/222/26 (Willem Vos, canon and scholaster ); Kuys, Kerkelijke organisatie 237-239. 419 Van Bueren, Leven nr. 69.

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of the new memoria register, entitled Dit ist memoriboec van Voirburch . Later additions to the register are in less readable Gothic writing, mostly cursive.420 Three successive memoria calendars have been preserved in the parson’s archive of Berlicum, the oldest copy together with a list of Sunday intercessions (a ‘soulbook’). The parchment calendar is a mishmash of memoria notes scribbled after or between holidays as well as in the margins. Many are blurred, erased, or simply unreadable, which makes this text carrier difficult to date. In 1579 a paper replacement was drawn up, which was itself updated in 1622. The first entry in the calendar of 1622 is the anniversary of Wouter Colen and his wife (12 January). In the calendar of 1579 they are preceded by the anniversary of Ruthgerus Symonis and his wife, commissioned in 1500 and commemorated on 10 January. The old parchment calendar lists four anniversaries earlier in January, but these are largely unreadable. 421 In Berlicum, where the parsons were Norbertines of Berne, the ideal of an everlasting parchment calendar was apparently given up in favour of inexpensive paper updates. It also seems that some memoriae in this parish were more perpetual than others, probably because payments had dried up.

Fig. 9. Illuminated obit for Pieter Oelez († Middelharnis 1466). After Braber, Middelharnis 14

The church of Middelharnis, the youngest parish in our sample, was founded in 1468 on recently reclaimed marshland. Cornelis Jacobsz († 1479), its first attested parson, is credited as the author of an untitled memoria calendar. He wrote a fine Gothic hand. If the illuminated Dominical letters in the original calendar were done by himself – as opposed to, for instance, an artist in a nearby monastery – he was also a gifted doodler. The calendar was later expanded into

420 Van Booma, Voirburch 50-55, 71-72. 421 BHIC/1575/13; Van der Velden, ‘Berlicum’; BHIC/1575/112/1; BHIC/1575/118/1.

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a cartulary of 400 leaves. The oldest anniversary, that of Pieter Oelez († 1466), is on a page with the Dominical letter F, which is adorned with a funny face in the style of a mercy seat in a choir stall. (Fig.9)422 The quarterly commemorations in Koudekerk church are listed in a Gothic hand in the back of a slim paper cartulary, which can be dated to the mid-15 th century. A notarised copy was incorporated in 1552 in a new paper cartulary, written in a cursive hand by the parson Cornelis Wesselsz. The latter also included deeds of 41 anniversaries entrusted to the church fabric. By that time, printing had revolutionised the production and distribution of books and other texts. The first products of the Gutenberg press were probably indulgences printed in 1454, suggesting that technological innovation at this stage was a major factor in the commodification of salvation. In Leiden Hugo Jansz, a well-known printer of devout texts, was commissioned around 1500 by the church fabric of Haarlem to print thousands of such pardon letters. When in 1510 the priest Mr Duco Grevink endowed his newly founded chantry in Leermens church with a missal, he chose a printed edition produced in Cologne. It had a calendar of saints in the tradition of Münster, the diocese to which Leermens was subordinated, and it was inscribed with seven obits and a brief note referring to the Battle of Heiligerlee (1568), the beginning of the .423 Such historical notes from the 16 th century also survive in a calendar in a handwritten missal from Herwen church. The text carrier itself has been dated to the second half of the 15 th century. Once again, the contrast between the beautifully rubricated Gothic textual of the calendar and the hasty 16 th-century cursive of the historical notes is striking. The page facing the beginning of the calendar has three memoria notes in different 16 th -century cursives, and one in a more readable minuscle.424 Eamon Duffy (2006) and Kathryn Rudy (2016) have both shown how late medieval owners often customised books of hours and other manuscripts to their own tastes – and their own glory. The Printing Revolution did not end this practice. In a printed edition of St Bridget’s Revelationes (see section 6.7, above), published in 1500 in Nuremberg, a woodcut by Albrecht Dürer shows the saint as intercessor for a praying couple whose armorial escutcheons have been left blank, thus creating the option for prospective buyers to have their own blasons filled in and turn their book into a devotional portrait. 425 (Fig.10) Given the Swedish visionary’s popularity in Oirschot and other places across the Low Countries, copies of this printed edition may also have been sold in these regions.

422 Van der Gouw, ‘Middelharnis’; Braber, Middelharnis 10-17; Elias, Koorbanken . 423 Van Zijl, ‘Koudekerk’; GM/130; GM/131; Van Bueren, Leven nr. 38; GDW nr. 383; Kuiken, ‘Leermens’. 424 Deventer/AB/11L2KL/2. 425 Duffy, Marking ; Rudy, Piety ; Kurth, Dürer 22-23.

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Fig. 10. Woodcut by Albrecht Dürer in a printed edition of St Bridget’s Revelationes (Nuremberg 1500). The coats of arms in the portraits to the left and right of the saint have been left blank.

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This concludes our brief discussion of memoria text carriers, from the late 14 th to the early 16 th century. The Printing Revolution did not at once make writing studios superfluous. It also created new conditions for old practices. The mass production of missals, for instance, benefited rural churches and chantries with limited financial means, just as the mass production of indulgences served salvation markets on an unprecedented scale – pace the Fraternity at ’s- Hertogenbosch, probably the largest single memoria provider in the medieval Low Countries.

7.2. Lighting One practice of the Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady at ’s-Hertogenbosch can be linked remotely to the Printing Revolution: the production of thousands of candles to be sent to external members before Candlemas (February 2), one of the several major celebrations of the Virgin Mary observed yearly by the Fraternity. (Fig.11) The first batch of 3350 candles was recorded in 1435, two decades before Gutenberg printed his first indulgences. These candles were perhaps impressed with a lily among thorns ( lilium inter spinas ), a symbol of the Virgin adopted in the 1370s as a logo of the Fraternity.426

Fig. 11. Villagers carrying candles to church for Candlemas on a miniature from a book of hours by Simon Beningh (fl. Bruges 1500-1562). The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, Ms. 50.

426 Van Dijck, Optimaten 65-66, 100-101, 106, 419.

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Medieval Dutch druckers refers to printers, but also to mass-producers of inexpensive clay images of saints. Such images were ‘printed’ in moulds and then baked. It is not unlikely that the candles for the Fraternity were also mass- produced in moulds. This process seems to have been invented in Paris in the early 15 th century. Either way, these loyalty gifts certainly helped to create an awareness among their recipients that they belonged to an – albeit imagined – community of favoured faithful within the larger community of the Church itself. An essential part of this long-distance candle cult was the solemn announcement in church that they had arrived, but the Fraternity’s distribution network probably only extended to major towns. In 1460 Leiden received 50 candles. 427 The account books list 28 previous payments of entry fees, all from persons in the town proper. The remaining 22 candles were perhaps destined for nearby villages like Warmond. The substance used for these candles is not specified in Fraternity accounts. Tallow was inexpensive and often used in common households, but it had an unpleasant smell. The preferred material was beeswax. The wax content of church candles was prescribed by canon law. A contract of 1413 between a noble family and a Cistercian nunnery makes it even more likely that wax was used. In addition to four quarterly memoria masses the nuns promised to deliver one pound of beeswax yearly to Gennep Hall in Upper Guelders. A notarised contract between the Fraternity and a professional chandler also suggests that wax was used in the mass-produced candles for external members, for tallow candles were as a rule made by soap-boilers, not by chandlers.428 Wax would also make such candles a suitable gift for their relatively wealthy recipients. As a valuable commodity, wax was traditionally accepted for certain payments. An anonymous ditty in Frisian, recorded by a town secretary of Groningen in 1542, narrates how Donatus, the main patron saint of Leermens, proposed to Walburgis, the patron saint of an urban church in Groningen:429

He offered wax, he offered flax, he offered pennies. ‘Nay’, quoth St Walburgis, ‘I will not marry, Kyrie eleis !’

The registers of Abcoude, Berlicum, Hazerswoude, Hommerts, Koudekerk, Lopik, Middelharnis, Oirlo, Poortugaal, Venray-Oostrum, and Voorburg all specify numbers of candles to be burnt at memoria services. The earliest datable instance (heer Willem van der Heiden, Oirlo, 1383) predates the Fraternity’s candle cult by four decades. The Abcoude register has the second oldest record

427 Van Egmond, ‘Utrecht’ 33; Van Dijck, Optimaten 101. 428 Van Oostrom, Nobel streven 234; Van Dijck, Optimaten 233; Lexikon 1116. 429 Lexikon 1889; Feenstra, Taallandschap 60-61.

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of a perpetual memoria with candles in our sample (Bruninck Spruyt , 1444). 430 In 1477 Jacob van den Woude, lord of Warmond, willed that four candles – ‘two more than usual’ – be burnt in his memory at Thursday mass on the high altar of Warmond church, and nine during the six annual masses following his demise. Some registers mention quantities of wax, for instance two pounds to be burnt during the first 15 years of the perpetual anniversary of Seth Bennertsma († 1513) at Hommerts, as per her mother’s will. Lysbet, Bey Doensz’s widow, left two pounds of wax yearly to the church fabric of Poortugaal for her and her son’s memoria . Wax was too costly to be wasted. In Middelharnis, one pound was earmarked for the perpetual anniversary of the brothers Matheus († 1474) and Job († 1480) Domisz. The remaining wax was to be split between the rectory and the church fabric. 431 In 1517 the parson of Bozum registered a purchase of ‘wax’ (probably candles) for the ‘need’ (probably salvation or memoria ) of Jan Gralde, a bastard son of a local noble family. 432

7.3. Other objects The preserved memoria objects from the parishes in our sample provide some artistic context to the texts of memoria registers. To qualify as a memoria artifact, an object must either be a mnemonic device – the written registers are the obvious example – or a necessary prop or piece of scenery for the staging of memoria performances such as anniversaries and other commemorations. Tomb slabs and altarpieces combined both functions. As memoria masses were always celebrated on altars, images of commemorated parties helped to focus attention on their salvation. German Andachtsbild covers both the mnemonic and attentive functions of such images. An extra aide-mémoire were the colourful heraldic devices on some pieces. Heraldry will be discussed further in the next section. Tomb slabs had a similar mnemonic function as altarpieces and were also part of the liturgic mise-en-scène of anniversaries. A priest could say a prayer on the slab of a commemorated parishioner, or even stage a full commemoration on it with candles and a pall – a symbolic re-enactment of the funeral itself. The pulpit was the prescribed stage for vocal intercessions, another form of memoria performance. The registers of Berlicum, Oirlo, Sloten and Voorburg mention weekly intercessions op stoel : Sunday prayers for the souls of ancestors, parents, friends, and benefactors. Abcoude is the only village in our sample which has preserved a pulpit and rood screen of the Catholic era.433

430 GAV/67/11/1; Grevenstuk, ‘Abcoude’ nr. 82. 431 ELO/512/18; Van Borssum, ‘Hommerts’ 48; Van der Gouw, ‘Poortugaal’ 105 nr. 82; idem, ‘Middelharnis’ 52. 432 Sipma ed., Oorkonden III 98; Noomen, Inventarisatie 366; see also Verhoeven, Devotie 143. 433 Grijpink, ‘Sloten’ 439-440; Van Booma, Voirburch 43, 70; Steensma, Protestantse kerken 64-65, 122.

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How much tomb slabs could mean to their owners is illustrated by the case of Willem de Rike, a well-to-do villager of Abcoude. His grandson Willem Claes Tymansz († 1509) and great-grandsons Claes († 1547) and Bruninck Willemsz also lived there. In 1520 Bruninck gave the church fabric 46 guilders for a perpetual anniversary with a sung vigil of nine lessons, on condition that the land left to the church by his late father be leased to himself and his grandchildren. Bruninck also wanted the churchwardens to take good care of his father’s grave. It had to be covered at the earliest opportunity with, in his words, a slab as good as or better than Willem Otten’s slab. 434 The new slab, with a coat of arms and inscriptions for Willem and Claes in a Gothic textual, has been preserved. By some whim of fate, Willem Otten’s has not. The terms of Bruninck’s bequest show how rivalries between families were still fought out on the floor of a parish church in the 1520s – apparently less violently than during the church feud settled in 1366 in Wassenaar (section 5.1, above). In that fight arms, thumbs, and some unnamed limbs of eight men were reportedly hurt.435 In the 1540s, a good slab from a top-notch sculptor could fetch as much as 84 guilders, half of which was probably for workmanship. Most sculptors have remained anonymous, but in 16 th -century Friesland some twenty left their initials on several hundreds of elaborate tomb slabs. Five signed slabs have survived in four parishes in our sample: Bozum (Benedictus Gerbrandtz, 1543), Dronrijp (Vincent Lucas and Benedictus Gerbrandtz, no year), Nijland (Vincent Lucas, 1550), and Wommels (Benedictus Gerbrandtz, 1544). Vincent’s slab in Dronrijp shows Lollo van Ockingha († 1520) in a full suit of armour. These signed slabs were in such demand that they were also sold second-hand and re-used. Their classicist architecture and iconography were modeled on templates and prints by artists such as Hans Vredeman de Vries and Maerten van Heemskerck.436 As most medieval slabs have disappeared and the texts of many are now undecipherable, grave registers and surveys by outside visitors have become essential collateral sources. Sometimes these secundary sources seem to contradict each other. A tomb of Mr Jan van Ostrop, a court chaplain to Charles the Bold, was reported in Sloten church in 1486, but a survey of funeral inscriptions from the court chapel at The Hague attests that he was buried there.437 Around 1710 Job de Lange, a traveler from Gorinchem, surveyed the ‘arms and inscriptions of sepultures, tombs, and slabs’ in churches in the bailiwick of ’s- Hertogenbosch. In Schijndel he noticed a slab for ‘Philippus de Spina alias Van Doorn’ († 1673), but in St John’s at ’s-Hertogenbosch he found another one for the same De Spina as dean and canon of the latter church and parson of Schijndel.

434 Kort, Gaasbeek 32, 43; Grevenstuk, ‘Abcoude’ 45-46; Bloys, Utrecht 6. 435 Kort, ‘Wassenaer de oudste 62-63. 436 Brink, ‘First-rate’. 437 Grijpink, ‘Sloten’; Prins, ‘Grafstenen’ 457.

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Both slabs have disappeared since, but the one in St John’s has been described by some of De Lange’s contemporaries as showing a brass effigy of a priest and the names of several later Van Doorns, including one Gysbertus van Doren († 1673) whose coat of arms is also depicted in the armorial rolls of the Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady. De Lange saw the same blason – three pallets with three trefoils in chief – painted on the vault of Schijndel church, next to the arms of Bergen. 438

Fig. 12. Devotional portrait of Lollo van Ockingha († 1581) of Dronrijp. Photo: RKD.

The MeMO database shows that few other props and pieces have survived in villages. Of a dozen devotional portraits, the oldest is an early 14 th -century wall painting in Spijk, a village near Gorinchem, showing some kneeling figures and a heraldic escutcheon.439 If the net is cast more widely, portraits of prominent villagers from our sample commemorated or buried elsewhere, for instance Lolle van Ockinga of Dronrijp, can also be included. Ockinga, a grandson and namesake of the gentleman buried in Dronrijp church in 1520, was a captain in the royalist army during the Dutch Revolt. (Fig.12) In 1578 he was taxed 12 guilders in Dronrijp. Lolle and his Catholic family left Friesland in 1580. Lolle was wounded in battle and died in 1581 at Groningen, where he was buried at the Blackfriars. His anonymous devotional portrait, perhaps originally part of a triptych, has survived.440 A 15 th -century altarpiece for Count Jacob of Horne and

438 Bloys, Noord-Brabant II-173; Tummers et al., Sint-Jan 194 nr. 528; BHIC/1232/146/03/44. 439 Van Groningen, Vijfheerenlanden 289-292 (the blason looks like Mierlaer); cf. Helmus, Schilderen . 440 Boarnen 221 nr. 2355; Hoogland, ‘Conscriptio’ 358; Wassenbergh, ‘Friese portretten’; cf. the side panels of the Van Culemborg triptych, commissioned from Jan Deys in 1570, in Van Bueren, Leven nr. 100.

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his wife and children, with Horn Hall in the back, used to be part of the family’s memoria in St Elizabethsdal, an abbey near Roermond. A triptych of 1571 in Ghent Cathedral also deserves mentioning. It was commissioned by Viglius Aytta of Swichum, who is portrayed on the right wing praying to Christ in Majesty.441 In addition to the Frisian sculptors mentioned above, two makers of memoria artifacts in our sample can be identified with near certainty. In 1451 Hugo filius Stephani came to the house of Jacobus filius Theoderici Beeldesnyer at Haarlem to found a chantry in Sloten. His host, the sculptor Jacob Diricxz († 1483), often worked for the parish church of Haarlem for which he made a pulpit (1434), a statue of St John (1436), crosses and statues (1439), and an angel for the Holy Sepulchre (1440). He also decorated the church doors (1462). The chantry founder from Sloten almost certainly commissioned from him a statue of St Anthony the Abbot, the patron saint of his chantry. None of Jacob’s creations have survived, but in the 1490s his son Dirick Jacobsz Beeldsnyder made a stone statue of the Virgin Mary which is now in a side-chapel of the former parish church at Haarlem. 442 Around 1560 Maerten van Heemskerck, another artist trained in Haarlem, reportedly completed an altarpiece – now lost – in Nijland church, perhaps for the lord of Hottinga Hall.443 The years of creation of most other artifacts in our sample are uncertain. The memoria calendar of the priory at Warmond, for instance, mentions thirteen stained-glass windows and a variety of paraments and gilt silver ritual objects, often undatable gifts from clerical and lay ‘friends’. The values of the windows are quoted in guilders, varying between nine (Mr Huych van Assendelft, founder of a related priory) and 27 (Henrick van Rees, abbot of Egmond, also the avowee of a chantry in Warmond church) or in pounds, from ten (Claes Jansz and his wife Katryn) to 100 (Lord Jacob van den Woude).444 In this respect, too, the priory received many more pious gifts than the nearby women’s convent. Only one donation of a window (1547) to the convent is known, but the sisters themselves donated three windows to the parish church. In the words of Mario Damen (2005), such donations were rather inexpensive contributions to memoria and devotional practices. 445 Two records of lost slabs by Arnoldus Buchelius (1565-1641), a learned traveller from Utrecht who visited Warmond in 1612 and Koudekerk in 1613, must be mentioned here. Buchelius’ travel notebooks are a rich source of data on lost memoria objects. (figs. 16 and 17) In Warmond he was shown an old worn

441 Baron van Hövell, ‘Gedenktafel’; MeMO object ID 810; Van de Velde, ‘Nieuwe gegevens’ 127. 442 SAA/1389/6; Janssen, Bavokerk 64; Allan et al., Haarlem III 405; Temminck, ‘Beeldhouwwerk’. 443 Ten Hoeve, Nijland 107-109 ( een raer altaerstuck van de geboorte Christi ). 444 Mr Huych died in 1493, abbot Henrick in 1509. It is unclear which Jacob van den Woude donated a window. 445 Overvoorde, ‘Mariënhave’ 14; Damen, ‘Vensters’ 186 (values listed on pp. 197-199); Overvoorde, Kloosters 159.

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slab commemorating the local lords in the chancel. His drawing of four coats of arms on its corners (Woude, Cruyningen, Brakel, Eggert) identifies it as the burial of Lord Jacob van den Woude († 1503), son of Lord Jacob and Lady Reynout van Brakel. A notice in the manorial archive of Warmond reports that it was damaged when most of the church was destroyed in 1573. Not long after Buchelius’ visit, the old slab was replaced by a still present armorial slab in classicist style. In 1612 Buchelius found the partly rebuilt church full of recent memoria objects: armorial hatchments of the lords of Warmond and some predecessors, dated between 1591 and 1606; and two armorial windows, one with a kneeling couple and one with the blasons of the governors of the Hoogheemraadschap of Rijnland. 446 The next year Buchelius called at Koudekerk. The Gothic parish church was still intact. Buchelius saw a vault painting with the arms of Poelgeest and Culemborg, datable to the early 16 th century. In 1500, the priest Arend Pietersz van Tol was buried under a slab featuring a chalice flanked by four coats of arms. Buchelius noticed that the inlaid brass plates of another slab had disappeared. He described several hatchments and armorial windows, some with coats of arms of the local lords (the Van Poelgeests) differenced. 447 Buchelius’ observations in these and other rural and urban churches show how much heraldry had become a common and rather accessible pictural medium of late medieval – or early modern – memoria art.

7.4. Heraldry Heraldry can be defined as the display of a personalised (and as a rule hereditary) device on a shield or other attributes like a tabard – hence the metaphor ‘coat of arms’ for heraldic devices. The earliest attested case of a hereditary heraldic device is the blason borne by descendants of the Norman baron Roger de Beaumont († 1093). To quote David Crouch (2002), it marks the transition from heraldry as a collective practice to an expression of aristocratic attitudes of family and lineage. Hereditary armorial seals are attested in the northern Low Countries from the 1160s onwards. 448 In 14 th -century western Europe, a formal language developed to describe and identify heraldic devices. A full ‘achievement of arms’ includes a shield, decorated according to certain rules, often surmounted by a helmet covered by a more or less complicated structure (a ‘crest’) and accompanied by a decorative mantling, by one or more supporters, and by a coronet of rank.

446 BI 65-67; Gevers, ‘Warmond’ 84-86, 95; Bloys, Zuid-Holland II 518. 447 BI 117-118; a surving Van Poelgeest slab in Bloys, Zuid-Holland II 135. 448 Crouch, ‘Historian’ 28-33; Brugmans & Heeringa, Corpus .

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sterdam . Five years later, ofmost Holland and van The Os. medieval tower and chancel, butnot the

nave, survived destruction1573. in Rijksmuseum, Am Friesland were under Protestant control Fig. 16. Warmond church 1783 in by Pieter Gerardus

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and other objects in Koudekerk church in in church Koudekerk objects in other and est Hall. Photo: Utrecht University Library). Library). University Photo: Utrecht Hall. est

tombstones on armorial of notes 17.pages Fig. Two Poelge on is the left castle The 1613Buchelius. by

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The heraldic term ‘achievement’ also has a more colloquial derivative. A ‘hatchment’ is a wooden panel, often diamond-shaped, on which the coat of arms of a deceased gentleman or lady has been painted. The practice of permanent display of hatchments in churches originated in the Low Countries. 449 The armorial rolls of Claes Heynenz , in 1405 ‘king of arms’ to the count of Holland and previously herald to the duke of Guelders, and of an anonymus whom we may call the Master of the Bellenville Armorial , are rich sources of reference for Dutch heraldic practice around 1400. By that time, stained glass became a new type of carrier for heraldic representation. In 1467 Frank van Borsele, lord of Voorne, paid glassmaker Zweer van Opbueren at The Hague for a stained-glass window of twenty panes for Poortugaal church.450 Already around 1500 armorial windows seem to have adorned private Dutch houses. The preserved stained-glass fragments of two roundels from Dronrijp church are dated slightly later.451 A commission of a stained-glass window is also attested in the memoriboec of Voorburg, just before the iconoclastic fury of 1566. An unidentified parson had reportedly paid for a window in the transept of Voorburg church. This register only lists two parsons by name: Mr Lambrecht Ottenz († 1524), whose tomb slab has survived, and Mr Jan Jacopsz Pelanen († 1530), who according to the register left his best tabard to the parish.452 The armorial rolls mentioned above only include knights who took part in tournaments or certain military expeditions. Buchelius, who lived two centuries later and left a plethora of drawings of armorial windows, tomb slabs, and hatchments in churches all over the Low Cuntries, also was selective in his notes. In the main church at Haarlem, for instance, he ignored the many armorial tomb slabs of commoners, drawing only the arms of some local noble families and of burgomaster Vranc de Witte († 1523, in formal language: ‘azure, three lions passant guardant in pale, or’). With undisguised disdain, Buchelius noticed that De Witte’s wife was of ‘unknown family’. Given this bias, his drawings of his visits to Warmond (1612) and Koudekerk (1613) should also be read with caution, as anthologies rather than as surveys of the heraldic display of the local elites. The richest specimen is his drawing of a south-facing window in Warmond church with a kneeling couple. The man is wearing an armorial tabard. 453 From their 32 ancestral arms the couple have been identified as Johan van Woerden van Vliet, who was married in 1578 to Maria van Duvenvoirde. Maria’s father Jacob van Duvenvoirde († 1577) was lord of Warmond. 454 There is no Catholic imagery

449 Hoogendijk, ‘Rouwborden’ 419. 450 Gelre ; Bellenville ; Van Ruyven-Zeman, Stained glass I 233-234; Arkenbout, Frank van Borselen 183. 451 Lammertse et al., Vroege Hollanders 160-163; Van Ruyven-Zeman, Stained glass I 65-66. 452 Van Booma, Voirburch 19-23, 99, 125; Delflandia 185. 453 Bellenville nrs. 817 (Woude), 825 (Poelgeest); BI 67, 139. 454 Van der Steur, ‘Duvenvoirde’ 248.

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on Buchelius’ drawing of the window, and the (Protestant?) couple are not in local memoria registers.455 This said, exuberant heraldic display was not exceptional in rural parish churches. The tomb slab of Richalt van Merode († 1559) in Oirschot church shows 16 ancestral coats of arms.456 The tomb slab of Ghisbrecht Pels († 1558) and his wife in Berlicum church has a rather more limited heraldic layout. The arms of the couple are in the centre, their parental arms in the four corners.457 Among several slabs in parishes in our sample, Willem Clant’s († 1541) in Leermens church has the same layout. The Botnia slab in Nijland church has two columns of four ancestral arms each. 458 Dronrijp church has the most pre-1600 tomb slabs in our sample, including armorial slabs signed by Vincent Lucas for Lollo van Ockingha († 1520) and Aalka van Hermanna († 1556), and by Benedictus Gerbrandtz for Watze van Ockinga († 1575) and lady Wick van Kamminga († 1598). The centrepiece of the older slab shows a life-size man in full armour – not necessarily a realistic portrait – holding a shield with the Ockinga blason. Above his head are juxtaposed shields (Allianzwappen ) with his and his spouse’s blasons, and in the four corners the Allianzwappen of their grandparents. Lollo’s son Watze’s slab has no effigy but Allianzwappen under a helm with the Ockinga crest, and once again Allianzwappen of the couple’s grandparents in the four corners. A characteristic Frisian feature of the Ockinga arms is the demi-eagle in the dexter half of the shield. Benedictus’ tomb slab for Pier († 1540) and Werp († 1541) Walta in Bozum church has the same disposition. 459 Sketched in broad brushstrokes, heraldic representation on rural slabs seems to have developed from relatively simple dispositions before 1500 to very complex ones around 1600: from a single coat of arms (Van Harinxma, Heeg, 1476) to full pedigrees with four, eight, or sixteen coats of ancestral arms (De Merode, Oirschot, 1559). The same tendency can be seen in hatchments.460 There is now ample scholarship about heraldry on medieval altars and altarpieces, but other church furniture in the medieval Low Countries such as pews and choir stalls is largely uncharted. Some pews with coloured heraldry in rural Germany can be dated around 1500. Although benches and pews are hardly ever shown in paintings, a register from Hazerswoude proves their existence:461

455 Cf. Buchelius’ rendition of an altarpiece in St Peter’s at Leiden (Van Buren, Leven 101, after BI 75). 456 Bloys, Noord-Brabant II-107 (paternal ancestry left, maternal right). Richalt was both a canon and lord of Oirschot. 457 Bloys, Noord-Brabant I-57 (the inscription mentions Ghisbrecht Pels as a councillor of ’s-Hertogenbosch). 458 GDW nr. 384; De Walle, Friezen nr. 4755. 459 De Walle, Friezen nrs. 739, 1286, 1296; Brink, ‘Friesland’ 100-101. 460 De Walle, Friezen nr. 2688; Alma, ‘Rouwborden’ 126-128; Bloys, Noord -Brabant I-56; Van Booma, Voirburch 23. 461 Kroesen & Steensma, Interior 283-284; NHA/2123/52; Gonnet, ‘Hazerswoude’ 204.

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Item in the year 1516 new bancken are made in the church of Hazersou to seat the women, and whoever produces evidence of his ancestors shall keep his seat, and the others are sold.

A pew is also attested in Dronrijp in 1542, when Salvius Foppinga willed that he should be buried under an ‘honest blue slab’ in church, in front of the Holy Cross and next to Foppinga pew. Salvius’ tomb slab with the Foppinga blason (a Paschal lamb) is still there, but the family pew is gone.462

7.5. Building Village churches such as Dronrijp’s were the built decor in which the memoriae described earlier in this study were performed. The primary use of tufa from the German Eifel in ten churches in our sample (Anjum, Bozum, Britswerd, Dronrijp, Hijum, Leermens, Oirschot (old St Mary’s), Warga, Warmond, and Wijk) shows that they predate the reinvention of brick around 1200. In some cases, timber predecessors of these early stone buildings are attested. 463 The use of locally produced brick instead of imported tufa made building in stone more affordable around the time when institutional change – the Lateran Reformation of 1215 – ushered in a new wave of church building. New parish churches were designed and existing buildings expanded or entirely rebuilt in Late Romanesque or Gothic fashion. 464 This also created space for chantries and other manifestations of memoria practice. The clearest traces of medieval chantries are visible in Abcoude, Leermens, and Voorburg. In Voorburg, traces of four side-chapels are still noticeable. Leermens has traces of a side altar in the eastern wall of the northern transept, probably under a former arcade of the rood loft. The five arcades, one of which survives in the southern transept, may have accommodated up to three altars. In 1541 a local gentleman named Willem Clant was buried under an armorial slab in front of the central arcade, probably next to his family’s altar. Two rooms next to the tower in the late Gothic church of Abcoude are believed to indicate the sites of two former chapels. Semicircular niches in the southern wall of the nave and niches in the eastern wall of the transept may also have hosted altars. In Dronrijp, a similar niche in the southern wall of the nave was probably created in 1504. 465 Although it has been suggested that elongated chancels were built sometimes after 1200 to accommodate local chantries, the standard location of chantries in rural parish churches seems to have been on side altars next to the entrance of the chancel. The medieval church of Hommerts, for instance, was replaced in 1740,

462 FT nr. 180; De Walle, Friezen nr. 1290. 463 Haiduck, Kirchenarchäologie 53-66 . 464 Van der Ploeg, ‘Late Romanesque’. 465 Kolman et al., Utrecht 56; Kuiken, ‘Leermens’; Van der Waard, ‘Bouwhistorisch onderzoek’ 91.

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but drawings of 1728 show it and the church of nearby . Hommerts church had a constricted chancel and two corners for side altars in the nave. Jutrijp had a straight single nave. Hommerts indeed reported two chantries in church in 1543. Jutrijp did not report any chantries. In Bozum the fundament of a side altar has been retrieved during a restoration. Traces of low church annexes – a kind of proto-transepts – in Hijum and Murmerwoude suggest that these churches once harboured side altars like those in the transept of Leermens. There is indeed some written evidence of chantries in Bozum, but none in Hijum and Murmerwoude. 466 Received wisdom has it that poorer parishes spent less on church renovation and expansion than those with more and richer parishioners. Dronrijp, for instance, was a rich parish, sponsored by a closely-knit connubium of local nobles. The financial strength of this village is shown in the wealth tax returns of 1578. Seven nobles contributed 12 guilders each to a total of 207 guilders. In the same year Hijum, where only one nobleman contributed 12 guilders, was taxed a meagre 17 guilders (table 9). Hijum not only has a much smaller church than Dronrijp. Its tufa Romanesque structure, including a reduced westwork, is also preserved nearly intact. Only the chancel was added – or rebuilt – in brick in the 15 th century in the same conservative Romanesque idiom as the nave. 467 Like Dronrijp, Leermens was relatively rich. In a tax register of 1556 the entire parish was assessed at 111 guilders, 30% above the average of all parishes in rural Groningen. To the old tufa nave of Leermens church a vaulted chancel was added in the 13 th century, adorned with elaborate brick patterns. The arcaded rood loft mentioned above was added in the 14 th century. Between then and 1565 the nave was expanded westward and the church enriched with two tall-spired towers. 468 In popular Dutch historiography, the iconoclastic fury of 1566 is seen as the breakthrough of the Protestant Reformation in the Low Countries, much in the way Duffy (1992) has turned the stripping of the altars (originally a Catholic ceremony following mass) into a symbol of the English Reformation. 469 Yet the rapid contraction of salvation markets in the Low Countries after 1525 shows that ‘stripping’ was preceded by decades of erosion. On the other hand, rural parish churches that had survived the horrors of 1566 rather intact were often stripped or destroyed during the decades of war that followed. The next section will discuss these transitions in some more detail.

7.6. Stripping In 1660 the Duvenvoirdes, lords of Warmond since 1525, submitted to the College of Arms at Brussels an illustrated manuscript genealogy by Daniel

466 Kroesen, Seitenaltäre ; Kuiken, ‘Hommerts’ 20; Steensma, ‘Zijaltaren’ 1, 3; Karstkarel, Kerken 81, 143. 467 Boarnen 178-179; Stenvert et al., Friesland 168. 468 GrA/1/706; Van der Ploeg, ‘Late Romanesque’; Kuiken, ‘Leermens’. 469 Duffy, Stripping .

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François Hagens (1633-1681) to support their claim to the jurisdiction of Wassenaar. The last Catholic lord had sold Wassenaar in 1654 but the Duvenvoirdes, claiming older rights, were filing for expropriation. To this end Hagens included portraits of all previous lords of Wassenaar and Warmond and their spouses, kneeling before low benches covered in heraldic blasons. (Fig. 15). Hagens’ anachronistic renderings of the latter make it unlikely that this Ahnengalerie was based on medieval portraits. 470 The absence of saintly figures is also telling.

Fig. 15. Posthumous ‘portraits’ of Sir Jan van Duvenvoirde († 1543) and his spouse Lady Maria van Matenes († 1558) of Warmond, Woude, and Alkemade in a manuscript of 1660. Photo: RKD.

The title of Duffy’s book The stripping of the altars can hardly be illustrated more pointedly. At first sight Hagens’ watercolours seem inspired by the Van Vliet-van Duvenvoirde window in Warmond church, but there is an earlier precedent. On closer inspection a Bible rests on top of the tables, as in the wedding portrait of William of Orange and his third – Protestant – spouse, of which a print circulated in the late 1570s. This is how the Catholic tradition of devotional portraits was appropriated – in the semiotic sense of being given new meaning – by a Protestant elite for whom purgatory was no longer a reality.471 Instead, Hagens’ succession series of lords of Wassenaar and Warmond served a claim to old family property – a modern claim to fame and substance.472 According to a 16 th -century list le Sr. Jacques van Duvenvoirde, Seigneur de Wermondt was among the gentlemen who in 1566 requested an end to the

470 Te Water, Historie 175-176; Kort, Inventaris 11, 31-32; Janse, Ridderschap 135; Kuiken, ‘Klatergoud’ 139. 471 BI /67; Groenveld et al., Ketters 171; Leeds-Hurwitz, Semiotics 168. 472 See Van Bueren & Oexle, ‘Imaginarium’ on succession series. Substantia is explained in section 5.2, above.

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persecution of Protestants. The iconoclastic fury that broke out later that year was largely an urban event. Rural churches only suffered in Flanders, Zeeland, and in Langerak and Wassenaar in Holland, where the local lords were not only signatories to the request but also took the initiative for the destruction of local altars. Most parishes in our sample yet seem to have escaped this fate, in spite of Wilco van Holdinga (Anjum), Douwe Glins (Dronrijp), Hartman Harinxma (Heeg), Lord Jasper van Poelgeest (Koudekerk), Lord Karel van Malsen (Tilburg), and Lord Jacob van Duvenvoirde (Warmond) being signatories too. 473 Circumstantial evidence that the iconoclastic fury of 1566 rarely affected the countryside comes from local church inventories. In the 1570s, at least some parishes took precautions to store their treasures in safer places. In July, 1572, two priests and two gentlemen of Dronrijp put their church silver into the custody of a lady at Leeuwarden. There were two silver monstrances, two silver fibulae , a silver-gilt chalice and paten, velvet robes, and another chalice and paten belonging to a chantry. The treasures of the parish church of Sloten were hidden in Amsterdam, witness a list signed in 1575 by the parson, two churchwardens, and the town secretary: a chalice, three sacramental oil jars, a silver pyx for handing out the sacrament, a blue velvet chasuble, an old robe, two mugs, some brass chandeliers, a brocade chasuble, a server’s robe, three ‘decent’ robes (two red, one black), a small broken cross, a red curtain, two gilt cross tops, and the high altar with all church books except the missal of the Virgin’s altar. The treasures of Dronrijp were returned in 1577. The inventories from these parishes do no mention the ‘troubles’ of 1566 in any way – unless, of course, we read the broken cross from Sloten as a symbolic reference to those events. 474 The precautions of 1572 were probably prompted by more recent atrocities. A shiver went through Catholic circles in the northern Low Countries when a Protestant warlord conquered Gorinchem in May and had seventeen priests and two lay friars hanged in July. Later that month, when the same warlord conquered Delft, the priest Cornelius Musius hid the treasures of a local urban convent of which he was confessor. Musius, a friend of the painter Van Heemskerck, was hanged in December. Yet these actions pale before the cruel, carefully planned and professionally executed stripping of the Brabant countryside, notably in the bailiwick of ’s-Hertogenbosch. After 1572 William of Orange and his son Maurice subjected northern Brabant to their scorched-earth raids. In the 1620s, Maurice yet had the nerve to donate a portrait of himself at prayer to a convent of Crosiers in Brabant, perhaps to create political goodwill rather than to atone for his sins. It was part of a window with his coat of arms, other status symbols, and a Bible – and without any saints.475

473 Kleyntjens, ‘Beeldenstorm’ 160; Te Water, Historie III 468-470. 474 Palma, ‘Tsjerkesulver’; Grijpink, ‘Sloten’ 441; Schotanus, ‘Tablinum’ 20. 475 Groenveld et al., Ketters 149-150; Silver, Peasant scenes 158-160; Bijsterveld, Do ut des 207-208.

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Warmond and Sloten were stripped of their spiritual and secular landmarks in the 1570s. Protestant rebels tore down most of Warmond church, priory, and convent, as well as the lordly manor in 1572. (Fig. 16) In August, 1573, their royalist adversaries cleared Warmond and some nearby villages to create an open battlefield for the siege of Leiden. Only the church tower survived. The parish church of Jacobswoude, shown on Van Deventer’s map of 1558 and the legendary seat of the Van den Woude family before they became lords of Warmond, was also torn down. Sloten church was reportedly destroyed by fire on Good Friday, 1573, either by rebels or royalists. 476

Fig. 16. Warmond church in 1783 by Pieter Gerardus van Os. The medieval tower and chancel, but not the nave, survived destruction in 1573. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.

Five years later, most of Holland and Friesland were under Protestant control. In 1577 the lord of Warmond was allowed to rebuild Warmond Hall with bricks

476 Bijleveld, ‘Ursula’ 57; Van der Linden, ‘Jacobswoude’ 235; SAA/329/250/9.

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from the destroyed priory and convent. An undated Gothic armorial tomb slab for some lords and ladies of Warmond was transferred to the new church of Woubrugge, built between 1578 and 1595 to replace Jacobswoude church. Like Warmond church, Sloten church was partially rebuilt. The earliest drawing of the ruin, dated 1594 in a hand similar to the verger Cornelis Jansz’s, shows traces of a westwork and of a late Romanesque nave. In the 1650s Rembrandt drew a rebuilt nave inside the church ruin. In 1612, the rebuilt chancel of Warmond was also being used as a Protestant prayer house. The churches of Koudum and Winsum in Friesland, both burnt down by invading royalist troops in 1586, were rebuilt as well. Koudum church was eventually replaced by a modern Protestant church in 1617.477 In 1609 a truce of twelve years was signed at Antwerp by royalist and rebel negotiators. It allowed Buchelius, a Protestant scholar with a fascination for historical elite culture, to leave his hometown of Utrecht and take stock of whatever was left of altarpieces and armorial windows and slabs around the Low Countries, as he had done in Utrecht when it turned Protestant. Aside of Warmond (1612) and Koudekerk (1613), the only village from our sample in his notebooks is Zoeterwoude, where he drew Zwieten Hall. When he visited dikereeve Sir Adriaen van Zwieten († 1624), a great-grandson of Ghysbrecht van Zwieten, lord of Zoeterwoude († 1547), he was shown a splendid altarpiece with four generations of Zwietens that his host had obviously salvaged from his family convent near Oegstgeest, which had been attacked in 1573 and torn down in 1583. 478

7.7. Concluding remarks The troubles of 1566 were apparently not the main event that erased Catholic memoria culture in the northern Low Countries. If a church was not hit by the iconoclasts of 1566 – and most rural parishes were not – it was prone to fall victim to later rebel and/or royalist violence. Much as Eamon Duffy describes the stripping of the altars in England not as a single event (Henry VIII’s break with Rome in 1533) but as a complex journey spanning five decades between 1530 and 1580, the stripping of the churches in the northern Low Countries was a long and painful process. Some were torn down to the last brick, others plundered by soldiers, and valuables sold or smashed. The traditional defences of local aristocrats had become obsolete, too, witness the fate of Warmond Hall. Records of rural church treasures stored in urban safehouses, and rural conventuals taking shelter in urban refuges – the sisters of

477 Van der Steur, ‘Duvenvoirde’ 219; Van der Linden, ‘Jacobswoude’ 237; Bloys, Zuid-Holland II 538; Teenstra, Kronijk 7; Stilma, Sloterkerk 16, 24; Bakker, Rembrandt 349-353; Adriaenssen, Geweld 349-370. 478 Langereis, Geschiedenis 81-91; BI 93 (= Van Bueren, Leven nr. 90); BI 121; Castenmiller, ‘Dagelijks leven’ 27-28.

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St Margaret’s at Zoeterwoude, for instance, resettled in Leiden in 1572 – also suggest that in the 1570s towns were the only safe places left in the Low Countries. 479 Perhaps this explains best why relatively many material relicts of urban memoria culture have survived, and very few from villages. The Revolt cost the countryside particularly dearly.

479 Adriaenssen, Staatsvormend geweld 432-434; Van Luijk, Bruiden 289.

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8. Shared codes

We will now shift our attention from stones to ideas or, in Erll’s words, to shared codes enabling and shaping collective remembering, and to how, if at all, these codes can be related to the mental dispositions of villagers in the late medieval Low Countries. The economic and social contexts of this medieval ‘repertoire of symbols, prayers and beliefs’, to quote Eamon Duffy (1992), have been discussed in the preceding chapters. It matters a lot, as we also noticed in section 6.7, that mental dispositions are not open to direct observation. Hypotheses can only be formulated after discrete acts of memory – ‘performances’ – have been analysed. 480 In the next section a method is proposed to understand some mental dispositions of medieval villagers through discrete acts of remembering.

8.1. Method Acts of remembering have been described by Aleida Assmann (2004) as individual, social, political, or cultural constructions of things and people past. These constructions also define principles of inclusion and exclusion. In the words of Pierre Bourdieu (1991), they ‘make and unmake groups’. In a later essay Assmann explains step by step how individual memories interact with externalised representations and how they are reconstructed and reproduced by later generations. In this way, memories as ‘discrete and realised entities’ finally become ‘memory’ as an ‘organisational frame’.481 An attractive method to investigate this process would be to check the texts of wills and foundation deeds against their organised representations in memoria calendars and other primordial sources. Douwe Faber (1989) has conjectured that although the wills of medieval clergy and laity differ in major formal and legal aspects, the ‘mentalities’ underlying these wills were rather more similar. What late medieval wills can reveal in terms of mentalities has been summed up by Duffy: 482

[…] the wills of 15 th - and 16 th -century Englishmen and women testify […] to a vigorous relish for life. Their detailed and often loving listing of cherished possessions, their attempts to order lasting relationships among family and friends even from beyond the grave, and their circumstantial and businesslike prescription of

480 Erll, Memory 102-104; Duffy, Stripping 3. 481 Assmann, ‘Four formats’; Bourdieu, Language 221; Assmann, ‘Re-framing memory’ 49-50. 482 Faber, ‘Burgertestamenten’ 87-88; Duffy, Stripping 301-303.

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elaborate exequies all provide abundant evidence […] of a practical and pragmatic sense of the continuing value of life and the social relations of the living. […] The cult of intercession for the dead can be seen […] as a means of prolonging the presence of the dead within the community of the living.

Yet a medieval will, even its preamble, the part often assumed to be most ‘personal’, does not per se express an individual testator’s sentiments. Most wills were prepared by scribes whose opinions or training largely determined the formulas – and sometimes the language – used. Will-makers and their scribes would also self-censure their texts to avoid being indicted for unorthodox views. 483 Such considerations make Faber’s conjecture and Duffy’s summary sound overly optimistic. A medieval will is not a window through which a mentality is viewed, but a web of coded meanings. Formalisation, normalisation and self-censorship are not ‘behind’ the web but part and parcel of it. All the same, elements of Duffy’s summary can be identified in some wills of individuals remembered in registers from our sample. Aechte and her husband Heyne Ottenz, for instance, were buried and commemorated in Warmond priory. Heyne’s will of 1454 proudly lists his suit of armour, his best tabard, his best hooded cloak, his best capron, his best jerkin, and his best pair of stockings. The recipient is Heyne’s natural son Pieter, with whom he is obviously making up. There are also bequests to some of Heyne’s cousins, and Aechte is to have the usufruct of his estate. If Heyne and Aechte die before Pieter is twenty years old, the priory will be Pieter’s guardian until he is twenty. If Pieter dies without lawful offspring the estate, including Heyne’s share in two houses at Leiden, reverts to Warmond priory and four urban religious institutions, unless Pieter dies as a monk. In the latter event, Pieter’s entire estate shall revert to the monastery where he has taken his vows. Such transitory provisions – a way to rule from the grave – became increasingly popular in those days, when classic concepts such as fideicommissa were gaining a foothold in legal practice.484 Interesting as these elements may be, they do not reflect Heyne’s ‘mentality’ as a separate quality of the web of meanings which his will is. Ironically Jacob Burckhardt (1860), whose claim that medieval man was ‘conscious of himself only as a member of a […] people, party, family, or corporation’ is often ridiculed, may have sensed this better than some of his critics. A medieval will is not a ‘me- document’ but a ‘we-document’, and dissecting it does not produce a clear view of ‘me’. This does not mean that Heyne did not have a ‘me’, but only that we cannot read how he felt about it. But even if this web of meanings cannot be untangled to reveal Heyne’s ‘mentality’, and we indeed do not have any sources that let us come any closer to it, the available sources still allow us to construct a

483 Discussion in Heal, Reformation 220. 484 ELO/503/1243/10v; ELO/504/377; Noomen, ‘Consolidatie’.

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more meaningful picture by contrasting different perspectives. This method of comparing different data sources is known in qualitative social research as ‘data triangulation’.485 Heyne Ottenz’s case seems to lend itself particularly well to triangulation because we do not only have his will of 1454 but also his codicil of 1461, his wife’s will of the latter year, records of their anniversaries in Warmond and elsewhere, and some deeds concerning Heyne’s natural son. In the next two sections these and similar cases will be studied by triangulating three perspectives:

1. the perspective that can be constructed from medieval wills and codicils; 2. the perspective that can be constructed from records in memoria registers; and 3. the perspective from a 21 st -century memoria researcher’s point of view.

These perspectives and their horizons together approximate what Hans-Georg Gadamer (1960) would have called a Wirkungsgeschichte of these wills. The essence of this approach is that although the texts may at first sight seem to ‘speak to us as if in the present’, they do not reach us raw but in shapes conditioned by our interpretative skills, and by the historical discourses in which these skills, or prejudices, have developed over time. 486 The wills of Heyne and Aechte, but also their memoria records, only speak to us because we know what wills and memoria records are and how to read late medieval handwriting – and to some extent who these will-makers and their recipients were. One peculiarity of Heyne’s case is that Warmond priory, a major beneficiary of his wills, has been identified as a community adhering to the devotio moderna . The place of this and other late medieval ‘modernities’ in rural memoria practice will be discussed separately in section 8.3, below.

8.2. Meanings ‘In the name of the Lord, Amen. I, Alveradis, lady of Coudecercke, daughter of the noble matron Hildegondis, lady of Bredenrode, aware of the fragility of my present life & expecting retribution by the almightly God, the eternal judge, being compos mentis , bodily capable of standing, walking, sitting & going to church & hearing the Divine office, disposing of my own goods […] in this will with the consent of my dear brother Sir Theodoricus, lord of Bredenrode, my sister Lady Aleydis, & my heirs & my brother & guardian Florentius de Adrikim, do & arrange as follows’. So begins the oldest surviving will concerning a parish in our

485 Burckhardt, Civilization 112; Flick, Introduction 182-192. 486 Gadamer, Wahrheit 169, 305-312 (italics mine).

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sample. In 1300 Lady Alveradis, née Van Brede(n)rode, bequeathed an annuity of three pounds to the church of Koudekerk on Rhine. 487 This is a typical medieval ‘we-document’ in the sense that Lady Alveradis’ entire family are acting here. As no heirs are appointed by name, it is not a testamentum in the Roman tradition but rather a list of bequests, mostly to religious institutions, for the salvation of the will-maker and her beloved. The preamble quoted above does not reveal much of Lady Alveradis’ private religious feelings, but her bequests give a clear impression of how she was playing the salvation markets:

1. to the Hospitallers at Haarlem an annuity of lb. 20 pro cruce mea (i.e. to fund their expenses made in a future crusade to Palestine) and another of lb. 5 for pittances; 2. to Egmond Abbey an annuity of lb. 5 for an anniversary to be performed by all monks; 3. to Rijnsburg, Koningsveld, and Loosduinen Abbeys annuities of lb. 5 each for pittances; 4. to Haarlem and Koudekerk church annuities of lb. 3 each, and to Velsen church of lb. 2; 5. to the Blackfriars, the Carmelites and the Beguines at Haarlem annuities of lb. 2 each; 6. to the hospital at Haarlem an annuity of lb. 1.

Similar bequests were made to institutions at Utrecht (St Catherine’s, St Servatius’ and Marydale convents, the Teutonic Order, the Hospitallers, the Friars Minor, and the Blackfriars), Leiden (a hospital), and Dordrecht (the Friars Minor and the Austin Friars), and to several individuals. Obviously Koudekerk, where her late husband Sir Dirc van Poelgeest had been lord temporal, was not very high on Lady Alveradis’ list. In a second will of 1305 she founded a chantry for Sir Dirc’s memoria in Haarlem church. This chantry was transferred in 1317 to the newly built church of the Hospitallers at Haarlem, where Lady Alveradis was herself commemorated in October. Lady Alveradis cannot be identified in the memoria calendar of Egmond, of which an incomplete transcript of a copy of 1530 survives, but the anniversaries of her mother († 1302) and her brother Florentius († 1327) show how the Brederodes were still patronising this abbey during her lifetime. 488 Lady Alveradis’ preference for the Hospitallers was perhaps inspired by contacts with Jacob van Zuden († 1331), auxiliary bishop of Utrecht, commander

487 Matthaeus ed., ‘Testamenta’ 342-344. Koorn & Mol, ‘Jacob’ note 52, date this will around 1315, but 1300 is more likely as Lady Alveradis mentions her mother Lady Hildegondis († 1302) not as deceased ( quondam ) but still alive. 488 Matthaeus ed., ‘Testamenta’ 344-345; Muller, Regesta 75; NHA/2123/359/58; Van Wijn, ‘Necrologium’ 90, 105.

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of the Hospitallers in that town, and the financial genius behind the foundation of the Haarlem commandery in 1310. Like a modern-day tax attorney, Van Zuden showed his clients how to make the most out of their money. One pious investment he especially recommended was the reconquest of Palestine after the fall of Acre, for which Lady Alveradis earmarked an annuity of twenty pounds – twice the amount received by Egmond Abbey for her mother’s anniversary, and four times what she paid for her own. When it became clear that this crusade would not take place, Van Zuden consolidated her and similar bequests with the general means of his commandery, with the apparent consent of his clients. Koorn and Mol (2015) have hinted that women were especially receptive to these projects. Willem van Hildegaersberch, the 14 th -century court poet mentioned in section 5.3, notices a similar strategy in the acquisitions of a contemporary commander of the Teutonic Order at Leiden:489

Hi hiet heer Dirc die Commelduer / Had hi gheen beter avontuer Vanden vrouwen tghelt te cryghen / Hi soude menichwerven zwighen, Als hi predict ende singt / Om dat hem tghelt in doren clingt .

Lady Alveradis’ involvement with rural salvation providers seems to have been marginal in comparison. Her will of 1300 does not specify how the parishes of Koudekerk and Velsen should use her annuities (Haarlem was to spend it on candles) and her memoria has not been identified in the registers of Koudekerk, which only seem to mention her husband Sir Dirc van Poelgeest. Her bequest to Velsen is obviously related to the Brederode burial chapel in that church, where the effigies of – probably – her parents Sir Willem and Hildegondis can still be seen.490 The lady of Koudekerk may have zealously supported Van Zuden, but she was also very much a family woman. Lady Alveradis’ wills invite comparison with those of father and daughter Lord Jacob and Lady Jacoba van den Woude. As discussed in section 3.4, above, Lady Jacoba made bequests to two parish churches, a collegiate church, three local guilds, and three institutions working across the Low Countries: the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch, and St Anthony’s and St Hubert’s hospitals. Two centuries after Lady Alveradis, abbeys and crusades had apparently gone out of fashion, and fraternities were in. Lord Jacob’s will of 1477 begins ‘in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, amen. I […], knowing myself to be mortal, and nothing being more certain than death and nothing more uncertain than the hour of death, have made my last will for the remission of my sins and

489 Koorn & Mol, ‘Jacob’, passim . Our translation of Willem’s satiric verse (written c. 1380, q. in Kuiken, ‘En leyt buyten’ 92) would be: ‘His name was commander Dirc. Had he had no better business than soliciting money from women, he would be silent more often, for he preaches and he sings / when in his ears the sound of money rings’. 490 NA/3.18.30/201A/12v (= NA/3.18.30/201B/34); Belonje, ‘Vondst’.

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those of my wife, children, and parents’. The invocation of the Trinity instead of the Lord is less distinctive than it may seem, for already in the 1220s both openings were used alternatingly in different wills of one and the same person. Preambles in medieval wills were indeed rather more commonplace – see for instance the reference to the hour of death – than personal, and they were often copied by priests from example books. This is especially conspicuous where a preamble is in Latin and the rest of the text in the vernacular, as in Lady Jacoba’s will of 1508. 491 It did not make much of a difference whether a will-maker was himself a cleric. Take for instance the earliest preserved will from Oirschot. Chantry priest Joannes Baest had his anniversary in the collegiate church in January. His will of October, 1337, drawn up by a fellow priest, states in the name of the Lord that Joannes dictus Baest, chaplain of Our Lady at Oirschot, of sound mind and aware that nichil est certius morte et nichil incertius hora mortis , bequeathed annuities secured by local land to the chapter for his anniversary, to the Holy Spirit to feed the poor, to the local church fabrics of St Peter’s and Our Lady’s, and to the chaplains of Our Lady, the Holy Spirit, St Catharine, St John the Evangelist and the newly built hospital for ‘special masses’ and daily memoria . Similar bequests were made to the cathedral church fabric of Liège, to the Blackfriars and the Friars Minor at ’s-Hertogenbosch, the Austin Friars at Hasselt, and the Carmelites at , and to his natural son and daughter by two different women, both purely propter Deum et in puram elemosinam .492 The four urban monasteries mentioned in this will of 1337 belonged to mendicant orders, or ‘praying orders’, as they were also called, founded in the 13 th century to serve the expanding salvation markets. Most did so in upcoming towns, but some also settled in villages. Around 1500, these four orders together had 52 monasteries within the present borders of the Netherlands. Aside of sacraments they provided sacramentalia such as burials and commemorations. Parson Jacobus of Aalsmeer, who made his will at Warmond in 1342, included bequests to the Blackfriars at Haarlem and the Friars Minor at Utrecht. Sweer van Gaesbeke, lord of Abcoude, was commemorated by the Carmelites of Haarlem. 493 The business model of the four orders, which depended on soliciting pittances in public, became controversial after 1500. In Antwerp and Dordrecht, Carmelites and Blackfriars were harassed when making their rounds. In rural Friesland, they were still popular enough to appear in the wills of a commoner of Molkwerum (1509), a priest of Dronrijp (1511), and a gentleman of Heeg (1516). All three yet wished to be buried in their own rural parishes.494

491 ELO/512/18 (1477); Cappon, Opkomst 319-322; Mol, ‘Friezen’ 187; ELO/512/29 (1508). 492 BHIC/241/71; Frenken, ‘Oirschot’ 14, 81-83. 493 Ruitinga & Goudriaan, Map ; Henderikx, Bedelordekloosters 129-146; Matthaeus, ‘Testamenta’ 384. 494 Goudriaan, Het einde? ; FT nrs. 76, 81, 90; Mol, ‘Friezen’ 201, 214.

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An exhaustive quantitative analysis of these and other medieval wills from parishes in our sample (see table 6 for a provisional list) goes beyond the qualitative approach outlined above. Some 300 Frisian wills made between 1400 and 1580 have been analysed by Hans Mol (1994). Dispositions for pious causes such as chantries and anniversaries plummeted after 1550, but a reluctance to make such provisions was already noticeable in the 1520s. The graphs appended to Mol’s study offer the most detailed numeric breakdown of these developments available to date. A qualitative conclusion from these data is that pious dispositions followed traditional patterns, witness references to ‘common practice’ like those in a will of a rural chantry priest made in 1518.495 Another quality of the webs of meanings represented in these wills seems to be loyalty, from Lady Alveradis’ respectful mentioning of her family in 1300 down to Viglius’ dispositions of the 1570s, which not only honour his alma mater , but also his kinsmen and his native village. In the definition of Iván Nagy (1984), loyalty is an invisible fabric of group expectations to which all members of a group are committed. Its frames of reference being trust, merit, commitment, and action, loyalty pertains to what Martin Buber has described as ‘the order of the human world’. With a variation on Pierre Bourdieu’s words of 1991, loyalties indeed ‘make and unmake groups’.496 Some loyalties are more predicated on voluntary action than others. The medieval rule that a manorial lord was entitled to part of the estate of a deceased bondservant, as probably was the case in Schijndel in 1499 (see section 6.4), was not a matter of free choice – unless the bondservant had voluntarily waived his previously free status by marrying an unfree woman. By contrast, the bond between a liege lord and a fief tenant was supposed to be voluntary from the beginning. This did not imply that it was also symmetric, as the hierarchic rankings in the Saxon Mirror attest. It can even be argued that medieval loyalties were mostly asymmetric, with the loyalties assumed to exist between husband and wife and between parents and children (‘filial piety’) being quoted most often. Asymmetry on the other hand does not preclude reciprocity (do ut des ), which has been recognised as a crucial agent of medieval social bonding by generations of anthrolopologists and medievalists, from Marcel Mauss in the 1920s to Arnoud-Jan Bijsterveld in 2007.497 The growing numbers of memoria donations to monasteries, parishes, chantries, and fraternities between 1215 and the 1550s were based on expectations that these gifts were reciprocated in the here and the hereafter. In this sense, the loyalty of memoria providers to their patrons was literally bought by the latter on a quid pro quo basis, not only in qualitative terms

495 Mol, ‘Friezen’ 179, 207-214; FT nr. 93. 496 Matthaeus, ‘Testamenta’ 342; Böszörményi-Nagy & Spark, Invisible loyalties 37-38; Bourdieu, Language 221. 497 Historiographic overview in Bijsterveld, Do ut des 17-50.

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but also quantitatively. On the other hand, patrons created and expressed bonds of loyalty through their choice of providers, and through their choice of people – kith and kin, or fraternity members – with whom they were remembered. These acts make the invisible fabric of the imagined community of the living and the dead visible. The Sloten chantry foundation deed of 1451, for instance, clearly declares its founder’s loyalties: 498

1. to the Almighty God (read: Christ), his blessed mother, and St Anthony as patrons; 2. to his own parents, with whom he wishes to be commemorated by the chantry priest; 3. to his legal son Stephanus, who shall be the first priest to enjoy the chantry’s benefice; 4. to the confraternitas beati Anthonii , which is to appoint Stephanus’ successors; 5. to his other legal descendants in case the confraternitas defaults on this duty.

The founder’s loyalties to the other persons mentioned in the deed are left implicit. They include:

1. the artist in whose house the deed was passed, and from whom the founder probably also commissioned one or more works for the new St Anthony’s altar in Sloten church; 2. the notary public, who was probably part of the Louvain network of the founder’s son; 3. two witnesses listed as burgesses of Haarlem, but perhaps also with roots in Sloten .499

The founder’s motives are summed up – in Latin – by the notary rather factually as his ‘will and desire to put his […] assets to the use of the Divine office and to trade the mundane for the celestial, and the temporal for the eternal, while providing for his and his parents’ perpetual memoria ’. This may be called a coding of individual experiences into formal representations. As a next step, these representations became normative symbols when the bishop’s office at Utrecht authorised the text as being in line with legal and theological standards.500 From this institutional perspective, the chantry became a duly registered legal entity with the blessing of the church. From the founder’s point of view, the chantry created a community of the living and the dead under the patronate of the

498 SAA/1389/6. 499 The second witness, identified as ‘Paulus filius Petri pistoris’, may have been a brother of the Dirc Pietersz Backer who was fined in 1466 for driving on the sea dike between Haarlem and Sloten (Sloof, Rijnland 143). Around 1494 many Sloteners worked as wagoners between Haarlem and Amsterdam ( Enqueste 88 and section 6.5, above). 500 These steps run parallel to, but refer to a different context than those in Assmann, ‘Re-framing memory’ 49-50.

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intercessors listed in the deed: Christ, his blessed mother, and St Anthony. From our own secular perspective, this imagined community was held together by a web of different loyalties. The loyalties of significant others – from descendants, priests, executors, and guardians of minor children down to maids and servants – are addressed explicitly in many Frisian wills. In 1511, for instance, a burgess of earmarked an annuity secured by land in Nijland to a chantry for himself, his wife, their parents and their kith and kin, stipulating that the living ‘should loyally help the dead’ (dye levende den doode daer trouwelick in te helpen ). In 1516 Douwe Harinxma, a gentleman of Heeg, voiced concern that his appointed executors would find twenty guilders per person poor payment for their services. In that event, Douwe would rather trust (betrouw ) his in-law Sir Goslyck Jonghama of Bolsward to content himself with the same amount to take care of the estate. 501 In theory the mutual loyalties created by pious fraternities were more symmetric, but social stratifications were still observed in bede-rolls like those of the guilds at Venray – more precisely: Oostrum – and Warmond. On the other hand, ‘big spenders’ on memoria cannot be identified from these relatively egalitarian rolls but only from other sources, for instance the register of revenues kept by the guild at Oostrum. The latter lists two founders of weekly masses: Coen Sassens (1514) and Jan Steynckens (1535). Both appear halfway the guild- roll. The latter is headed by three priests, followed by the Van Eyll family, some other local gentry, and finally by the common villagers. 502 The Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch was another memoria provider that depended on the creation of an imagined community of mutual loyalties, where all members were equal on paper – witness its standardised entry and dootsculd fees – but where some were yet more equal than others. The asymmetry between its active core members (‘sworn’ or ‘cowled’ brethren) and the thousands of passive recipients of their memoria services was so ingrained in its statute that one wonders, as we did above, whether the loyalty expressed by all those external members was ever reciprocated. Loyalty was almost certainly a factor when paying entry fees and dootsculd had become a family tradition. In one case, four successive generations of one family have been identified in Fraternity accounts.503 What these accounts also show is how tens of thousands of individual experiences and expectations were encoded into formal representations, and eventually into normative symbols of loyalty, symbolised by candles. The scale on which the Fraternity worked, and its proto-industrial production and distribution of candles as loyalty gifts, would easily qualify as part of a ‘modern’ (or ‘early modern’) economy in the sense proposed by Jan de Vries and Ad van

501 FT nrs. 41, 55, 62, 74-75, 84 (1511), 90 (1516), 92, 121, 157-159, 166, 176, 183, 184, 212. 502 Janssen, Oostrum 84, 87, 100-121. 503 Kuiken, ‘Wie weet’ nrs. IIIa, IIIb3, IVb, Vc, Vc3, Vc4, Vc5 (a family from Leiden); cf. Mol, ‘Friezen’ 208.

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der Woude (1997). 504 These aspects have been included under the nomer of commodification in chapter 4, above. In the next section, some other medieval modernities will be discussed in relation to piety and salvation.

8.3. Modernities Different meanings of modernity have been an issue in social science since Shmuel Eisenstadt (2000) first edited a volume of essays on ‘multiple modernities’. The cultural and political program of ‘modernity’ as it has been advanced by Marx, Durkheim, Weber and other sociologists is reassessed by Eisenstadt as a ‘multiplicity of continually evolving modernities’. Human agency, political legitimation, and the relation between these two are recurrent themes in this discourse, but a consensus on modernity as a single shared code seems still far away. In economic terms De Vries and Van der Woude (1997) associate modernity with the several institutional, organisational and technological innovations that made production and distribution more efficient around 1500.505 The Latin term modernus , however, is older. Petrarch (1304-1374) uses it in his correspondence twice, once contrasting ‘modern writers’ with early medieval historiography, and once contrasting ‘modern’ Latin usage with its precedents in Roman antiquity. 506 Petrarch thus implies that he was himself a modern scholar. Koen Goudriaan (2008) dates modernisation in Western Europe slightly later, between the 1380s and the 1520s, during what has been identified as the ‘long 15 th century’. 507 In the 1370s a canon of the cathedral chapter of Utrecht wrote a pamphlet against the construction of a 368 feet tall tower for his church, which he rhetorically compared to the Tower of Babel. In our eyes it would be strange to accuse this canon, better known as Mr Geert Grote, of modernist ideas. He was nonetheless lauded posthumously in the 1410s as the ‘source and origin of modern devotion’ – as opposed to the ‘ancient’ teachings of St Thomas Aquinas cum suis . Grote’s pamphlet indeed expresses some modern-sounding ideas about social welfare. He urges his chapter to care for the poor and needy instead of building skyscrapers.508 Grote put his money where his mouth was. In 1374 he arranged for his house in his native Deventer to become a home to poor devout women. Much as the women in Viglius’ almshouse at Swichum, they had to commemorate their founder – and his parents and grandparents – with an

504 De Vries & Van der Woude, Modern economy . 505 Eisenstadt, ‘Multiple modernities’ 3-6; De Vries & Van der Woude, Modern economy 715. 506 Petrarca, Epistolae I.4.6 ( apud modernos scriptores ), XIII.6.30 ( si moderno servili atque adulatorio sermonis genere utendum est ). 507 Goudriaan, ‘Observantie’ 167. 508 Post ed., Geert 10-14; Boele, Leden 29; Van Engen, Sisters 7-8.

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anniversary and a yearly grave visit. Memoria practice was apparently part and parcel of the early years of Grote’s ‘modern’ devotion. 509 Grote’s spirituality became most influential in three kinds of religious institutions led by Modern Devout of a second generation: the houses of the Sisters – or Brothers – of the Common Life, communes inspired more or less by Grote’s own foundation at Deventer; Windesheim, a community of canons regular founded in 1386 near Zwolle, which became the model for several dozens of new and existing monasteries in the Low Countries; and the convents of the Third Order of St Francis of which St Ursula’s at Warmond, founded in 1410, is most relevant to our study. 510 Intellectual rather than spiritual ‘modernity’ is represented by Nicolaus de Cusa, the cardinal who was absentee parson of Schijndel and died in Italy in 1464. He was a ‘Renaissance man’ in the sense of a learned polymath, excelling in canon law, cosmology, epistemology, medicine, and theology. As a papal envoy to the Low Countries in 1451, he authorised Windesheim to supervise all houses of the Common Life that, like Windesheim itself, had adopted the stricter (‘observant’) rule of St Augustine – a conversion endorsed by Cusa wholeheartedly. In Grote’s native Deventer, he founded a study facility ( bursa, in Deventer vernacular: Buurse ), for poor students of the local Latin school.511 Admittedly the cardinal’s own career was a far cry from Grote’s ideals. Grote and his followers despised simony, which had become a way of life to Cusa and his Roman colleagues. Alle these ‘modern’ developments took place in the course of the long 15 th century. This was also a time when lay practices of memoria became so voluminous that special memoria registers were drawn up by urban and rural parish priests, as well as by fraternities and newly founded monasteries. During this entire period, urban and rural salvation markets served more people than ever. It is telling that the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch began to accept subscriptions from outsiders in the 1370s and used modern marketing methods in the course of the following centuries – modern in the economic and social senses proposed by De Vries and Van der Woude. In 1481 the collegiate church at ’s-Hertogenbosch, where the Fraternity had its chapel and was supposed to pray for its external members, became the stage of yet another kind of modern memoria performance when Duke Maximilian convened the knights of his Order of the Golden Fleece in its Gothic chancel. There were vespers and memoria masses for living and deceased knights. In an imposing show of Burgundian state power, the coats of

509 Van Engen, Sisters 7-8; Post, ‘Statuten’ 3, 20; Goudriaan, ‘Gouda’. 510 Goudriaan, Piety 114-115, 212-213. 511 Bijsterveld, Laverend nr. 3575; Staubach, ‘Cusanus’; Weiler, Gnotosolitos 139.

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arms of all knights were put on permanent display, as they had been after previous conventions in Brussels (1435) and The Hague (1456). 512 The four kinds of modernity identified above: economic, spiritual, intellectual and political, all contributed in different combinations to the development – or should we say: modernisation? – of salvation markets during the long 15 th century. The central lieu de mémoire of the Burgundian dukes, for instance, was in a charterhouse near Dijon, a showcase of funeral patronage – it has been described as ‘the most profound expression of mourning known in art’ – but also a role model for Modern Devout communities in terms of strict monastic observance. The question how much of the devotio moderna was itself Carthusian-inspired has implications beyond the scope of the present study. Peter Gumbert (2015), hovewer, has sensed a modern trait in the calendars of another charterhouse – an appreciation of benefactors not as a mere asset but also as true ‘human beings’:513

It is well known […] that the communities of the devotio moderna cherished the memories of their members, not merely as past brethren but as individuals […] mentioned not only with gratitude [for their gifts and bequests – KK] but also with kindness and sympathy .

It remains to be seen whether these friendly listings were inspired by genuine feelings of kindness and sympathy, or rather a more empathically-sounding novel genre of commemorative topoi , but Gumbert’s conjecture invites a search in our rural sources for these elements. They are most obvious in the calender of Warmond priory, a Modern Devout provider in our sample. Since 1417 Warmond priory had been associated (‘colligated’) with Sibculo, a convent founded in 1406 by Modern Devout from Zwolle. Sibculo would have been a nice addition to the observant movement of Windesheim, but it instead joined the Cistercian order in 1416. In the 998 entries in the memoria calendar of Warmond priory, a total of 34 ‘good’, ‘loyal’, or ‘special’ friends are commemorated, including one town secretary, two beguines and two canons of Leiden, a parson of nearby , and a Carthusian of Cologne. Six of these outsiders had died at Leiden and twelve were buried in the priory. Among the best documented ‘loyal’ friends are the merchant Heyne Ottenz and his wife Aechte, both already mentioned in section 8.1, above, and both buried in the priory:514

Obiit Aechte, merchant Heyne Ottenz’s wife, our loyal (troue ) friends buried here, and when they died they made us their heirs with our brethren, and we had lb. 150 and

512 Van Dijck, Optimaten 58; Peeters, Janskathedraal 3; Blockmans, Staging , esp. 51-58; Hoffmann, ‘Philips’ 125-126. 513 Huizinga, Waning 235; Gaens, Van de woestijn’; Pansters ed., The Carthusians ; Gumbert, ‘What do we want’ 35. 514 ELO/503/1243/10v.

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other goods. On this day the convent shall have a pint of wine and some fine bread. Item the anniversary of the said Aechte’s parents, whom we keep in our eternal memoria through her zeal.

Aechte, a daughter of one Willem Jan Gheyenz, was also commemorated annually on her father’s grave in St Pancras’ at Leiden. Her will, two wills of her husband, and several deeds of their heirs have survived. In 1454 and 1459 Aechte and Heyne – mentioned in full as ‘Heynric Ottenz’ – made wills in favour of one another. Heyne’s natural son Pieter would succeed to his possessions after Aechte’s death. If Pieter died without legal offspring, it would all go in equal portions to five religious institutions: Warmond priory, the chapter of St Pancras, and three urban charities. Aechte and Heyne jointly owned two houses in Leiden. In 1459 Aechte bequeathed her share to a hospital at Leiden, to be sold to benefit the poor after her and Heyne’s departure. In 1461 Heyne changed his will. From Warmond priory and four urban institutions, his pious bequests were shifted to three Cistercian priories associated with Sibculo: Warmond, IJsselstein, and Heemstede. Heyne died before Aechte, who is attested as his late widow in 1468. In that year a cousin ceded Aechte’s entire estate to the Cistercian priories of Warmond and Heemstede. In 1474 Pieter, who was abroad when his father died, donated his father’s share in the houses to the three priories favoured in 1461. 515 This sums up the substance of Aechte’s and Heyne’s wills. Their bequests speak more clearly than their words: a turn away from chapters and charities towards observant communities. The couple have not been identified in the accounts of the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch. Perhaps – but this is pure conjecture – they found the idea of massive commemoration repulsive. Warmond offered personal attention and appreciation, more than was conveyed by a candle sent once a year. Aechte and Heyne were buried in the priory, an arcadian place far from the madding crowd and from the corruptions of traditional Catholic institutions. At St Pancras’ at Leiden, simony was part of the ‘invisible fabric’ that kept the chapter together. 516 During Aechte’s and Heyne’s lifetime, simony was also practiced at the highest level when Philip of Burgundy parachuted his bastard son David as bishop of Utrecht. David in turn allowed the sales of indulgences by the hospitals of St Anthony and St Hubert. The theology behind indulgences as such was not opposed by the Modern Devout. In 1451, for instance, Windesheim accepted a full jubilee year indulgence for its associated brothers and sisters. Bishop David’s counsel and privare physician Mr Wessel Gansfort († 1489), on

515 ELO/503/1452; ELO/503/1453; ELO/503/1454; ELO/503/1455; ELO/503/1456; ELO/504/377. 516 Leverland, St Pancras 127-128. Perhaps Aechte’s father descended from one of the chapter’s founding families, for ‘Gheye’ was a recurrent name in the family of co-founder Mr Philips van Leyden (see e.g. Jacobs, ‘Rembrandt’).

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the other hand, became an outspoken critic of the unbridled commodification of indulgences. Gansfort, who wrote that if the living wished to pray for the dead, they should do so as a form of meditation only, spent his old age with the sisters of the Third Order of St Francis at Groningen. Needless to say, his name appears nowhere in the accounts of the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch, but the sisters at Groningen – witness a contemporary letter – still honoured his anniversary.517 Around the time of Gansfort’s death, the variety of indulgences on sale was already so large that commercial printers were publishing guidebooks – a kind of Which? – for prospective buyers. As mentioned above, indulgences were also printed in massive numbers. Especially ambitious was the issue of full indulgences to pay for the building of a new cathedral in Rome in 1514. In the western Low Countries, which had been suffering of inundations due to the aggressive exploitation of peatlands, they were sold under the pretense that they would also pay for local dike repairs. This policy was supported by the later emperor Charles V (r. 1515-1555). A scandal arose in 1517 when Cornelius Aurelius, a canon regular of Gouda, revealed (anonymously) that the entire revenue of the ‘dike indulgence’ had in fact gone to Rome, exposing the emperor as a pious swindler. In a letter of 1519 Aurelius’ friend and colleague Erasmus called the indulgence trade ‘shameless’. 518 In Charles’ eyes, the timing could hardly have been worse. In the same year when Aurelius went public with his story Martin Luther, a learned Austin friar of Wittenberg, published 95 theses against current malpractices of the Catholic church, including the trade in indulgences. A Dutch version of Luther’s Sermon von dem Ablaß und Gnade was printed in Antwerp in 1520. In 1522, in response to the war of words following these publications, Charles established a tribunal in the Low Countries to try cases of ‘Luthery’ on the procedural lines of the Spanish Inquisition. Its first victims, two Austin friars of ’s-Hertogenbosch, were burnt at the stake in Brussels in 1523. 519 With hindsight, the events of 1517 may be understood as the beginning of a clash between two modernities: Luther’s radical rejection of tenets and practices that even the Modern Devout had not dared to touch, and Charles’ desire to be the Catholic emperor of a modern empire, an empire in which the sun never set, with a modern army and of one faith. His paradigm was the Spanish monarchy of his grandparents, who had set up their own Inquisition tribunal in 1468. Lutheran ideas took hold rapidly in some parts of the rural Low Countries, and more slowly in others. Entry fee payments to the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch from Baardwijk and Oirschot, for instance, all but dried up in the 1530s, and also fell in the nearby town of Oisterwijk (table 23). In Wijk near Baardwijk, however,

517 Van Herwaarden, ‘Indulgences’ 120; Van Moolenbroek, ‘Wessel’; Bakker, ‘A commemorative mass’. 518 Van Herwaarden, ‘Indulgences’ 107-108. 519 Van Herwaarden, ‘Indulgences’ 122; Israel, Republic 79-84.

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all 53 recorded entry fees are of the 1520s. Around that time, some Dutch prelates in Rome tried to remediate the dike indulgence scandal by redirecting revenue from sales of other indulgences to their distant parishes in the Low Countries. Through the good offices of Cardinal Van Enckenvoirt, Schijndel church was rebuilt with indulgence capital after 1515. An indulgence for the chapel of Oostrum near Venray was granted by Pope Leo X in 1519. 520 Around the same time dissent – not always Lutheran – was increasingly attracting official attention. In 1526, for instance, a villager of Anjum was punished for blasphemy. His tongue was pierced and he was forced to join a procession. In 1536 a villager of Dronrijp was hanged for having allowed dissenters – perhaps Anabaptists – to convene at his home. In the same year Joost van Cruyningen, lord of Hazerswoude, gave asylum to 60 militant Anabaptists who in return raided two local houses, killing some women and children and claiming inspiration by the Holy Spirit itself. The lord, himself a councillor and chamberlain to Charles V, must have been very embarrassed.521 The 1550s seem to have been a point of no return. Speetjens (2011) saw the numbers of new urban chantry foundations increasing between 1250 and 1550, and falling between 1550 and 1600. Mol (1994) found Frisian dispositions for pious causes, including chantries and anniversaries, plummeting after 1550, but already noticed a reluctance to make pious provisions as early as in the 1520s. Some of the most explicit votes of non-confidence in priests as intercessors are found in Frisian wills. In 1534 Auck Petersdr bluntly disqualified the clergy of Leeuwarden as a greedy bunch. Although Auck was not a villager but an urban patrician, her diatribe is too pithy to be ignored:522

And if the priests say my dear late mother willed to found some Friday Evensong in front of the Holy Cross, which they allege has been performed to date, and for which they claim an annuity of six gold guilders, I do not consent as I have not been shown any formal will. If they say it is written in the register I am not satisfied, for they could as well write all my mother’s goods into their register because they are of great greed, as one can see every day.

This paints a shocking picture of the amount of social capital the clergy had lost in recent years. The crisis of confidence also reached the countryside. In Dronrijp, for instance, the last datable entry in the memoria calendar is of 1533. It is tempting to relate this to the rise of the local Protestant community whose leader was hanged in 1536. In 1543, the parson of a nearby village complained that the occupants of local farms encumbered with annual hand-outs had refused

520 Bijsterveld, Do ut des 208-211; Jansen, ‘Oostrum’ 10, 184. 521 Bergsma, Gideonsbende 492; Van Nierop, Nobility 13, 179; Zijlstra, Ware gemeente 54, 146. 522 Speetjens, ‘Founder’ 203; Mol, ‘Friezen’ 207-212; FT nr. 137.

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to pay their share for some years. Parson Arnoldus of Middelharnis wrote that the local guilds had ceased reading mass on their altars in the early 1560s ‘because of heresy’. The numbers of new memoria foundations were also dwindling. Arnoldus’ colleague Jacob Vallick of Groessen noted in his kerckenboeck that attendance of the common service in church evaporated after he was forbidden by the ecclesiastic and secular authorities – on the pain of death – to recite parts of the office in the vernacular. 523 Vallick’s taste for innovation followed a precedent of Grote himself, whose Dutch renditions of the Hours had been one of the most widely copied pious texts in the Low Countries before 1400. But even in these perilous times, when Catholic and Protestant modernities often clashed, traditional memoria was practiced in some villages more actively than ever before. In Hommerts, for instance, new anniversary foundations peaked during the 1560s. The last preserved entry in the local calendar is of 1578, two years before Friesland officially adopted Protestant rule. Memoria also kept flourishing in Leermens and Voorburg. New foundations were commissioned frequently in Abcoude, with one significant local twist. Before 1500 perpetual memoria services had been the rule, but after 1500 some 60% of all new foundations concerned services for a limited period only. 524

8.4. Concluding remarks In the preceding sections, loyalties and modernities have been identified as two major factors in the webs of meanings reproduced in rural memoria sources from Brabant, Holland and Friesland between the 1370s and the 1520s (Goudriaan’s ‘long 15th century’). Although medieval loyalties were often asymmetric, some reciprocity ( do ut des ) was apparent throughout. The construction of a uniform shared code was especially obvious in the accounts of the Fraternity at ’s-Hertogenbosch, the most ‘modern’ memoria provider in our sample in terms of both marketing methods and scale. This kind of modernity must not be confused with the codes of observance shared by the Modern Devout, with which the Cistercian priory of Warmond was associated most explicitly. Yet even in the wills of the most loyal supporters of that community this spiritual orientation can only be identified indirectly from the – sometimes changing – loyalties expressed in pious bequests. Some will- makers broke loose of these normative conventions following the introduction in the Low Countries of new, more radical kinds of modernity such as Luther’s critical ideas of 1517. These different kinds of modernity are most vocal in the will of Auck Petersdr (1534), who founded an orphanage instead of paying for the conspicuous memoria expected from a rich urbanite. But in spite of her scorn for the clergy, Auck remained loyal to her family and the Church. Children of her

523 BB 691; Van der Gouw, ‘Middelharnis’ 51; Braber, Middelharnis 17; Van der Heijden, ‘Groessen’ 37-38. 524 Van Borssum, ‘Hommerts’ 51; GDW nr. 383; Van Booma, Voirburch ; Grevenstuk, ‘Abcoude’.

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kin were to be given priority when they needed the care of her foundation, and Auck wished to be buried in her parents’ grave at the Blackfriars – albeit with the simplest possible afterdeeds. 525 ‘A polyphony of modernities’ is perhaps an apt metaphor of religious practices during the ‘short 16 th century’, between 1517 and the institution of Protestant rule in most of the northern Low Countries. In some villages traditional memoria was all but abandoned, while in other places it apparently became more popular than ever before. All the same the spiritual crisis of the Roman Church, which now found itself competing with very different theologies, opened new windows of opportunity, even to devout conventuals. As mater of the convent of St Ursula’s at Warmond Baerte van Poelgeest († 1556), a kinswoman of the founding family, gave her own individual twist to what she saw as ‘modern’ life. Baerte took considerable liberties with the enclosure she was sworn to, organising boat rides and visits to nearby nunneries, often with theatre shows. Her golden jubilee as a conventual was celebrated in grand style, with many distinguished outside guests. It all makes one wonder how much such frivolities actually affected the reputation of Baerte and her sisters on the regional salvation market, in a society that was already heavily gender-biased. Baerte herself did not leave any traces in memoria sources in Warmond or her native Koudekerk. Her digressions only survive anecdotally in an account book kept by the confessor of her convent. 526 These jolly scenes, a rather late Dutch parallel to the vigorous relish for life that Duffy read into medieval English wills, conclude our enquiry into meanings and modernities in memoria culture in the Low Countries, as well as our tour of the 56 villages where this culture could be identified in preserved calendars, wills, etcetera , and in memoria artifacts. It is about time to recapitulate. We will do so by resorting to an actor’s point of view – not a medieval but a very contemporary one.

525 FT nr. 137. 526 Nolet, ‘Warmond’ 57, 62, 71.

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Part Five. Synthesis

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9. The memoria perspective: theory and rural practice

In 2009 the English actor Stephen Fry called ‘the idea of purgatory, which doesn’t exist in the Bible […] an extraordinarily brilliant coup to imagine […] that a soul needs to be prayed for in order to go to heaven. […] And you’d be amazed what generous terms these prayers came at. Sometimes as little as two- thirds of a year’s salary could ensure that a dead loved one could go to heaven’.527 The theory behind the late medieval memoria practices discussed above has hardly ever been summed up more caustically. Anniversaries, chantries and other foundations for the relatively rich kept flourishing during the first decades after Luther, not only in villages visited in the previous chapters but also in larger and lesser towns in the Low Countries and elsewhere. Yet already in the early 1520s Utrecht Cathedral, the subject of a polemic started by Mr Geert Grote in the 1370s, saw its revenue from offerings, bequests and indulgences falling so fast that reconstruction of the church was put on hold. The cathedral chapter blamed this on high food prices and a costly war waged by Emperor Charles V against the duke of Guelders, but most of all on Luther’s teachings.528 With a few local exceptions Charles V did very little to help the Church out of its dire straits. Instead he revoked what tax exemptions it still enjoyed, re- investing part of the proceeds in the persecution of Protestants. Against this trend, however, some wealthy individuals sought to serve the church – and their own souls – in more positive manners. Chantry foundations were becoming rare – the latest in our sample are attested in Scharnegoutum (1523) and Swichum (1573) – but rural churches were still being rebuilt with indulgence capital, and altarpieces updated (the Van Zwieten painting in 1552) or newly commissioned (Nijland in the 1560s).529 Such loyalties were the invisible fabric of which rural memoria was made. While rural church fabrics mainly took care of stones and tiles, loyalties let ideas and memories survive. Although the original theory behind medieval memoria was primarily theological – but not Biblical, as Fry rightly observes – some recent researchers have rebranded it as a ‘total social phenomenon’. 530 In the previous chapters, we have used three rather more specific perspectives to obtain impressions of how memoria was practiced in 56 rural parishes in the Low

527 ‘Is the Catholic church a force for good in the world?’, a debate televised by the BBC on 9 November, 2009. 528 Goudriaan, ‘Het einde’ 66-67. 529 Bijsterveld, Do ut des 210; Van Bueren, Leven nr. 90; Ten Hoeve, Nijland 107-109. 530 Overview in Van Bueren et al., ‘Researching’.

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Countries, or more precisely in those parts of the late medieval Low Countries that are currently within the borders of the Netherlands. The economic perspective chosen was a market perspective: micro-, not macroeconomic. As parts – or dimensions – of what Erik Thoen (2004) would call the ‘social agrosystems’ of these 56 microregions, market factors – land, capital, the human factor – and market shares of memoria providers such as church fabrics, chantries, and local and translocal fraternities were compared. 531 The introduction of universal Pfarrzwang in 1215, together with the dissolution of the early medieval manorial system of bonded peasants, stimulated the growth of rural parishes, funded by elites and sometimes commoners, which became the main substrate of rural salvation markets. 532 In a majority of rural parishes in our sample, patrons had a real choice of local and external providers, the institutional reason being that burial and commemoration were not subject to Pfarrzwang . Unlike sacraments such as confession, they could be commissioned from providers outside one’s parish. Recent comparative research on factor markets in history, including the late medieval and early modern Low Countries, has suggested that these markets initially create flexibility, high mobility, and economic growth, but in the long run social polarisation and a decline of average welfare. 533 In Warmond, which serves as a reference parish in the present study, one elite family – the Woudes – indeed seemed to increasingly dominate the local factor markets as well as the local salvation market. Such anecdotal evidence was also found elsewhere, but could not be confirmed in quantitative testing. This testing started with a count of rural chantry foundations per 25 years between 1300 and 1600. Chantries were rather expensive and exclusive memoria providers, and the numbers of new chantry foundations indeed increased steadily until 1525 – but so did the numbers of new memberships of the Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady at ’s-Hertogenbosch, a low-cost translocal memoria provider. 534 New chantries and new Fraternity memberships dropped after 1525. We have cut up the social perspective into three dimensions: horizontal (rural kinship networks), vertical (various and often intersecting stratifications of rural societies) and translocal. The range of commemorated individuals, close kin, and ancestors in general, was found to vary considerably among parishes and providers, from multi-family anniversaries to single entries. It has been suggested that perceptions of kinship contracted in the course of the later Middle Ages, but

531 Thoen, ‘Agrosystems’. 532 Pfarrzwang : mandatory yearly confession to one’s own parish priest, introduced in 1215 (Schilp, ‘Memoria’ 51-52). 533 Van Bavel, The invisible hand . 534 Van Dijck, Optimaten .

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this could not be confirmed from rural memoria registers in our sample. 535 Instead, a tendency of consolidation of family interests – also concerning memoria – was observed in some parishes. Showing status in a late medieval village church was sometimes deemed worth a fight. Church feuds are attested in some rural Dutch parishes in the 14 th century, but not in our sample. 536 Intermarriage between elite families in the latter was probably an effective means to keep the peace. In rural memoria registers status could be expressed in such different manners as the numbers and frequencies of special masses, or the number of candles lit at commemoration. Sometimes varying numbers of candles hinted at the social ups and downs of families, branches, or persons. In Koudekerk, for instance, nine candles were the standard for titled nobility and their close kin, whereas one identified commoner is attested to have been commemorated with three. One local gentleman who had made a career as a courtier at The Hague was honoured with twelve candles. 537 The translocal dimension of rural memoria sees in first instance at the roles of absentee lords, parsons, landowners, and other outsiders. Loyalties, the ‘invisible fabric of group expectations to which all members of a group are committed’, seem to have been a key factor.538 Loyalties made and unmade rural communities, not only in terms of kinships and local stratifications, but also beyond village boundaries. A comparison of rural memoria registers with collateral sources such as judicial and fiscal registers suggests that translocal loyalties (‘transloyalties’) were essential to the inclusion or exclusion of ‘outsiders’ in or from local memoria practice. Medieval loyalties were often asymmetric, but some reciprocity ( do ut des ) was usually involved – unless, of course, the relationship of an absentee lord, parson, or landowner with a village was purely extractive. The line between ‘local’ and ‘translocal’ was not absolute but relative. Late medieval rural societies allowed for much mobility, not only socially but also spatially. The metaphor of a permanent but delicate osmosis between villages and towns, and also across social strata, seems to apply here. An illustrious – albeit rather late – instance of transloyalty is Viglius Aytta († 1577), a native of Swichum, where he was appointed absentee parson in 1529. In spite of his international career, Viglius did not forget his rural roots. In Swichum he founded an almshouse (1572) and a chantry (1573).539 Several rural memoria registers take notice of disastrous translocal events such as epidemics and the atrocities of war. The Fraternity accounts rarely list causes of death, but peaks in so-called dootsculd payments can in theory identify

535 Cf. Hoppenbrouwers, ‘Maagschap’ 108. 536 Cf. Schotanus, Beschryvinge 205. 537 Kuiken & Van Poelgeest, ‘Adelsdorp’. 538 Definition after Böszörményi-Nagy & Spark, Invisible loyalties 37-38. 539 De Vocht, Inventaire nrs. 3080-3173; Spaans, Armenzorg 152-155.

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epidemics in parishes with many subscribers. In most of these parishes, however, these peaks were preceded by waves of new subscriptions, sometimes related to another human factor – an active local sales agent. One of the better documented epidemics is the plague of 1557, which is attested in Brabant as well as in Holland. The memoriboec of Voorburg mentions 500 local victims but only registers ten new anniversaries – a sign that these services were indeed a privilege of a rich minority.540 Epidemics and war were often related. War would bring famine, which made villagers vulnerable to plagues spread by marauding soldiers. The material and mental culture of late medieval rural memoria , or at least part of it, has been transmitted in written documents but also in artifacts such as funeral objects and heraldry. Compared with the relatively rich memoria heritage of urban parishes, many documents and artifacts from rural parishes have been lost. The impression that fortified towns were generally a safer place than the medieval countryside is to some degree confirmed by anecdotal evidence. Rural church treasures were sometimes stored temporarily in nearby towns in times of war or revolt.541 Although most rural churches in the northern Low Countries were stripped of their altars and altarpieces in the late 16 th century, and more than a few were destroyed entirely, several traces of medieval memoria practice can still be recognised: elaborate armorial slabs, but also sites of former chantry altars. The idea of some scholars, from Eamon Duffy (1992) to Douwe Faber (2018), that the ‘mentalities’ of medieval memoria founders were expressed in wills and deeds, is not sustained in the present study. 542 Even the preambles to these texts are hardly as ‘personal’ as has been assumed. Most are very conventional, and some have been copied from standard texts. On the other hand the bequests in these documents, the inclusion of significant others, the appointment of priests and avowees, and provisions about the role of rural communities in the services provided, inform us about the different loyalties which kept these communities together. Such texts should, however, be read as webs of meanings rather than windows through which medieval ‘mentalities’ are viewed. In the preceding paragraphs, some perspectives on the practice of memoria in late medieval villages have been reviewed. The basic theory behind this practice – ‘a soul needs to be prayed for in order to go to heaven’ – became part of official Church doctrine in the 13 th century. It remained generally accepted during the long 15 th century, roughly from the 1370s through the 1520s, even in circles of the spiritual reform movement which has become known as devotio moderna . The two memoria providers in our sample most closely associated with this

540 Kuys et al., Kroniek 177; Schutjes, Geschiedenis V-372; Van Booma, Voirburch 53, 79-83, 144-145. 541 Palma, ‘Tsjerkesulver’; Grijpink, ‘Sloten’ 441. 542 Duffy, Stripping ; Faber, Memoria .

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movement – a Cistercian priory and a convent of the sisters of the Third Order of St Francis, both founded in the 1410s by a lord of Warmond – were both active on the salvation market. Gender bias may indeed have been one reason why the monks in the priory attracted many more memoria commissions than the sisters. Were practices of memoria in late medieval villages very different from those in late medieval towns? Any answer to this question is coloured by the definitions of ‘villages’ and ‘towns’ used in the present study: ‘towns’ as settlements formally chartered before 1500 only (table 2), and ‘villages’ as all settlements with a parish church outside the boundaries – or ‘liberties’ – of chartered towns. In this context, size is not an issue. Many late medieval chartered towns were smaller than many villages in our sample. In section 6.6, above, a village and an adjacent chartered town of about the same size in Campine Brabant were compared. Of the town parish (Oisterwijk) a memoria register of a few dozen entries survives, plus records of 839 dootsculd payments to the Fraternity at ’s- Hertogenbosch. 543 The parish register of the village (Oirschot) lists 1334 entries, while 557 dootsculd payments from Oirschot were registered by the Fraternity. The gap between the numbers of local memoria records in Oisterwijk and Oirschot can be ascribed to institutional factors. St Peter’s at Oisterwijk was a plain parish church, its namesake at Oirschot a collegiate church with twelve prebends. This ecclesiastic constitution rather than urban privilege may have made the difference. Another honest answer would probably be that the divisions and boundaries between the populations of villages and (chartered) towns were so fluid that the question itself does not make very much sense. Scholarly reports have accounted for this fluidity under such various labels as ‘translocality’ and ‘osmosis’. Generally speaking, villages in the late medieval Low Countries seem to have followed urban trends in practices such as anniversary and chantry foundations and heraldic representation. The written records of urban and rural memoria providers mainly differ in the preserved numbers of these documents: more from safer towns, and fewer from the countryside. In a minority of rural parishes in our sample, payments for memoria services in kind – mostly rye – suggest a more intimate relation with social agrosystems than is known of urban memoria practice. Such payments were not limited to ‘peasants’. Many memoriae of rural gentry were also paid in rye. The next question is whether the decline and final demise of memoria practice in the northern Low Countries in the 16 th century were entirely due to an external paradigm shift (‘Protestant Reformation’), or also to internal market mechanisms. The crisis in which the church found itself in the 1520s was attributed by some

543 The 15 th -century register of gifts to St Peter in Chains of Oisterwijk (MeMO text carrier ID 389) is privately held.

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contemporaries to economic, social and theological factors. The high food prices mentioned by the Utrecht chapter were an indication of market failure, aggravated by the growing fiscal pressure of an aggressive government. At the same time commodification of memoria services reached a point where it hurt the social capital of the church. This was a crisis waiting for a catalyst – a catalyst that would reveal itself at the theological level. In 1517 Martin Luther, a learned friar of Wittenberg, published a radically new theory of salvation. He set off a chain of events leading to the prohibition of Catholic memoria practice in the northern Low Countries in the late 16 th century, and in northern Brabant a few decades later. The overall decline of new memoria foundations between 1520 and 1550 was certainly part of this chain, but the pace of it varied locally. There were even villages in our sample where new foundations peaked after 1550, or where new altarpieces and windows were commissioned. There was, at least locally, some reluctance to abandon the repertoire of symbols, prayers and beliefs that had bridged gulfs between the living and the dead, the rich and the poor, the literate and the illiterate. Was this reluctance inspired by faith, or rather by fears of gruesome sanctions in the here – from an increasingly pervasive and intolerant modern state – and the hereafter? It would be the guess of this researcher that the loyalties mentioned earlier in this chapter tipped the balance in many places: loyalties to the old church and its rituals, but above all to the community of the living and the dead. In this sense, loyalty also bridges the gulf between rational and institutionally conditioned (or ‘path-dependent’) choices, a dilemma that has long divided researchers of historical religious economies. To paraphrase St Paul, there were faith, fear, and loyalty.544 And the greatest of these was loyalty.

Harenae apud Groningam , All Souls’ Day, 2018.

544 After I Cor. 13:13.

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APPENDIX

Medieval institutions and memoria sources of 56 rural parishes 545

ABCOUDE (MeMO institution nr. 153) Earliest attestation (1186): Abbenkewolde (LNT ). Type of village: linear strip reclamation settlement on peaty soil, church on sandy knoll. Origin of parish: probably daughter of Nigtevecht. 546 Patron saints: Cosmas & Damian. Present state of church The medieval parish church is now the Protestant church of Abcoude in Utrecht. 16 th -century state of church Van Deventer drew the tower with a tall nipped-in spire. Administration to 1600 Temporal: seignory split before 1300 between the bishop of Utrecht – held in fief by the lord of Abcoude, including the high seignory – and the provost of the collegiate chapter of St John.547 Spiritual: parish under the collegiate chapter of St John, 548 Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese). Advowson: provost of St Peter’s, Utrecht. 549 Local corporations: guild of St Anthony (~1585). 550 Chantries (4): 551 James the Apostle (founded 1503 by Jacob Leeu Iansz & wife Petronelle Boudewynsdr); Our Lady in the Sun (<1586); Andrew (< 1586); Our Lady of Sorrows (< 1586). Dependent chapel: Baambrugge. Memoria register Title: Iste liber in se continet memoriarum copiam perpetuarum et etiam aliquarum ad certa tempora durantium curarum ecclesie Apcoudensis fabricam et nonnullos eiusdem ecclesia parochialis preteracte ministros sacerdotes concernentium . Description: parchment/paper calendar of memoria foundations with summary and some annexes. Period: 1444-1716. Kept at: Breukelen/RHCVV/1094/416. Services provided: perpetual and other anniversaries (100) entrusted to church fabric.

545 See the introduction to chapter 2 (‘Local texts and contexts’) for a specification of the items in these entries. 546 Dekker, Kromme Rijngebied 316-317. 547 Carasso-Kok, ‘Abcoude’ 32. 548 Van Vliet, In kringen 322; cf. H.V.H. & H.V.R., Utrechtsche bisdom 187; cf. Carasso-Kok, ‘Dorpsleven’ 201. 549 Van Vliet, In kringen 321-322. 550 De Graaff, ‘Broederschappen’ 238. 551 H.V.H. & H.V.R., Utrechtsche bisdom 287-290; cf. Grevenstuk, ‘Abcoude’ 6.

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Endowments: land, annuities, cash (for chasuble). Transcript: Grevenstuk, ‘Abcoude’.

Almkerk , see Wijk (2.52). Almekercke , first attested in 1277 ( ONB ), was inundated in 1421.

ANJUM Earliest attestation (944): Anigheim (LNT ). Type of village: radial mound settlement on natural marine clay levee. Origin of parish: created <1200 (tufa), perhaps by Fulda Abbey? Present state of church The medieval Protestant church building of Anjum in Friesland was last restored in 1996- 2006. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church with a reduced westwork and a saddleback-roofed tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Oostdongeradeel district, Oostergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Leeuwarden deaconry, St Saviour’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Chantries (1): 552 unknown saint(s) (<1472). Memoria register Title: Dese naebeschreven landen behooren totte vicarie toe Aengyum in Dongerdeel etc . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Sir Tiaert van Bourmannia, justice in the Court of Friesland. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/86. Services provided: anniversary (1) entrusted to chantry.Endowment: arable land. Transcript: BB 297-299.

ARUM Earliest attestation (1309): Aldenam (T&T ) Type of village: radial mound settlement on natural marine clay levee. Origin of parish: probably created by a bishop of Utrecht. 553 Patron saint: Lambert. Present state of church The medieval church building at Arum in Friesland was replaced by a Protestant church in 1664. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the medieval parish church of Alt Aarum with a tower with a tall spire. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village (1400: seignory) 554 in Wonseradeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland.

552 Roemeling, Corpus . 553 De Langen & Mol, ‘Church foundation’ 44. 554 Colmjon, Register nr. 493.

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Spiritual: parish in Upper Wagenbrugge deaconry, St John’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: the abbot of St Paul’s, Utrecht (1420), Gofridus Lywonis de Henum (1500). 555 Chantries (4): 556 Our Lady (<1497); verger’s (<1520); unknown saint(s) (<1543); Hansema’s (<1543). Memoria register Title: Inventarys vanden incompsten, behoerende tot Hansema beneficium in Arum . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Oene Hepez, avowee of a chantry. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: early mass (1) entrusted to chantry. Endowment: land. Transcript: BB 611.

BAARDWIJK (MeMO institution nr. 512) Earliest attestation (1108~1136): Barduwich (LNT ). Type of village: linear strip reclamation settlement on sandy ridge near river. Origin of parish: <1200 as a dependent chapel of Aalburg, created by a count of Holland. Patron saint: Clement. Present state of church Only the medieval tower of Baardwijk, now a borough of Waalwijk in Noord-Brabant, survives. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the medieval parish church with a tall, massive tower with a tall spire. Administration to 1600 Temporal: high seignory (1408: high seignory) in Heusden bailiwick, Holland. Spiritual: parish in Hilvarenbeek deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1559: ’s- Hertogenbosch) diocese. Advowson: the count of Holland, delegated to the abbot of Sint-Truiden, sub-delegated 1242 to Dirk Loef van Barendonk. 557 Local corporations: fraternities of Our Lady (& St Anne?), St Catharine, St Lucy, St Saviour. 558 Chantries (7): 559 Nicholas (<1331); Mary (<1331); Catharine (<1400); Saviour (founded 1509 by Wouter Doremans, parson of Oisterwijk); John the Evangelist & Mary & Barbara (<1510); Holy Cross & Our Lady of Sorrows (<1510); Four Marshals & Anne (<1550). Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (511 records).

555 Roemeling, Heiligen 189-190. 556 Roemeling, Corpus . 557 Kort, ‘Grafelijke lenen Heusden’ 236 nr. 1; Piot, Cartulaire I 209-210 nr. 175. 558 Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 556; ’s-Hertogenbosch/BHIC/253/2 fol. 2r-53r. 559 Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 543; cf. NNBW 3 (1914) 295.

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Memoria register Title: Calendarium cure de Baerdwyck continens ceremonias et festa in Baerdwyck publicari solita . Description: paper calendar of saints with 124 memoriae listed on opposing right pages. Period: 1497-1526. Kept at: ’s-Hertogenbosch/BHIC/253/2 (also on bhic.nl). Services provided: anniversaries (124) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: annuities (cash, rye).

BERLICUM (MeMO institution nr. 398) Earliest attestation (1237): Berlekum (ONB ). Type of village: settlement on natural sandy knoll on river bank. Origin of parish: created <1305. 560 Patron saint: Chair of Peter. Present state of church The medieval Protestant church of Berlicum in Noord-Brabant was rebuilt after 1953. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the tower of this church with a more massive spire than the present one. Administration to 1600 Temporal: seignory in Maasland district, ’s-Hertogenbosch bailiwick, Brabant. Spiritual: parish in Woensel deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1559: ’s- Hertogenbosch) diocese. Advowson: the abbot of St John’s, Berne. Chantries: Mary (1461). 561 Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (96 records). Memoria register A Title: Nomina in oratione dominicali specialiter commissa . Description: paper list of Sunday intercessions (‘soulbook’) followed by a parchment calendar (September and half of February missing) with often poorly readable obits and anniversary notes. Period: 1433-1485. Kept at: ’s-Hertogenbosch/BHIC/1575/13 (part of parson’s archive, also on archieven.nl). Services provided: intercessions (121) and anniversaries (c. 175) entrusted to rectory. Excerpts: Van der Velden, ‘Berlicum’. Memoria register B Title: Liber anniversariorum ecclesie de Berlickem . Description: paper memoria calendar, dated 1579, update of parchment calendar in memoria register A, followed by transcripts of two wills (1558 and 1588). Period: 1452-1588.

560 Zweers & Beijers, Schijndel 14-16. 561 Van der Velden, ‘Berlicum’ 69.

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Kept at: ’s-Hertogenbosch/BHIC/1575/112 (part of parson’s archive, also on archieven.nl). Services provided: anniversaries (98) entrusted to rectory? Endowments: annuities (cash, rye). Memoria register C Title: Anniversaria fundata in ecclesia de Berlickem . Description: paper memoria calendar (July missing), dated 1622, update of memoria register B. Period: 1452-1622. Kept at: ’s-Hertogenbosch/BHIC/1575/118 (part of parson’s archive, also on archieven.nl). Services provided: anniversaries (61) entrusted to rectory.

BOKHOVEN (MeMO institution nr. 400) Earliest attestation (1262): Buchouen (ONB ). Type of village: settlement on natural river clay levee. Origin of parish: created 1363 as a dependent chapel of Hedikhuizen, independent in 1372. 562 Patron saint: Anthony the Abbot. Present state of church The medieval parish church of Bokhoven, now a borough of ’s-Hertogenbosch, has survived. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church with its still present sturdy tower with a tall nipped-in spire. Administration to 1600 Temporal: seignory (1499: barony) in ’s-Hertogenbosch bailiwick, Brabant (1365: Liège). Spiritual: parish in Hilvarenbeek deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1559: ’s- Hertogenbosch) diocese. Advowson: the abbot of St John’s, Berne. Chantries (1): 563 capella non parochialis in ecclesia parochiali (founded 1369 by the lord of Bokhoven). Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (9 records). Memoria register A Title: Liber ecclesie de Boechoeven anniversaria . Description: parchment calendar of memoriae with additional notes on first leaf and followed by a style sheet for attestations ( Forma pervetusta scribendi literas testimoniales ). Period: (1363) 1438-1748. Kept at: ’s-Hertogenbosch/EsH/0727/91. Services provided: anniversaries (21) entrusted to church fabric and/or rectory.

562 Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 545-546. 563 Van Bavel, ‘Kalendarium’.

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Endowments: annuities (cash). Transcript: Van Bavel et al., ‘Kalendarium’ 19-25. Memoria register B Description: paper register of land holdings and revenues of church fabric. Period: 1464-1608. Author: parson Jan Moors (r. 1608-1613). Kept at: ’s-Hertogenbosch/EsH/0727/128. Services provided: anniversaries (7, some not in Bokhoven A) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: annuities (cash). Excerpts: Van Bavel et al., ‘Kalendarium’ 37-38. Memoria register C Description: paper register of land holdings and revenues of rectory. Period: 1464-1608. Author: parson Jan Moors (r. 1608-1613). Kept at: ’s-Hertogenbosch/EsH/0727/243. Services provided: anniversaries (6, some not in Bokhoven A) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: annuities (cash). Excerpts: Van Bavel et al., ‘Kalendarium’ 37-38.

BOZUM (MeMO institution nr. 205) Earliest attestation (1260): Bosingum (T&T ). Type of village: mound settlement on marine clay. Origin of parish: created <1200 (tufa) as daughter of Jorwerd by bishop of Utrecht. Patron saint: Martin. Present state of church The Protestant former parish church of Bozum in Friesland was last restored in 1938- 1949. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the detached church tower at Boesum without its present saddleback roof. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Baarderadeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Winsum (1265: Lidlum) (arch)deaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. 564 Advowson: count of Holland (1400). 565 Chantries (4): 566 unidentified (<1461); John (<1519), 2 unidentified (<1552). Memoria register A Title: Renten ende goeden . Description: paper account book of church fabric. Period: 1515-1553. Author: parson Edo Walckama, audited by churchwardens of Bozum. Kept at: Groningen/GrA/622/68.

564 Roemeling, Heiligen 190-193. 565 Colmjon, Register nr. 496. 566 Roemeling, Corpus .

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Services provided: memoria (1) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: wax (= candles). Transcript: OFO III 84-137 (esp. 98). Memoria register B Title: Aanbrengh van de landen, pachten, renthen ende ewige deelen van tjongerscip te Boesum. Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Meynse, junior priest at Bozum. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: perpetual hand-outs (4) entrusted to chantry. Endowments: annuities (cash). Transcript: BB 722-723.

BRITSWERD (MeMO institution nr. 870) Earliest attestation (1275): Bretsenewarth (T&T ). Type of village: mound settlement on marine clay. Origin of parish: created <1200 (tufa predecessor of present building found in 1975). Patron saints: Nicholas & John. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church with a low saddle-backed tower. Present state of church The decommissioned brick Romanesque church of Britswerd in Friesland was last restored in 1975. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Baarderadeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Winsum (1265: Lidlum) (arch)deaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. 567 Chantry (1): a vicary (<1511). Memoria register Title: Alle de landen, renten ende incompsten, tot zyn pastorie behoirende. Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Dominicus Pybez, taking parson Pier’s deposition. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: perpetual distribution (1) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: annuities (cash). Transcript: BB 723-725.

DONGEN 568 (MeMO institution nr. 407) Earliest attestation (1287-1288): Donghene (ONB ). Type of village: settlement on range of sandy knolls on boggy river bank. Origin of parish: founded by Sir Willem van Duvenvoirde († 1353), first lord of Dongen.

567 Roemeling, Heiligen 190-193. 568 After Merkelbach, ‘Heerlijkheid’, unless noted otherwise.

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Patron saint: Lawrence. Present state of church The decommissioned Protestant ‘Old Church’ of Dongen in Noord-Brabant is being restored. 569 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew this church with a transept and a tall tower with a tall spire. Administration to 1600 Temporal: high seignory in Breda barony, Brabant. Spiritual: parish in Hilvarenbeek (1571: Breda) deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1559: Antwerp) diocese. Advowson: the lord of Breda (1500-1648). Chantries (1): 570 Lawrence (<1453, weekly mass celebrated by the parson). Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (95 records). Memoria register Title: Den Missaelboeck tot Dongen . Description: paper extract (1571) from lost missal, with letter from verger (1546). 571 Period: 1429-1550 (1571). Kept at: Breda/SAB/ARC0007.3/547. Services provided: anniversaries (31) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: annuities (rye).

DRONRIJP (MeMO institution nr. 160) Earliest attestation (1132): Drennigrip .572 Type of village: mound settlement on natural marine clay levee. Origin of parish: created <1132 as a dependent chapel of Stavoren Abbey (or Menaldum?). 573 Patron saint: Salvius. Present state of church The medieval (now Protestant) church of Dronrijp in Friesland was last restored in 1997- 2001. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church of Rijp before the upper stocks of the present tower were added. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village (1400: seignory) 574 in Menaldumadeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Menaldum deaconry, St John’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese.

569 Brand, Niet zomaar 17. 570 Brand, Niet zomaar 16-17. 571 Brand, Niet zomaar 13, 102. 572 Mol & Van Vliet, ‘Staveren’ 128. 573 Cf. De Langen & Mol, ‘Church foundation’ 28-32. 574 Colmjon, Register nr. 491.

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Advowson: the abbot of St Odulph’s, Stavoren, 1440: the lords of four local manors.575 Local corporations: fraternity of St Anthony (1542, or is this in Leeuwarden?). 576 Chantries (5): 577 vicary (<1399, avowee in 1399: count of Holland); Mr Joucke’s (<1455); nye pronde (Sicka Allartz, founded 1476); Douwe Pibes’ (founded 1511); Tete Hommema’s (<1543). Memoria register A Title: Dit zyn die naebescreven pachten behoorende totten pastorie opte Dronrijp met die eewige deelen . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Authors: Wattie Ockinghe, parson, and Taecke Glins. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: perpetual hand-outs (2) entrusted to chantry. Endowments: annuities (cash). Transcript: BB 656-657. Memoria register B Title: Ex ephemeridibus Glinsianae familiae . Description: transcript of records from calendar of saints. Period: 1403-1533. Authors: parson Wattie Ockinghe of Dronrijp, and Taecke Glins. Services provided: anniversaries and hand-outs (28) entrusted to church fabric, rectory, and/or one or more chantries. Endowments: annuities (cash). Transcript: Schotanus, ‘Tablinum’ 20-22.

GROESSEN (MeMO institution nr. 448) Earliest attestation (838): Gruosna (LNT ). Type of village: settlement on natural river clay levee. Origin of parish: property of Count Rodgarius, traded 838 with the bishop of Utrecht. Patron saint: Andrew. Present state of church The Roman Catholic parish church of Groessen in Gelderland was last restored in 1991- 1992. 16th-century state of church For unknown reasons Groessen church is not shown on Van Deventer’s maps. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Liemers district, Nijmegen bailiwick, Guelders (after 1348: Cleves). 578 Spiritual: parish in Emmerich deaconry and archdeaconry, Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese).

575 Hellinga, ‘Friese haagje’ 146 (Hobbema, Fetse, Dotinga, Osinga). 576 FT nr. 180. 577 Colmjon, Register nr. 476; FT nrs. 17, 36, 81; BB . 578 Lacomblet, Urkundenbuch nr. 457.

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Advowson: Count Rodgarius (to 838); the abbess of Elten (970); the lord of Boetzelaer (1546). Chantries (3): 579 Nicholas (founded 1410 by local gentry and commoners); Mary Magdalene (founded 1432 by Tenhaeff family); Anthony & Josse (founded 1483 by local gentry). Memoria register Title: Der kercken boeck tho Groessen . Author: parson Jacob Vallick (fl. 1531-1566). Description: paper copy (1692) of book of instructions for parson followed by a cartulary, instructions for churchwardens, and founding charter and regulations of local almshouse. Period: mid-16 th century. Last attested location: library of the Klein-Seminarie at Culemborg (1921). 580 Services provided: anniversaries (12) entrusted to rectory, services (3) entrusted to chantry. Endowments: land, annuities (cash), wheat (for bread). Transcript: Van der Heijden, ‘Groessen’ 17-107.

HAZERSWOUDE -DORP (MeMO institution nr. 226) Earliest attestation (1276): Hadewarts woude (OHZ ). Type of village: linear strip reclamation settlement on peaty soil. Origin of parish: split off from Alphen aan den Rijn (c. 1200?) by a count of Holland on the site of a recent reclamation. 581 Patron saint: Michael. Present state of church The Protestant church and tower of Hazerswoude-Dorp in Zuid-Holland were rebuilt in 1646. The entrance is now two meters above street level, due to the settling of the surrounding peatland. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer’s map of Holland shows a church without a tower in Hasaertswoude . Administration to 1600 Temporal: seignory (1428: high seignory) in Holland (to 1428: Rijnland bailiwick). Spiritual: parish in Rijnland deaconry, cathedral archdeaconry, Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese). Advowson: the commander of St John’s, Haarlem (1328, parish incorporated 1529). Chantries (2): 582 Our Lady (<1533); Holy Cross (<1533). Local corporations: 583 Holy Cross Guild (<1517). Memoria register Title: Dit syn die ewyghe memorien int jair xv o ende xvii . Description: paper calendar of memoriae preceded by list of grave-owners and pew- owners.

579 Van der Heijden, ‘Groessen’. 580 Van der Heijden, ‘Groessen’ 1. 581 De Langen & Mol, ‘Holland’ 270-271. 582 Gonnet, ‘Hazerswoude’ 217-227; Rijnlandia 8. 583 Gonnet, ‘Hazerswoude’ 209.

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Period: 1517. Kept at: Haarlem/NHA/2123/52/22v sqq. Services provided: memoriae (53) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: land, annuities (cash). Transcript: Gonnet, ‘Hazerswoude’ 204-211.

HEEG (MeMO institution nr. 877) Earliest attestation (1132): Haghekercke (LNT ). Type of village: settlement on crossroads of land and water transport. Origin of parish: created <1132 as a daughter of Abbega. 584 Patron saints: Christopher & Wiro. Present state of church The Protestant (formerly parish) church of Heeg in Friesland was replaced in 1745. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer (1559) drew the medieval parish church with a saddleback-roofed tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village (1399: seignory) 585 in Wymbritseradeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Wagenbrugge deaconry, St John’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: the abbot of St Odulph’s, Stavoren. Chantries (4): 586 unknown (<1511); Our Lady (<1511); Catharine (<1511); Naked Jesus (<1511). Memoria register Title: Eewighe memorielanden totter pastorie gedeylt . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Mr Syoucke Buwez, parson. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: perpetual memoriae (2) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: annuities (cash), land. Transcript: BB 867-869.

HERWEN (MeMO institution nr. 453) Earliest attestation (c. 50 CE): Carvium (LNT ). Type of village: drowned settlement on natural river clay levee. Origin of parish: property of Count Folcbertus, traded 897 with Chèvremont Abbey. 587 Patron saints: John the Baptist (1540); Martin (1573-1582). 588 Present state of church

584 De Langen & Mol, ‘Church foundation’ 35. 585 Colmjon, Register nr. 451. 586 Roemeling, Corpus . 587 Lacomblet, Urkundenbuch I nr. 79. 588 Van Veen, ‘Geestelijken’ 54; Leeuwenberg, Indices 60.

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The medieval church of Herwen in Gelderland was abandoned following inundation in 1764. 589 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew a simple church with a low tower, covered by a nipped-in spire. 590 Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in seigneury of Herwen and Aerdt, Upper Betuwe district, Nijmegen bailiwick, Guelders. Spiritual: parish in Betuwe deaconry, cathedral archdeaconry, Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese). Advowson: Count Folcbertus (897); the dean of Elst and the duke of Guelders jointly (1547). 591 Local corporation: St Anthony’s guild (c. 1500). 592 Chantries (5): 593 Anthony (<1473); Our Lady of Sorrow (<1573); Sebastian (<1573); James (<1573); Judocus & Catherine (‘Van Rossem’s’, <1573). Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (1 record). Memoria register Title: Missale ecclesiae . Description: parchment missal with 3 memoria records preceding calendar. Period: 16 th century. Kept at: Deventer/AB/11L2KL (also on athenaeumcollecties.nl). Services provided: perpetual memoriae (2) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: chalice. Transcript: Begheyn, ‘Kroniekje’ 89-90.

HIJUM (MeMO institution nr. 646) Earliest attestation (1431): Hehem (T&T ). Type of village: radial mound settlement on natural marine clay levee. Origin of parish: probably created <1200 (tufa) as a dependent chapel of Stiens. Patron saint: Nicholas. Present state of church The medieval former parish church of Hijum in Friesland has been decommissioned. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church much as it stands now, with a low saddlebacked-roof tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in district, Oostergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Leeuwarden deaconry, St Saviour’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: the abbot of Mariëngaarde at Hallum? 594

589 Van Dalen, Tolhuys 139-149. 590 Cf. Van Dalen, Tolhuys plate VIII. 591 Van Vliet, In kringen 104, 250; Van Veen, ‘Geestelijken’ 53-60. 592 GA/193/282a, a draft index on GA/193/282 (the judicial archive of Herwen and Aardt, 1491-1537). 593 Van Dalen, Tolhuys 72; Leeuwenberg, Indices 60. 594 Cf. Boarnen 103 (‘from the revenue of this convent […] the poor of Hijum 14 lopen of rye yearly’).

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Memoria register Title: Nota . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Willem toe Aldeheem, parson. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/86. Services provided: perpetual distribution (1) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: land ‘used to improve crop rotation’.595 Transcript: BB 192.

HOMMERTS (MeMO institution nr. 176) Earliest attestation (1275): Humerke (FP ). Type of village: canal settlement on peaty soil. Origin of parish: probably created c. 1250 as a dependent chapel of St John’s Hospital at Sneek. Patron saint: John the Baptist. Present state of church The Protestant former parish church of Hommerts in Friesland was rebuilt in 1875. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the medieval church of Hommerts with a saddleback-roofed tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village (1399: seignory) 596 in Wymbritseradeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Wagenbrugge deaconry, St John’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: the commander of St John’s at Sneek. Chantry (1): St Catharine (also the second patron saint of the Hospitallers of St John). Memoria register Description: parchment calendar of memoriae (January-April) with historical and obituary notes. Period: 1468-1573. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/Hs1649 (also on digicollectie.tresoar.nl). Services provided: perpetual memoriae and hand-outs (37) and unspecified commemorations (2), entrusted to church fabric and chantry. Endowments: land, annuities (cash). Transcript: Van Borssum, ‘Hommerts’.

HOOGMADE (MeMO institution nr. 579) Earliest attestation (~1285): die Hoghe Made .597 Type of village: linear strip settlement (reclamation charter issued 1252) on peaty soil. 598

595 Voor een eeuwige deel ende voor vrydachs broeden endee voor verbeteringe van wessel van landen (BB 192). 596 Colmjon, Register nr. 451. 597 Muller, ‘Oude register’ 330 nr. 48; date of source after Janse, Ridderschap . 598 OHZ -II 616-617.

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Origin of parish: created 1438, originally (<1370) a dependent chapel of Esselikerwoude.599 Patron saint: Our Lady. Present state of church The Protestant church and tower of Hazerswoude-Dorp in Zuid-Holland were rebuilt in 1646. The entrance is now two meters above street level, due to the settling of the surrounding peatland. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer’s map of Holland shows a church with a low pyramid-roofed tower in Hoich Made . Administration to 1600 Temporal: seignory (<1460: high seignory) in Holland. 600 Spiritual: parish in Rijnland deaconry, cathedral archdeaconry, Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese). Advowson: the lord of Hoogmade and Koudekerk (1438).601 Memoria register Description: list of gifts and revenues attached to a papal charter of 3 November, 1438. Period: ~1438. Services provided: memoriae (5) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: land. Transcript: H.V.H. & H.V.R., Kerkelijke historie 878.

HORN (MeMO institution nr. 495) Earliest attestation (957-958): Horna .602 Type of village: settlement on natural river clay levee. Origin of parish: probably created <1000 by the lords of Horn. Patron saint: Martin. Present state of church The modern parish church of Horn, now in Limburg, was built in 1936-1937. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church of Horn differently on his maps of Brabant (with a reduced westwork?) and Guelders (with a tower with a tall crowned spire), both west of Horn Hall. Administration to 1600 603 Temporal: county of Horn in Upper Guelders (1366: Liège). Spiritual: parish in Maaseik deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1561: Roermond) diocese. Advowson: the count (to 1450: lord) of Horn (1646: the bishop of Liège as count of Horn). Local corporation(s): fraternity (1510, 1549) 604 ; confraternity of St Anthony (1646). Chantries (2): Catharine & Nicholas (<1400); Agatha (<1558).

599 H.V.H. & H.V.R., Kerkelijke historie 877; Rijnlandia 10. 600 Muller, ‘Oude register’ 330 nr. 48; date of source after Janse, Ridderschap . 601 H.V.H. & H.V.R., Kerkelijke historie 877. 602 Migne, Ratherii 32. 603 After Habets, Roermond , unless noted otherwise. 604 Van de Venne, ‘Horn’ 294 ( de (n) broerscap ).

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Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (6 records). Memoria register Title: Anno 1570 ingressus est D. Arnoldus Abenus Weertensis Hornensem pagum egitque pastoratum . Description: parchment calendar of memoriae records (damaged, 1 February – 16 March missing). Period: 14 th -16 th century. Kept at: Maastricht/RHCL/14.C029/1. Services provided: anniversaries (105) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: annuities (cash, rye), a psalter (parson Gerardus op ten Gadem). Transcript: Van de Venne, ‘Horne’.

IDSEGAHUIZUM Earliest attestation (1275): Ytsingahusum (FP ). Type of village: mound settlement on marine clay. Patron saint: Nicholas. Present state of church The decommissioned Protestant church of Idsegahuizum in Friesland was built in 1874. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church of Idsegahuysen near Makkum with a saddleback-roofed tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village (1400: seignory) 605 in Wonseradeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Upper Wagenbrugge deaconry, St John’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Chantries (1): 606 unknown saint(s) (<1552, in 1565: capelle beneficium ). Memoria register Title: Hier nae volgen die pachtrenten ende ten eersten die euwigen delen . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Authors: parson and churchwardens. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: perpetual memoria (1) and hand-outs (3) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: land, annuities (cash). Transcript: BB 575-576.

KOUDEKERK AAN DEN RIJN (MeMO institution nr. 230) Earliest attestation (1276): Coudenkerke (OHZ ). Type of village: linear strip reclamation settlement on natural river clay levee near peat bog. Origin of parish: created (c. 1200?) by a count of Holland on the site of a recent reclamation.

605 Colmjon, Register nr. 489. 606 Roemeling, Corpus .

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Patron saint: Nicholas. Present state of church The medieval Protestant church at Koudekerk in Zuid-Holland was last restored in 2007. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the built-in tower before an extra stock and a nipped-in spire were added. Administration to 1600 Temporal: seignory in Rijnland bailiwick, Holland. Spiritual: parish in Rijnland deaconry, cathedral archdeaconry, Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese). Advowson: the dean of St Mary’s in Court, The Hague (parish incorporated 1374). Chantries (3): 607 Lawrence (<1406); Lady Aleid’s (founded 1415); Holy Cross (<1507). Memoria register A Title: Die renten in Coudekerke die hoiren die vicecureyt toe beloepen 75 lichte gulden . Description: paper lists of revenues (1458, 1431) followed by list of commemoriations. Period: 1453-1458. Kept at: The Hague/NA/3.18.30.01/201A. Services provided: quarterly commemoriations (37) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: land, annuities (cash). Memoria register B Title: Inkomst Coudekerck . Description: paper register of memoria foundations, followed by lists of revenues of parson (1552) and rectory (1558) and notarised transcript of register A (1552). Period: 1531-1558. Kept at: The Hague/NA/3.18.30.01/201B. Services provided: memoriae (90) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: land, annuities (cash).

KOUDUM (MeMO institution nr. 880) Earliest attestation (855): Colluuidu (LNT ). Type of village: linear settlement on moraine of boulder clay. Origin of parish: created <1200 (sandstone sarcophagi) by a bishop of Utrecht. 608 Patron saint: Martin. Present state of church The medieval parish chuch of Koudum in Friesland was replaced by a modern church in 1617. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church tower with a tall spire. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village (1399: seignory) in Hemelumer Oldeferd & Noordwolde district, Westergo subregion (1398-1399: Old Wagenbrugge bailiwick),609 Friesland.

607 Rijnlandia 14-15; Kuiken & Van Poelgeest, ‘Adelsdorp’ 56. 608 Roemeling, Corpus ; Kuiken, ‘Zandstenen grafkisten’ 24. 609 Colmjon, Register nrs. 405, 428, 442.

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Spiritual: parish in Stavoren deaconry, St Saviour’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: the bishop of Utrecht (1383: the abbot of St Odulph’s, Stavoren (1494: )). 610 Chantries (3): 611 Holy Cross (<1522); Heer Douwe leen (<1543); St Anne ( Galama leen , <1558). Memoria register A Title: Van ewige memorie . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Services provided: perpetual memoria services and hand-outs (18) entrusted to rectory and 3 chantry priests jointly. Endowments: land, annuities (cash). Excerpt: BB 888-890. Memoria register B Title: Ewige memorien tho heer Douwe leen . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: perpetual hand-outs (5) entrusted to chantry. Endowments: annuities (cash). Excerpt: BB 897-898.

LEERMENS (MeMO institution nr. 87) Earliest attestation (1040): Lintherminge (LNT ). Type of village: radial mound settlement on natural marine clay levee. Origin of parish: created <1200 (tufa) as a daughter of Loppersum. Patron saints: Donatus & Fabian & Sebastian (cf. Warga). Present state of church The Protestant church at Leermens in Groningen, consisting of the crossing, transept, chancel, and part of the nave of the medieval church, was last restored in 2016 following earthquake damage. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church with two towers at the western end of a relatively long nave. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Fivelgo district, incorporated 1558 in the Habsburg territory of Frisia Minor. Spiritual: parish in Loppersum deaconry, Frisia archdeaconry, Münster (1559: Groningen) diocese. Advowson: the joint owners of qualified local manors? Chantries (1): St Mary’s and St Anne’s (1510). 612

610 Roemeling, Corpus ; Mol & Van Vliet, ‘Staveren’ 80. 611 BB 897; Roemeling, Corpus . 612 Kuiken, ‘Leermens’.

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Memoria register Title: Missale Monasteriense . Colophon: Iste liber pertinet ad usum et ad altare Sanctissime Virginis Marie et aliorum . Description: printed missal (Cologne 1497) with handwritten excerpt from foundation charter of chantry (1505) and calendar with handwritten obits. Period: 1558-1590. Kept at: Groningen/UB/uklu INC 137. Services provided: commemorations (7) entrusted to chantry. Transcript: GDW nr. 383.

LOENEN AAN DE VECHT (MeMO institution nrs. 40, 112) Earliest attestation (953): Lona (LNT ). Type of village: small settlement on natural river clay levee opposite Loenersloot Hall. Origin of parish: created <1200 (tufa) as a daughter of Nederhorst den Berg. Patron saint: Ludger (1417: Our Lady). Present state of church The medieval (now Protestant) church of Loenen a/d Vecht in Utrecht was last restored in 1985. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the parish church tower without its present tall lantern. Administration to 1600 Temporal: seignory divided 1291-1754 between Holland (‘Loenen-Cronenborch’) and Utrecht. Spiritual: parish in Gooiland deaconry, St Saviour’s archdeaconry, Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese). Avowee: the lord of Cronenborch Hall. Chantries (1): founded 1506 on St Catherine’s altar at Loenersloot by Theodricus de Zweten. Dependent chapel: manorial chapel of St Catherine’s? at Loenersloot, first attested 1339. 613 Memoria register Colophon: Anno Domini Millesimo quadrigentesimo Tricessimo octavo. Scriptus et finitus fuit liber iste. In profesto sancti Victoris, in monasterio Sancte Marie ten Poel prope Leidis, ordinis regularium, per manus sororis Elizabeth de Gorinchem. Orate pro ea . Description: part of handwritten parchment missal with obits in margin of calendar. Period: 1447-1554. Kept at: Leiden/UBL/BPL2879. Services provided: commemorations (10) entrusted to manorial chapel/chantry. Transcript and Dutch translation: Bouwman, ‘Loenersloot’ 3-8.

LONGERHOUW Earliest attestation (1275): Langherahof (FP ).

613 Bouwman, ‘Loenersloot’; H.V.H. & H.V.R., Utrechtsche bisdom 285-286.

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Type of village: mound village on peaty soil. Origin of parish: probably created c. 1250 as a dependent chapel of St John’s, Sneek. Present state of church The tower of the Protestant church of Longerhouw in Friesland is medieval. The church is of 1758. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the medieval church with a low, saddleback-roofed tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Wonseradeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Upper Wagenbrugge deaconry, St John’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: the commander of St John’s, Sneek?614 Chantries (1): unknown saint(s) (<1552). 615 Memoria register Title: Hier nae folgen die landen ende renten behooende totden pastorie toe Longerhouwe . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Lyuue, parson? Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: permanent memoria service (1) entrusted to rectory. Endowment: annuity (2 loaves of rye bread and 1 piece of butter). Transcript: BB 582.

LOPIK (MeMO institution nr. 116) Earliest attestation (1155): Lobeke (LNT ). Type of village: linear strip reclamation settlement on peaty soil. Origin of parish: created <1100, when parishioners of Lobeke reportedly bought land. 616 Patron saint: Saviour. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church with a sturdy tower and a rather tall spire. Present state of church Of the medieval church of Lopik in Utrecht only the chancel, restored in the 1960s, survives. Administration to 1600 Temporal and spiritual: parish in deaconry iuxta Civitatem , St Mary’s archdeaconry, Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese). Advowson: the dean of St Mary’s, Utrecht (incorporated 1200); Gysbertus Johannes Baulingh (parishioner of Lopik and verus patronus , 1521); Adrianus Gisberti (1562). 617 Local corporation: Confraternity of St Sebastian (<1562). 618

614 Roemeling, Corpus . 615 Roemeling, Corpus . 616 Buitelaar, Vechtstreek 328. 617 Post, Eigenkerken 143-145; Rappard & Muller, Verslagen 455. 618 Rappard & Muller, Verslagen 456-457.

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Chantries (3): 619 Virgin (<1562); Holy Cross (<1562); Sebastian ( officium mortificatum , <1562). Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (2 records). Dependent chapel (1562: parish): Lopikerkapel, avowee in 1562: dean of St Mary at Utrecht. 620 Memoria register Description: handwritten parchment missal with marginal notes of memoriae in damaged calendar (January and February missing) and register of memoria foundations in the back of the book. Period: c. 1400 – c. 1600. Kept at: Utrecht/UBU/Hs/405. Services provided: memoriae (73) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: land, annuities (cash).

LUTKEWIERUM (MeMO institution nr. 662) Earliest attestation (1381): Liticawerum (T&T ). Type of village: mound settlement on peaty soil. Origin of parish: incorporated <1275 in Lidlum Abbey. Patron saint: Gertrude of Nivelles. Present state of church The Protestant church of Lutkewierum in Friesland was last restored in 1982. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church with a saddleback-roofed tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Hennaarderadeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Jorwerd deaconry of, St John’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: the abbot of St Mary’s, Lidlum (<1275). Memoria register Title: Deese naescrevene landen ende renten byhoeren totde pastorie beneficie in Lutkewierum . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Mr Hugo, parson, and Lolcke Hesselz & Sierck Wattiez Mollama, churchwardens. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: anniversaries (2) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: annuity (a loaf of bread and 1 piece of butter), nil. Transcript: BB 782-784.

MAKKINGA Earliest attestation (1362): Makinge .621

619 Rappard & Muller, Verslagen 456. 620 Post, Eigenkerken 143-145; Rappard & Muller, Verslagen 455. 621 DA/440/1/6v.

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Type of village: strip reclamation settlement with green. Origin of parish: created <1328 by local gentry and/or commoners. Patron saint: Lawrence (1463). Present state of church The Protestant church of Makkinga in Friesland was rebuilt in 1777. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the parish church without a tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Drenthe under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Utrecht (1328: in Stellingwerf (1517: Ooststellingwerf) district, Zevenwouden subregion, Friesland). Spiritual: parish in Drenthe deaconry, St Mary’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: jointly by all farm owners paying a Frisian bushel of rye yearly. 622 Chantries (1): 623 Lawrence & Mary (<1527). Memoria register A Title: Redditus ecclesiae in Mackum Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Services provided: perpetual memoriae (4), entrusted to rectory. Endowments: land, annuities (rye). Excerpt: BB 984-985. Memoria register B Title: Item dit zyn de renthen ende landen de behoerende tot Onser Liever Vrouwen vicarie tMackinghe Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Services provided: memoria (1) entrusted to chantry. Endowment: annuity (rye). Excerpt: BB 985-987.

MAKKUM (MeMO institution nr. 881) Earliest attestation (944): Maggenheim (LNT ). Type of village: mound settlement on natural marine clay levee. Patron saint: Martin. Present state of church The Protestant church of Makkum in Friesland was rebuilt in the 17 th century and last restored in 1955-1958. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the medieval parish church with a low saddleback-roofed tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Wonseradeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland.

622 BB 985 ( uyt yttelick bouhuys ); see Noomen, ‘Parochiewezen’ 138. 623 Roemeling, Corpus .

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Spiritual: parish in Upper Wagenbrugge deaconry, St John’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: churchwardens and (landed) parishioners. 624 Chantries (1): 625 unknown saint(s) (<1517). Memoria register Title: Die eeuwige deelen, daer den pastoer ende vicarius tsamen toecommen . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Authors: Claes Olger, parson, & Broer Tyercksz, chantry priest? Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: memoriae (13) entrusted to rectory and chantry. Endowments: land, annuities (bread and butter). Transcript: BB 584.

MIDDELHARNIS (MeMO institution nr. 231) Earliest attestation: die Middelheernisse (1359). 626 Type of village: settlement on reclaimed marine clay, with main street at right angle with dike. Origin of parish: created 1465, probably as a daughter of St Michael’s Abbey, Antwerp. Patron saint: Michael. Present state of church The Protestant church of Middelharnis in Zuid-Holland was last restored following a fire in 1948. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the tower with a low pyramidal spire (it now has an onion-shaped spire). Administration to 1600 Temporal: wetlands (1465: village) in Putten bailiwick, Holland. Spiritual: parish in Zuydhollandia deaconry, cathedral archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Middelburg) diocese. Local corporations: militia of St George (<1534), militia of St Sebastian (<1534). 627 Chantries (5): 628 Anthony (<1514); George & Gertrude (<1547); Corpus Christi & Holy Cross (<1521); Peter & Paul (<1517); James the Greater (<1518). Memoria register Description: paper cartulary with alphabetic index of memoriae . Period: 1465-1567. Kept at: Middelharnis/SAGO/burgerlijke armenzorg Middelharnis/1. Services provided: memoriae (101) entrusted to Holy Spirit. Endowments: land, annuities (cash). Excerpts: Van der Gouw, ‘Middelharnis’; Braber, Middelharnis .

624 Roemeling, Corpus . 625 Roemeling, Corpus . 626 The Hague/NA/3.19.43/85. 627 Braber, Middelharnis 9. 628 Zuydhollandia 110-111; cf. Braber, Middelharnis 16-18.

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MIJDRECHT Earliest attestation (~1200): Midreth (LNT ). Type of village: linear strip reclamation settlement on peaty soil. Origin of parish: created <1216 as a daughter of Oudhuizen. 629 Patron saint: John the Baptist. Present state of church The medieval church of Mijdrecht in Utrecht, but not its tower, was replaced in the 19 th century. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church before the late 16 th -century Gothic church tower was completed. Administration to 1600 Temporal and spiritual: parish in deaconry iuxta Civitatem , St John’s archdeaconry, Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese). 630 Advowson: the provost of St John’s, Utrecht (1216). Local corporations: fraternity of Our Lady (1567); fraternity of Poor Souls (1506). 631 Memoria register A Description: records in paper account book of St John’s chapter, Utrecht. Period: 1379-1380. Kept at: Utrecht/HUA/222/149-1 (also on hetutrechtsarchief.nl.). Services provided: commemorations of canons (5) entrusted to chapter. Endowments: annuities (cash). Abstract: Palmboom, Sint-Jan 395. Memoria register B Author: Frederik Hendrikse, parson of Mijdrecht († 1589). Description: lost calendar of memoriae (January-July). Period: before 1589. Services provided: memoriae (14) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: land, annuities (cash). Transcript: H.V.H. & H.V.R., Utrechtsche bisdom 292-293.

MOLKWERUM Earliest attestation (1320): Molkemannahusen .632 Type of village: late medieval settlement on lateral moraine of boulder clay. 633 Origin of parish: probably created as successor of a dependent chapel of nearby Warns. 634 Patron saint: Lebuinus. Present state of church The Protestant church of Molkwerum in Friesland was replaced in 1799. 16th-century state of church

629 Buitelaar, Vechtstreek 164; cf. Palmboom, Sint-Jan 232-237. 630 Olde Meierink, Utrecht 325; Olde Meierink, ‘Kastelen’ 247-248. 631 De Graaff, ‘Broederschappen’ 241. 632 Stenvert, Friesland 288; Postma, Veld 79;. 633 Van den Brink, Molkwerum 30. 634 BB 908; Roemeling, Corpus .

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Van Deventer drew the medieval church with a low detached bell tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Hemelumer Oldeferd & Noordwolde district, Westergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Stavoren deaconry, St Saviour’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: the bishop of Utrecht (1383: the abbot of St Odulph’s, Stavoren (1494: Hemelum)). 635 Chantries (2): 636 jongersceip (founded 1509 by Waell Buttinga); study fund (<1560). Dependent chapel: Our Lady’s huyskenn in Cappenborch (warden in 1522: Symen Reynersz). 637 Memoria register Description: paper register of revenues with transcripts of six last wills. Period: 1509-1514. Author: Claes Jacobz, parson. Kept at: Dokkum/SNOF/DBM/KS/2. Services provided: 20 memoria masses and 4 anniversaries, entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: land, annuities (cash), candles for Cappenborch chapel (1522). Transcript: FT nrs. 76, 83, 85, 97, 100, 109.

MURMERWOUDE Earliest attestation (1126): Morheim (T&T ). Type of village: settlement in strip reclamation probably originating from Dokkum. Origin of parish: perhaps created as a dependent chapel of Dokkum. Present state of church The Protestant church of Murmerwoude (now in Damwâld) in Friesland was restored in 1962. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the medieval church with a saddleback-roofed tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Dantumadeel district, Oostergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Leeuwarden deaconry, St Saviour’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Memoria register Title: Renten, euwig deylingen & backinge behoirende totter voors. beneficie, zoedie nu ontfangen werden . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Sybo Tzallingii, parson. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/86. Services provided: perpetual hand-outs (5) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: annuities, specified in separate (lost) register ( int boeck ).

635 Roemeling, Corpus ; Mol & Van Vliet, ‘Staveren’ 80. 636 Roemeling, Corpus . 637 FT nr. 100; Postma, Veld 79; Roemeling, Corpus .

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Transcript: BB 357.

NIJLAND (MeMO institution nr. 182) Earliest attestations: Dodakerke (<1275), Noua Terra (1275). 638 Type of village: concentric settlement on reclaimed marine clay. Patron saint: Nicholas. Present state of church The late medieval Protestant church of Nijland in Friesland was last restored in 1981- 1982. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the medieval church with a nipped-in tower spire. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village (1399: seignory) 639 in Wymbritseradeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Bolsward deaconry, St John’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Chantries (4): 640 Nicholas (<1399, advowson in 1399: count of Holland), unknown (<1475), verger’s (<1475), Martin (<1553). Memoria register Title: Memorie van dooden . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: memoriae (14) entrusted to chantry. Endowments: annuities (cash). Transcript: BB 815-816.

NUTH (MeMO institution nr. 342) Earliest attestation (1034): Neuta (LNT ). Type of village: settlement on rivulet in hilly terrain on loess loam. Present state of church The medieval parish church of Nuth in Limburg was replaced by a modern church in 1763. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church with a compact nave and a low tower with a nipped-in spire. Administration to 1600 641 Temporal: village (1626: seignory) in Klimmen district, Valkenburg county, Transmosan Brabant. Spiritual: parish in Susteren deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1559: Roermond) diocese. Advowson: the cathedral chapter of St Mary’s, Aachen.

638 FP 174. 639 Colmjon, Register nr. 442. 640 Roemeling, Corpus ; Colmjon, Register nr. 1399. 641 After Habets, Roermond , and idem, Nuth , unless noted otherwise.

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Chantries (3): Nicholas (<1400); verger’s (<1400); Mary (<1558). Memoria register Title: Registrum ecclesie parochialis de Nutt . Description: leaf of parchment calendar of memoriae (January to April, badly damaged). Period: >1367 – 16 th century.642 Kept at: Maastricht/RHCL/11.01/2.98.1/1 (‘a damaged parchment wrapper’). Services provided: memoriae (17) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: annuities (cash, rye). Transcript: Flament, ‘Nuth’.

OIRLO Earliest attestation (1383): Oerlo (memoria register A, below). Type of village: settlement on natural river clay levee. Patron saint: Gertrude of Nivelles. Present state of church The tower and nave of the medieval church of Oirlo, now in Limburg, were destroyed in 1944 and rebuilt in the 1950s. The surviving late Gothic chancel contains some late Gothic sculptures. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church and tower as they were until 1944. Administration to 1600 643 Temporal: seignory in Kessel district, Upper Guelders. Spiritual: parish in Cuijck (1559: Kessel) deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1561: Roermond) diocese. Advowson: the lord of Groenouwen Hall, Horst (1500). 644 Local corporations: fraternity of Our Lady (1686). Chantries (3): verger’s (<1400); unknown saint(s) (<1485); fraternity altar of Our Lady (<1686). Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (1 record). Memoria register A Description: paper cartulary of memoria foundations. Period: 1383-1686. Authors: Matthias Roebroeck (parson/dean) & Hubertus Roebroeck (rector at Venray). Kept at: Venray/GAV/67/11. Services provided: chronological cartulary of memoriae (173) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: annuities (cash, rye). Transcript: G. Slits (1875, manuscript in Venray/GAV). Memoria register B Title: Anniversaria ecclesiae parochialis de Oirloo, districtus Kesellensis . Description: paper visitation report with calendar of anniversaries and church inventory. Period: to 1707. Kept at: Maastricht/RHCL/14.A002A/1013.

642 Habets, Nuth 165. According to Flament, some later inscriptions are in a 16 th -century hand. 643 After Habets, Roermond , unless noted otherwise. 644 Publications 71 (1935) 350.

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Services provided: anniversaries (113) entrusted to church fabric.

OIRSCHOT (MeMO institution nr. 421) Earliest attestations (~1000): Oroscoth or Orescot (LNT ). Type of village: linear settlement on sandy soil, grown out of small-scale reclamation. Origin of parish: probably created <1200 (tufa in St Mary’s) by a lord of Oirschot. 645 Patron saints: Peter (1216), Mary (1277: Mary & Odulph); after 1277: Peter in Chains. Present state of churches Oirschot in Noord-Brabant has two medieval churches: a tiny Romanesque St Mary’s (now Protestant) and a massive cross-shaped St Peter’s basilica (now Roman Catholic). 16th-century state of church St Mary’s church is not visible on Van Deventer’s map, but the sturdy tower of St Peter’s is. Administration to 1600 Temporal: seignory (1320, in 1406: franchise) in ’s-Hertogenbosch bailiwick, Brabant. Spiritual: parish in Hilvarenbeek deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1559: ’s- Hertogenbosch) diocese. Advowson: the lord of Oirschot (1232: and the duke of Brabant, 1277: the collegiate chapter). Local corporations: 646 St George’s Almshouse (founded 1336 by Agnes van Kleef, Rogier van Leefdaal’s widow); Amelricus Boot’s Almshouse (founded 1471 for 4 poor men and 4 poor women); Fraternity of Our Lady (< 1412, articles of association 1463, altar first attested 1336); Confraternity of St Catharine (founded 1436, commemoration of dead members on 25 January, altar first attested 1337); Hospital of St Anne & St Oda (founded 1517 by Margriet Beelaerts); Confraternity of the Rosary (founded 1617). Chantries in the collegiate church (19): 647 unknown saint(s) (founded 1400 by Jorden Brant de Straten, canon, in ‘Brant’s chapel’, first attested 1393?); Trinity & Peter & Odulph (1 st chantry, founded 1437 on new Trinity altar by villagers of Aarle, Best, etc); God & Virgin Mary (founded 1437 by Elizabeth van Petershem, widow of Daniel van Vlierden, on Holy Cross altar); Trinity & Peter & Odulph (2 nd chantry founded 1450 on existing Trinity altar); unknown saint(s) (founded 1484 by Joerden Jans van Geldrop, canon, on high altar); God & Virgin Mary & James & Sebastian (founded 1486 on new altar of God & Virgin Mary & James & Sebastian); Crispin & Crispinian (founded 1486 by Philippus die Mesmaker, joined 1487 with chantry of God & Eloy (founded 1486 on new altar which in 1487 becomes the altar of God & Eloy & Crispin & Crispinian); Barbara (2 chantries founded 1490 by Daniel van der (A)mey(d)en canon, on Barbara altar); Peter (founded 1491 by Henricus Vos, canon, on altar of Mary & George & Mary Magdalene); unknown saint(s) (founded by Claes die Mesmaker, † 1491); Presentation of Mary & Willibrord (founded 1504 on new altar); Anne & Oda (2 chantries founded 1505 on new altar); Twelve Apostles & Hubert (founded 1514 on new altar); Our Lady (2 nd chantry founded 1515 on altar of Mary & George & Mary Magdalene, a.k.a. as altar

645 Bijsterveld, A.-J.A., ‘Oorsprong’ 213, 221; cf. Theuws, ‘Kempen’ 206. 646 Sanders, Inventaris ; Lijten, ‘Verering’; Frenken, ‘Oirschot’ 13. 647 Sanders, Inventaris .

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of John the Evangelist (first attested 1337) & Martin & Nicholas en Odulphus); Sebastian? (founded 1560 by Jenneken Meules); Monulph & Gondulph (<1648). Chantry in the old parish church (after 1293: dependent chapel): 648 Holy Spirit & Virgin Mary & Bridget (founded 1426 by Johan van den Doeren, Holy Spirit altar in chapel first attested 1412). Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (1686 records). Memoria register Title: Liber anniversariorum capituli Oirschottensis . Description: parchment calendar of anniversaries. Period: ~1400-~1600. Kept at: ’s-Hertogenbosch/BHIC/241/387. Services provided: anniversaries (1334) entrusted to chapter. Endowments: annuities (cash, rye). Transcript: Frenken, Oirschot .

OLDETRIJNE Earliest attestation (1320): Oldetrinde (FP ). Type of village: strip reclamation settlement on peaty soil. Origin of parish: probably <1320 as a daughter of Oldeholtpade, a daughter of Steenwijk. 649 Patron saint: Nicholas. Present state of church In 1870 a new Protestant church was built in Oldetrijne in Friesland to replace a church of 1794. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the medieval parish church with a low separate bell tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Stellingwerf (1517: Weststellingwerf), Zevenwouden subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Drenthe deaconry, St Mary’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: the churchwardens and farm owners jointly (1499). 650 Chantries (3): 651 Denis (<1513); Corpus Christi & Holy Cross & Our Lady (<1521); Nicholas (<1544, merged with Denis 1571). Memoria register Title: Dit zyn die goeden ende renten van der pastorie inde Oldetryne . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543 Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/88. Services provided: perpetual anniversaries and hand-outs (10) entrusted to rectory.

648 Sanders, Inventaris . 649 Kuiken, ‘Frisones’ 48-49. 650 Roemeling, Corpus . 651 Roemeling, Corpus .

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Endowments: land, annuities (cash, rye). Transcript: BB 1005-1007.

POORTUGAAL (MeMO institution nr. 546) Earliest attestation (1278): Portugale .652 Type of village: linear dike settlement on marine clay. Origin of parish: created <1278 as a daugher of Rhoon? 653 Patron saint: Mary. Present state of church The medieval Protestant church of Poortugaal in Zuid-Holland was last restored in 1977. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church tower with a tall spire and a smaller chapel south of the church. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Putten bailiwick, Holland. Spiritual: parish in Zuydhollandia deaconry, cathedral archdeaconry, Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese). Advowson: the chapter of Our Lady’s, Geervliet (incorporated 1270); the cathedral chapter of Haarlem (1559). Chantries (3): Corpus Christi (founded 1513 by Lysbet Huigendr, perhaps on Holy Cross & St John’s altar); Holy Trinity (founded 1513 by Doen Beyez, reportedly (1599) on Our Lady’s altar); Anthony (reportedly (1591) founded by Willem Huygensz, parson of Rhoon, fl. 1492-1508). 654 Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady at ’s-Hertogenbosch (5 records).655 Memoria register Title: Memorilanden van Poortugal . Description: paper copy (~1625) of ledger. 656 Period: ~1580. Kept at: Rotterdam/SAR/139/1. Services provided: perpetual memoriae with hand-outs (142) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: annuities (cash, wheat, wax). Transcript: Van der Gouw, ‘Poortugaal’ 87-117.

652 Hoek, ‘Rhoon’ 234. 653 Hoek, ‘Rhoon’ 234. 654 Zuydhollandia 115-117; Van der Gouw, ‘Poortugaal’ nrs. 139, 142 (cf. Hoek, ‘Poortugaal’ 154-155); NA/3.01.34/586/56v; Schielandia 15-16. 655 Two records are somewhat oddly ascribed to Portegael by Delf (1471) and Portegael prope Delft (1495) respectively. 656 Van der Gouw, ‘Poortugaal’ 86-87.

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SCHARNEGOUTUM Earliest attestation (1200): Scharnum (T&T ). Type of village: mound settlement on reclaimed marine clay. Origin of parish: created by a bishop of Utrecht, transferred to Bloemkamp Abbey in 1200. 657 Patron saint: Martin. Present state of church The medieval Protestant church of Scharnegoutum in Friesland was replaced in 1861. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the parish church of with a low saddleback-roofed tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Wymbritseradeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Wagenbrugge deaconry, St John’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: the abbot of Bloemkamp, (1347, disputed by villagers of Gholtum in 1543). 658 Chantries (1): unknown saint(s) (founded 1523 by Hille Aeuckes). Memoria register Title: oldste missael . Description: extract in paper register (1543) by Mr Evert, parson, of will of 1523. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/88. Services provided: perpetual memoria (1) entrusted to rectory. Endowment: annuity (cash). Transcript: BB 810-811.

SCHIJNDEL (MeMO institution nr. 760) Earliest attestation (1205<>1233): Skinrle mere (ONB ). Type of village: settlement with central green on sandy soil along old (Roman?) trade road. 659 Origin of parish: created <1305. 660 Patron saint: Servatius. Present state of church The church of Schijndel in Noord-Brabant was rebuilt in 1839-1840 (the tower spire in 1819). 16th-century state of church 661 Van Deventer drew the church with the top gable of a southern transept and the tower with a tall nipped-in spire. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village (1398-1454, 1505-1551, 1559-1612: seignory) in Peelland district, ’s- Hertogenbosch bailiwick, Brabant.

657 Roemeling, Heiligen 123. 658 BB 810; Roemeling, Corpus . 659 Heesters, Schijndel 23-25. 660 Zweers & Beijers, Schijndel 14-16. 661 Bijsterveld, Do ut des 208-212; Coppens, Nieuwe beschrijving 298-299; Bloys, Noord-Brabant .

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Spiritual: parish in Woensel deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1559: ’s- Hertogenbosch) diocese. Advowson: the provost of St Servatius’, Maastricht (1545: the Faculty of Theology, Louvain). 662 Local corporations: 663 St Catharine’s Fraternity (1493); Our Lady’s Guild (1531); Guild of St Catharine & St Barbara & St Agatha (1538); St Sebastian’s Guild or Fraternity (1545). Chantries (6): 664 Our Lady & Leonard (1 st chantry founded <1519 on altar first attested <1400), idem (2 nd chantry on same altar founded <1520), Holy Cross (joined <1578 with both chantries mentioned above); Catharine & Barbara (<1500); vicary of unknown saint(s) (<1566). Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (132 records). Dependent chapel: Virgin Mary’s & St Anthony’s at Wijbosch (<1428). 665 Memoria register A Title: Liber anniversariorum pro ecclesia parochiali in Schyndele renovatus anno 1582. Description: parchment calendar of memoriae . Period: <1582. Author: Reynerus Reyneri Moors, notary public. Kept at: ’s-Hertogenbosch/BHIC/5199/110 (also on bhic.nl). Services provided: anniversaries (336) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: annuities (cash, rye). Transcript: Beijers, ‘Familienamen’. Memoria register B Title: Liber censuum . Description: paper register of revenues of a substitute parson ( vicarius ). Period: 1590-1620. Author: Bartholomeus Henrici Waghemakers, priest (fl. 1589). Kept at: ’s-Hertogenbosch/BHIC/5199/453 (excerpts on henkbeijersarchiefcollectie.nl). Services provided: anniversaries (3) entrusted to substitute parson. Endowments: annuities (cash).

SIBRANDAHUIS Earliest attestation (1487): Sybrandahuys (FP ). Type of village: mound settlement on marine clay. Present state of church The medieval church in Sibrandahuis in Friesland was decommissioned and restored in 1977. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church with a saddleback-roofed tower (it now has a wooden roof- turret).

662 Coppens, Nieuwe beschrijving 297-298. 663 Zweers & Beijers, Schijndel 80-90. 664 Zweers & Beijers, Schijndel 80-90; Liber anniversariorum , 9 January 1566. 665 Zweers & Beijers, Schijndel 77.

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Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Dantumadeel district, Oostergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Leeuwarden deaconry, St Saviour’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: Bartelt Sterckenburgh of Sterckenburgh Hall (1527). 666 Memoria register Title: Landen, renthen ende ander profyten behorende tottet beneficie der pastorie te Sybrandahuys . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Bernardus Alckama, parson. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/86. Services provided: perpetual memoria (1) entrusted to rectory. Endowment: annuity (cash). Transcript: BB 385.

SLOTEN Earliest attestation (1063): Sloten (LNT ). Type of village: linear strip reclamation settlement on peaty soil. Origin of parish: created <1063 as a dependent chapel of Velsen ( LNT ). Patron saint: Pancras. Present state of churches The Protestant church of Sloten in Noord-Holland was built 1654, rebuilt 1861, and restored 1993. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew Sloten church with a low tower, topped by a nipped-in spire, and a chancel as long as the nave with an elevated roof. 1573. A drawing in a tax register of 1594, probably by the verger Cornelis Jansz, shows the church in ruin and its tower incorporated in what may be traces of a westwork. The walls of the nave and chancel appear zoned with round arches. 667 Administration to 1600 Temporal: seignory in Kennemerland bailiwick, Holland. Spiritual: parish in Kennemaria deaconry, cathedral archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Haarlem) diocese. Advowson: the count of Holland (before 1063); the magistrature of Amsterdam (1531)?668 Local corporations: fraternity of St Anthony (1451); fraternity of Our Lady. Chantries (1): 669 Anthony (founded 1451 by Hugo filius Stephani).

666 Roemeling, Corpus . The Tjardas (later: Tjarda van Starkenborgh) had a burial vault in the church. 667 Schoonheim, Inventaris 24. Van Eeghen, Dagboek 215 dates the preceding destruction of Sloten church to 1573. 668 Numan, Noord-Hollandse kerken 171 mentions the abbey of Egmond, but Sloten is not on any medieval list of churches owned by the abbey (Cordfunke, ‘Kerkenbezit’ 148, 163). In 1569 and 1575, the parson of Sloten reported to the magistrature of Amsterdam (Grijpink, ‘Sloten’), invested with the local jurisdiction of Sloten in 1531. 669 SAA/1389/6.

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Memoria register Title: Redditus prebendae ecclesiae parochialis in Sloten. Description: paper register. Period: (1418-)1486. Services provided: perpetual memoriae (7) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: land, annuities (cash). Transcript: Grijpink, ‘Sloten’ 438.

STEGGERDA Earliest attestation (1408): Steggerden (FP ). Type of village: strip reclamation settlement on peaty soil. Origin of parish: created <1328 as a Gemeindekirche by local gentry and/or commoners. Present state of church The Protestant church of Steggerda in Friesland was replaced in 1739 and restored in 1903. 670 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church with small windows and a low detached bell tower to its west. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Drenthe under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Utrecht (1328: in Stellingwerf (1517: Weststellingwerf) district, Zevenwouden subregion, Friesland). Spiritual: parish in Drenthe deaconry of, St Mary’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: local farm owners jointly. Chantries (3): 671 unknown saint(s) (Anne?, <1515); Nicholas (<1543); Our Lady (<1543). Memoria register A Title: Erfflycke jaerwenden tot het leen in Steggerden . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Pieter Foppens, parson. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/88. Services provided: perpetual anniversaries (7) entrusted to chantry. Endowments: annuities (rye, unspecified). Transcript: BB 1055. Memoria register B Title: Landen ende renthen behoirende tot Sinte Nicolaus vicarie binnen Steggerden . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Peter Janssen, chantry priest. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/88. Services provided: memoriae (for 2 couples of chantry founders) entrusted to chantry. Endowments: land, annuities (cash, rye).

670 De Vries, Steggerda 15-17. 671 BB 1062-1064; Roemeling, Corpus .

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Transcript: BB 1062-1064.

SWICHUM (MeMO institution nr. 677) Earliest attestation (1392): Swichum (T&T ). Type of village: tiny mound settlement on marine clay. Origin of parish: created c. 1230 as a daughter of Wirdum (Friesland). Patron saints: Nicholas & Catharine. Present state of church The decommissioned Protestant church of Swichum in Friesland was last restored in 1995-1997. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer (1559) drew the church with a simple saddleback-roofed tower, as it stands today. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Leeuwarderadeel district (1399: Wardum seignory),672 Oostergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Leeuwarden deaconry, St Saviour’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Chantries (2): 673 Our Lady (<1494), Dr Viglius’ (1573). Charity: Aytta Almshouse, founded 1572 by Dr Viglius Zuichemus ab Aytta . (Fig. 17)

Fig. 17. Armorial tablet from Aytta Almshouse, now on churchyard gate at Swichum, with Dr. Viglius ab Aytta’s coat of arms. Photo: Romke Hoekstra (WikiMedia).

Memoria register A Title: Die patroenslanden tho Swichum . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/86. Services provided: perpetual memoriae (4) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: annuities (cash, oil).

672 Colmjon, Register nr. 442. 673 Roemeling, Corpus .

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Transcript: BB 148-149. Memoria register B Title: Die pastorie tot Swichum (1543) Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/86. Services provided: memoria (1) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: annuity (cash, wine for both local priests). Transcript: BB 151-152.

TERZOOL (MeMO institution nr. 896) Earliest attestation (1335): Zole (FP ). Type of village: mound settlement on peaty soil. Patron saint: Vitus. Present state of church The medieval church of Terzool in Friesland was replaced by a smaller Protestant church in 1838. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the medieval church tower of Soel with a saddlebacked roof, as it stands now. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Rauwerderhem district, Oostergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Leeuwarden deaconry, St Saviour’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Chantries (1): 674 unknown saint(s) (<1511). Memoria register Title: Dit zijn die pachten frijdaechs bollen ende ie landen ende renthen behoirende tot die pastoirie in Soel . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Services provided: hand-outs (5) entrusted to rectory. Endowments: Transcript: BB 242-245. TILBURG (MeMO institution nr. 511) Earliest attestation (709): Tilliburgis (LNT ). Type of village: part of a circle of villages around common arable land on sandy soil. Origin of parish: probably created <1232 by a duke of Brabant ( ONB nr. 154). Patron saint: Denis. Present state of church Of the medieval parish church of Tilburg in Noord-Brabant, only the 15 th -century tower survives. 16th-century state of church

674 Roemeling, Corpus .

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Van Deventer drew a very tall church tower of Thilborch with a tiny roof without any details. Administration to 1600 Temporal: seignory (1157, after 1809: town) in Oirschot district,’s-Hertogenbosch bailiwick, Brabant. Spiritual: parish in Hilvarenbeek deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1559: ’s- Hertogenbosch) diocese. Advowson: the duke of Brabant (<1232); the abbot of Our Lady’s, Tongerlo (1232-1648). Chantries (8): 675 Rumbold & Anthony & Lucy (<1494); Holy Cross (<1629); Catharine (founded 1440 by Arnoldus Back); Our Lady of Sorrows (<1629); Corpus Christi (<1629); John & John (founded <1614 by Gerit Back); Dymphna (<1629); Our Lady & Barbara (<1629). Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (156 records). Memoria register Title: Primum registrum domini Rutgeri ab Holten . Description: calendar of anniversaries in paper register. Period: 1502-1614. Kept at: ’s-Hertogenbosch /BHIC/134/396AB. Services provided: anniversaries (53) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: annuities (rye). Transcript: Boeren, ‘Tilburg’ 125-136.

VELDEN (MeMO institution nr. 332) Earliest attestation (1334): the parish of Velden .676 Type of village: settlement on natural river clay levee. Origin of parish: created <1334 by a lord of Arcen? Patron saint: Andrew. Present state of church The medieval church and tower of Velden in Limburg were replaced in 1933. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew a chancel with a roof lower than that of the nave, and a low tower with a modest nipped-in spire. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Arcen seignory, Upper Guelders. Spiritual: parish in Wassenberg deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1561: Roermond) diocese. Advowson: the lord of Arcen. Memoria register Title: Oudt Legerboeck der Kerckerenten van Velden Description: paper register/cartulary of memoria endowments with appendixes. Period: 1492-1628.

675 Coppens, Nieuwe beschrijving III-2, 177; Boeren, ‘Tilburg’ 129, 132. 676 RHCL/14.D061/37.

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Kept at: Maastricht/RHCL/14.C058/1 (also on www.archieven.nl). Services provided: anniversaries (20) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: land, annuities (rye). VENRAY 677 (MeMO institution nr. 333) Earliest attestation (1220): Rodhe . Type of village: settlement on natural river clay levee. Patron saint: Peter in Chains. 678 Present states of churches The medieval church at Venray in Limburg was last restored in 1987 and its chapel (after 1938: church) at Oostrum expanded into a cruciform basilica in 1935-1936 and restored in 1952-1953. 16th-century state of church The tower of the late medieval parish church was still under construction when Van Deventer drew it. Its dependent chapel at Oostrum was drawn with a massive square tower with a tall nipped-in spire, and a convent of canonesses regular to the south of the chapel at Oostrum. 679 Administration to 1600 Temporal: Kessel district, Upper Guelders. Spiritual: parish in Cuijck deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1561: Roermond) diocese. Advowson: the abbess of Roermond Minster (1224). Local corporation: guild attached to chapel of Nativity of the Virgin, Oostrum. 680 Chantries (2): unknown saint(s) (<1400); Mary (<1558). Dependent chapel: Nativity of the Virgin, Oostrum (<1400). Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (133 records). 681 Memoria register A Title: Dyt syn onser lyever frouwen Renthen tot Oesterum der kercken ayn wen ind wat onderpant sy geleghen syn. Description: memoriae in paper register. Period: 1533-1558, 1559-1578 (1772). Kept at: Venray/GAV/59/32. Services provided: permanent memoriae (6) entrusted to church fabric of chapel. Endowments: land, annuities (cash, rye). Transcript: Janssen, ‘Oostrum’ 100-121. Memoria register B Title: Dit syn alle broeders und susters die gestorven syn uter Onzer Lieven Vrouwen Bruederschap Description: obits in paper register. Period: (1535-)1570.

677 After Habets, Roermond , unless noted otherwise. 678 Founded by an archbishop of Cologne (cf. Theuws, ‘Kempen’ 206)? 679 The sisters reportedly used the local Nativity chapel as their conventual chapel (Janssen, ‘Geschiedenis’ 9). 680 Janssen, ‘Geschiedenis’ 81-99. 681 Including 8 sisters (canonesses regular) and their confessor at Oostrum, and two parsons elsewhere.

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Services provided: yearly intercessions and grave visits (59) entrusted to local guild, Oostrum. Transcript: Janssen, ‘Oostrum’ 82-86.

VLIJMEN Earliest attestation (1285): Vliemen .682 Type of village: linear settlement on sandy ridge near river. Origin of parish: created <1285, probably by St John’s (cathedral) chapter at Liège. Patron saint: John the Baptist. Present state of church The medieval parish church of Vlijmen in Noord-Brabant was last restored in 1982. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer’s drew the church tower with a tall nipped-in spire. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in the seignory of Engelen & Vlijmen in the bailiwick of Heusden in Holland. Spiritual: parish in Hilvarenbeek deaconry, Campine archdeaconry, Liège (1559: ’s- Hertogenbosch) diocese. Advowson: the cathedral chapter, Liège, leased out to the abbot of St John’s, Berne (1285). Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (180 records). Dependent chapel: St Cornelius (<1656; at Oude Molengat). 683 Memoria register Description: records in paper tax register of Berne Abbey. Period: ~1460. 684 Kept at: Heusden/SALHA/416/403. Services provided: memoriae (<87) entrusted to church fabric. 685 Endowments: annuities (rye).

VOORBURG (MeMO institution nr. 23) Earliest attestation (~925): Foreburg (LNT ). Type of village: linear settlement on sandy beach ridge next to Roman-era market town. Origin of parish: created <1280, 686 perhaps by a bishop of Utrecht. Patron saint: Martin. Present state of church The former parish church of Voorburg in Zuid-Holland, was last restored in 1965-1968. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew a sturdy tower with a tall spire and a nave with tall windows and a transept. Administration to 1600

682 Van den Bergh, Oorkondenboek 239 nr. 545. 683 Van Beuningen, Geestelijk Kantoor 93; Coppens, Nieuwe beschrijving 310. 684 Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 119. 685 Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 119, 404. 686 Van Booma, Voirburch 17.

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Temporal: seignory in Delfland bailiwick, Holland. Spiritual: parish in Delflandia deaconry, cathedral archdeaconry, Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese). Advowson: the lord of Voorburg. Corporations: 687 Our Lady’s Guild (1438); Corpus Christi (<1521). Chantries (3): 688 Nicholas (<1406); Runold? (<1406); ‘north altar’ (<1436, Virgin Mary?). Dependent chapel: 689 Holy Cross (in Tedingerbroek). Memoria register Title: Dit is’t memoriboec van Voirburch . Description: parchment register of assets and obligations of church fabric, Holy Spirit Board, and local guild, with transcripts of wills of plague victims (1557-1558) and others (1438). Period: (1338) 1435-1566. Kept at: The Hague/GADH/6140-01/538. Services provided: memoriae entrusted to church fabric (16), Holy Spirit (12), local guild (1), and unspecified (30). Endowments: land, annuities (cash). Transcript: Van Booma, Voirburch 71-148.

WARGA (MeMO institution nr. 680) Earliest attestation (1422): Werraga (FP ). Type of village: mound settlement on peaty soil. Origin of parish: created <1200 (tufa) as a daughter of Wartena? 690 Patron saints: Fabian & Sebastian (cf. Leermens, nr. 2.21). Present state of church The medieval church (now decommissioned) of Warga in Friesland was replaced in 1872. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the medieval parish church of Warregae with a low saddleback- roofed tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Idaarderadeel district, Oostergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Leeuwarden deaconry, St Saviour’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Chantries (2): 691 unknown saint(s) (<1452); Anne (<1515). Memoria register Title: Die pastorielanden ende renten in Werregae . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/86. Services provided: perpetual anniversaries (22) and hand-out (1) entrusted to rectory.

687 Van Booma, Voirburch 15. 688 Delflandia 186-187; Van Booma, Voirburch 15-16. 689 Van Booma, Voirburch 16. 690 De Langen & Mol, ‘Church foundation’ 54 lists Wartena as a ‘primary church’, but Warga seems older. 691 Roemeling, Corpus .

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Endowments: annuities (cash, bread). Transcript: BB 228-231.

WARMOND (MeMO institution nrs. 247, 761) Earliest attestation (c. 925): UUarmelde (LNT ). Type of village: linear settlement on sandy beach ridge on edge of former peaty bogs. Origin of parish: created <1063 as a dependent chapel of Oegstgeest ( LNT ). Patron saint: Matthew. Present state of church The ruin of the medieval church of Warmond in Zuid-Holland is now a public graveyard. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church tower, which has survived to date, with a low tented roof. Administration to 1600 Temporal: seignory (1402: high seignory) in Holland (<1402: Rijnland bailiwick). Spiritual: parish in Rijnland deaconry, cathedral archdeaconry, Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese). Advowson: the lord of Alkemade (~1280), the lord of Warmond (1399). 692 Local corporations: Our Lady’s and St Matthew’s guild. Chantries (4): Alkemade (1314), Egmond (1344), Nassau (1344), Woude (1413-1440). Other memoria providers: local convents of St Ursula (‘10.000 Virgins’) and Virgin Mary (‘Mariënhave’); Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (5 records). Dependent chapel: Mary & James & Matthew & 11,000 Virgins at Warmond Hall (1440). Memoria register A Title: Dit is dat memoriboeck te Warmondt . Description: calendar of saints (a) with two loose sheets (b). Period: 1480s-1560s. Kept at: Leiden/ELO/512/438. Services provided: anniversaries (114) entrusted to church fabric (a), 10 masses & 4 chantries (b). Endowments: land (b). Transcript: Van Kessel, Warmond 243-317. Memoria register B Title: Fundationes obituales Portus S. Marie Description: parchment calendar of saints followed by devotional poems and lists of names. Period: 1485-1537. Kept at: Leiden/ELO/503/1243. Services provided: anniversaries (998) of monks and laypeople entrusted to priory. Endowments: annuities (cash, bread, wine), gifts in kind (books, robes, silverware, windows). Memoria register C Title: Dese na bescreven daghen is men sculdich misse te lesen in onse kerck gheheten ten Elfdusent Maechden

692 OHZ-V 338; ELO/512/5.

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Description: parchment leaf. Period: 1440-1460. Kept at: Leiden/ELO/512/481. Services provided: memoriae (20) entrusted to convent. Endowments: annuities (cahs, pittances). Abstract: Janse, ‘Warmond’. Memoria register D Title: Beroerende Sint Mathysgilde tot Warmont Description: paper register with obits of members and guild accounts (1504-1556). Period: 1504-1556. Kept at: Leiden/ELO/512/446. Services provided: commemorations (64) entrusted to local guild. Endowments: cash (1504-1548). Transcript: Van Kessel, Gildeboek .

WIJK EN AALBURG (MeMO institution nr. 557) Earliest attestation (~1135): Wijck (OHZ ). Type of village: linear settlement on natural river clay levee. Origin of parish: created <1135, probably by Count Terdericus or his ancesstors. 693 Patron saint: Martin. Present state of church The medieval church and tower of Wijk, now part of the twin towns of Wijk en Aalburg in Noord-Brabant, were heavily damaged in 1944 and restored in 1996 and 2007. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the lower part of the church tower with a pointed spire and corner pinnacles. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village and probably seignory in Heusden bailiwick, Holland. 694 Spiritual: parish in Teisterbant (arch)deaconry at Tiel (1314: Arnhem), Utrecht (1559: ’s- Hertogenbosch) diocese. Advowson: Count Terdericus (~1135). Chantry (1): Our Lady & Holy Spirit (founded after 1400 by Arnt van Wyck Arntss). 695 Other memoria providers: Fraternity of the Illustrious Lady, ’s-Hertogenbosch (62 records). Memoria register Title: Dit syn seker memorien die men jaerlijcs houdende is in der kerken van Wyc . Description: calendar of saints in handwritten parchment missal, with cartulary, family chronicle and historical notes on foundation of chapel in Aalst. Period: fol. 6v claims that the missal was transferred from Almkerk to Wijk in 1421. 696 Kept at: Utrecht/MCU/BMH Warm/h92H1.

693 Cf. Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 546-547. 694 Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 586. 695 Van Beurden, Wijk 21. 696 Hoppenbrouwers, Heusden 555.

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Services provided: anniversaries and hand-outs (100) entrusted to church fabric & Holy Spirit. Endowments: annuities (cash). Transcript: Van Beurden, Wijk .

WINSUM (Friesland) Earliest attestation (1275): Winshyem (T&T ). Type of village: mound settlement on marine clay. Origin of parish: created <1275, probably by parson/archdeacon Titardus’ family. 697 Present state of church Of the medieval church of Winsum in Friesland, not to be confused with Winsum in Groningen, only a 16th -century brick lining of the nave has survived. The building was last restored in 2001. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the medieval church with a saddleback-roofed tower. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Baarderadeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland. Spiritual: parish in Winsum (1265: Lidlum) (arch)deaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Advowson: Titardus, parson/archdeacon of Winsum, transferred ~1265 to the abbot of Lidlum. Chantries (1): 698 Anne and/or Mary (<1511). Memoria register Title: Die grootheyt vande landen behoerende totter pastorien van Winsum . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: perpetual memoria (1) entrusted to rectory. Endowment: annuity (cash). Transcript: BB 733-734.

WOMMELS (MeMO institution nr. 208) Earliest attestation (1275): Wimelinghe (T&T ). Type of village: mound settlement on peaty soil. Patron saint: James the Greater. Present state of church Restoration of the medieval (now Protestant) church of Wommels in Friesland is still in progress. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the church tower with a saddlebacked roof. It now has a tall nipped- in spire. Administration to 1600 Temporal: village in Hennaarderadeel district, Westergo subregion, Friesland.

697 Roemeling, Heiligen 190-193. 698 Roemeling, Corpus .

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Spiritual: parish in Bolsward deaconry, St John’s archdeaconry, Utrecht (1559: Leeuwarden) diocese. Chantries (2): 699 unknown saint(s) (<1460); unknown saint(s) (<1496). Memoria register A Title: Deese nascrevenne landen byhoeren tot de vicarie toe Wommels . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Pieter Pietersz, vicar. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: perpetual memoriae (5) entrusted to chantry. Endowments: land (= annuities?). Transcript: BB 766-768. Memoria register B Title: Raeminge der landen ende renten vanden prebende toe Wommels . Description: records in paper register. Period: 1543. Author: Alef Auckez, chantry priest. Kept at: Leeuwarden/T/14/87. Services provided: perpetual memoriae (3) and perpetual hand-out (1) entrusted to chantry. Endowments: land (= annuities?). Transcript: BB 768-769.

ZOETERWOUDE -DORP (MeMO institution nr. 782) Earliest attestation (1205): Sotrewold (OHZ ). Type of village: linear strip reclamation settlement with two perpendicular reclamation axes. Origin of parish: split off from Leiderdorp (c. 1200?) by a count of Holland on the site of a recent reclamation. 700 Patron saint: Lawrence. Present state of church The Protestant church in Zoeterwoude-Dorp was rebuilt before 1617 and last restored in the 1950s. 16th-century state of church Van Deventer drew the parish church, most of which was destroyed in 1574, with a detached belfry. Administration to 1600 Temporal: seignory in the Rijnland bailiwick, Holland. Spiritual: parish in Rijnland deaconry, cathedral archdeaconry, Utrecht diocese (1559: archdiocese). Advowson: the count of Holland (1316), the commander of St John’s, Haarlem (1328). Local corporation: Christmas Guild ( dat heilighe kerstghilde tot Zoeterwou ).

699 Roemeling, Corpus . 700 De Langen & Mol, ‘Holland’ 270-271.

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Dependent chapels: Our Lady (<1487, 1505: & Panthaleon & John); Wilsveen (<1564). 701 Memoria register Title: Dit is een zeker boec van ontfanck in tjaer M CCCC LXXIIII ende LXXV . Description: paper register of revenues and memoria foundations, some referring to ‘soulbook’. Period: 1474-1512. Kept at: Haarlem/NHA/2123/65. Services provided: memoriae (7) entrusted to church fabric. Endowments: annuities (cash). Excerpts: Gonnet, ‘Zoeterwoude’ 145-149.

Rural parishes on the map . (Fig. 18)

Liège diocese Munster diocese Utrecht diocese

Legend : 15. Abcoude 24. Hijum 37. Middelharnis 47. Steggerda 16. Anjum 25. Hommerts 38. Mijdrecht 48. Swichum 17. Arum 26. Hoogmade 39. Molkwerum 49. Terzool 1. Baardwijk 5. Horn 40. Murmerwoude 10. Tilburg 2. Berlicum 28. Idsegahuizum 41. Nijland 11. Velden 3. Bokhoven 29. Koudekerk/Rhine 6. Nuth 12. Venray 18. Bozum 30. Koudum 7. Oirlo 13. Vlijmen 19. Britswerd 14. Leermens 8. Oirschot 50. Voorburg 4. Dongen 31. Loenen/Vecht 42. Oldetrijne 51. Warga 20. Dronrijp 32. Longerhouw 43. Poortugaal 52. Warmond 27. Groessen 33. Lopik 44. Scharnegoutum 55. Wijk (NB) 21. Hazerswoude 34. Lutkewierum 9. Schijndel 53. Winsum (Fr) 22. Heeg 35. Makkinga 45. Sibrandahuis 54. Wommels 23. Herwen 36. Makkum 46. Sloten (NH) 56. Zoeterwoude

701 Gonnet, ‘Panthaleon’; Rijnlandia 118; Downer, ‘Wilsveen’ 255.

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Fig. 18. The Low Countries c. 1500, with the 56 rural parishes in our sample. Designed by Richard Bos Grafische Vormgeving & Illustratie

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Table 1. Cumulative numbers of annual and other memoria services in villages in our sample.

Rural parish Towns of Memoria providers Yearly Other Share orientation services

Oirschot ’s-Hertogenbosch local chapter 1334 45% (3020) (Brabant) Oisterwijk external fraternity 1686 55% (Brabant) Warmond Leiden priory 998 83% (1201) (Holland)

church fabric 114 10%

local guild 64 6%

women’s convent 20 1% external fraternity 5 <1% Baardwijk Heusden (Holland) rectory? 124 20% (633) Dordrecht external fraternity 511 80% (Holland) Schijndel ’s-Hertogenbosch church fabric 336 72% (468) (Brabant) Sint-Oedenrode external fraternity 132 28% (Brabant) Vlijmen Heusden (Holland) external fraternity 180 67% (267) church fabric 87 33% Berlicum ’s-Hertogenbosch rectory 121 53% (229) (Brabant)

external fraternity 96 42% church fabric 12 5% Tilburg ’s-Hertogenbosch external fraternity 156 75% (209) (Brabant) Oisterwijk church fabric 53 25% (Brabant) Oirlo Roermond? (Upper church fabric 173 >99% (174) Guelders) external fraternity 1 <1%

proof not for distribution242 225

Wijk Heusden (Holland) church fabric 100 62% (162) external fraternity 62 38% Poortugaal Geervliet (Holland) church fabric 146 96% (142) external fraternity 5 4% Koudekerk Leiden (Holland) rectory 90 37 100% (127) Dongen Breda external fraternity 95 76% (126) (Brabant) church fabric? 31 24% Horn Roermond (Upper rectory 105 95% (111) Guelders) external fraternity 6 5% Middelharnis Geervliet (Holland) poor table 101 100% (101) Abcoude Utrecht church fabric 100 100% (100) (Lower Sticht) Lopik Utrecht church fabric? 73 98% (75) (Lower Sticht) external fraternity 2 2% Venray Roermond (Upper local guild 59 30% (73) Guelders)

external fraternity 133 47% church fabric 6 3% Voorburg The Hague unknown 30 50% (59) (Holland)

Delft (Holland) church fabric 16 28%

poor table 12 21% local guild 1 1% Hazerswoude Leiden church fabric 53 100% (53) (Holland) Bokhoven Heusden (Holland) church fabric 40 82% (49) external fraternity 9 18% Hommerts Sneek (Frisian church fabric with 39 100% (39 ) Lands) others

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Dronrijp Leeuwarden church fabric with 28 93% (30) (Frisian Lands) others Franeker (Frisian chantry 2 7% Lands) Koudum Stavoren? (Frisian rectory with others 18 79% (23) Lands) chantry 5 21% Warga (23) Leeuwarden rectory 23 100% (Frisian Lands) Velden Venlo (Upper church fabric 20 100% (20) Guelders) Mijdrecht (19) Utrecht (Lower rectory 14 75% Sticht) external chapter 5 25% Nuth Valkenburg church fabric 17 100% (17) (Transmosan Brabant) Groessen Nijmegen (Lower rectory 12 80% (15) Guelders) chantries 3 20% Nijland Bolsward (Frisian chantry 14 100% (14) Lands) Makkum Bolsward (Frisian rectory & chantry 13 100% (13) Lands) Oldetrijne Steenwijk (Upper rectory 10 100% (10) Sticht) Wommels Bolsward (Frisian vicary/chantry 5 55% (9) Lands)

chantry 4 45% Steggerda Steenwijk (Upper chantry 7 88% (8) Sticht)

rectory? 1 12% Leermens Groningen (Upper chantry 7 100% (7) Sticht) Zoeterwoude Leiden (Holland) church fabric 7 100% (7) Molkwerum Stavoren (Frisian church fabric? 4 2 100% (6) Lands)

proof not for distribution244 227

Bozum Sneek (Frisian chantry 4 80% (5) Lands) church fabric 1 20% Hoogmade Leiden rectory 5 100% (5) Makkinga Steenwijk? (Upper rectory 4 80% (5) Sticht) chantry 1 20% Murmerwoude Dokkum (Frisian rectory 5 100% (5) Lands) Sloten Haarlem, rectory 5 100% (5) Amsterdam (Holland) Swichum Leeuwarden church fabric 4 80% (5) (Frisian Lands) rectory 1 20% Terzool Sneek (Frisian rectory 5 100% (5) Lands) Idsegahuizum Bolsward? (Frisian rectory 4 100% (4) Lands) Herwen Nijmegen (Lower church fabric 2 75% (3) Guelders) external fraternity 1 25% Heeg Sneek (Frisian rectory 2 100% (2) Lands) Anjum (1) Dokkum (Frisian chantry 1 100% Lands) Arum (1) Bolsward (Frisian chantry 1 100% Lands) Britswerd Sneek (Frisian rectory 1 100% (1) Lands) Hijum Leeuwarden rectory 1 100% (1) (Frisian Lands) Longerhouw Sneek, Boslward? rectory 1 100% (1) (Frisian Lands)

Lutkewierum Sneek (Frisian rectory 1 100% (1) Lands) Scharnegoutum Sneek (Frisian rectory 1 100% (1) Lands)

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Sibrandahuis Dokkum (Frisian rectory 1 100% (1) Lands) Winsum Franeker (Frisian rectory 1 100% (1) Lands)

proof not for distribution246 229

Table 2. Chartered towns around 1500 within the present boundaries of the Netherlands .702

Holland and Zeeland Abbekerk, Alkmaar, Ameide (NB), Ammerstol, Amsterdam, Asperen (Gd), Barsingerhorn, Beverwijk, Brielle, Brouwershaven, Delft, Domburg, Dordrecht, Edam, Enkhuizen, Flushing, Geertruidenberg (NB), Geervliet, Goedereede, Gorinchem, Goes, Gouda, ’s-Gravenzande, Grootebroek, Haarlem, Haastrecht, The Hague, Heenvliet, Hem, Heukelum, Heusden (NB), Hoogwoud, Hoorn, IJsselstein (U), Klundert (NB), Kortgene, Langedijk, Leerdam, Leiden, Medemblik, Middelburg, Monnickendam, Muiden, Naarden, Niedorp, Nieuwpoort, Purmerend, Oudewater (U), Reimerswaal, Rotterdam, Schagen, Schellinkhout, , Schoonhoven, Sint- Maartensdijk, Spanbroek, Texel, Tholen, Veere, Vlaardingen, Weesp, Westkapelle, Westwoud, Wieringen, Winkel, Woerden (U), Woudrichem, Zevenbergen (NB), Zierikzee. Guelders and Zutphen Arnhem, Asperen, Batenburg, Borculo, Bredevoort, Buren, Culemborg, Doesburg, Doetinchem, Echt (L), Elburg, Gennep (L), Gendt, Groenlo, Harderwijk, Hattem, ’s-Heerenberg, Heukelum, Huissen, Kessel (L), Laag-Keppel, Linne (L), Lochem, Maasbommel, Montfort (L), Nieuwstadt (L), Nijkerk, Nijmegen, Roermond (L), Staverden, Susteren (L), Terborg, Tiel, Venlo (L), Wageningen, Weert (L), Zaltbommel, Zevenaar, Zutphen. Upper and Lower Sticht Almelo (O), Amersfoort (U), Baarn (U), Bunschoten (U), Coevorden (Dr), Delden (O), Deventer (O), Diepenheim (O), Eembrugge, Eemnes, Enschede, Genemuiden, Goor, Grafhorst, Gramsbergen, Groningen, Hardenberg (O), Hasselt (O), Kampen (O), Montfoort, Oldenzaal (O), Ommen (O), Ootmarsum (O), Rhenen (U), Rijssen (O), Steenwijk (O), Utrecht (U), Vianen (U), Vollenhove (O), Vreeland (U), Wijk bij Duurstede (U), Wilsum (O), Zwolle (O). Brabant and Transmosan Territories Bergen op Zoom, Breda, ’s-Hertogenbosch, Eindhoven, Gennep, Grave, Heerlen, Helmond, Maastricht, Megen, Oisterwijk, Oss, Ravenstein, Sint-Oedenrode, , Steenbergen, Thorn, Valkenburg, Waalwijk, Wessem. Frisian Lands Appingedam (Gn), Bolsward, Dokkum, Franeker, Harlingen, , IJlst, Leeuwarden, Sloten, Sneek, Stavoren, . Flanders (now all in Zeeland) Aardenburg (Z), Axel (Z), Biervliet (Z), Hugevliet (Z), Hulst (Z), IJzendijke (Z), Oostburg (Z), Sint- Anna ter Muiden (Z), Sluis (Z). Cleves & Julich Sittard (L), Zevenaar (Gd). Table 3. Institutional landownership by type of foundation in five regions, 1450-1600, (after Rijpma) .

702 Towns marked ‘Dr’ are in the modern Dutch province of Drenthe, ‘Gd’ in Gelderland, ‘Gn’ in Groningen ‘L’ in Dutch Limburg, ‘NB’ in Noord-Brabant, ‘O’ in Overijssel, ‘U’ in Utrecht, and ‘Z’ in Zeeland.

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Region Sample Old New Parish Private Urban Total size (km2) monastries monastries funds chantries hospitals Guelders 153 9% 9% 8% 7% 1% 33% Holland 142 3% 5% 6% <1% 1% 14% Friesland 140 23% 4% 12% none 1% 40% found Utrecht 34 24% 3% 6% 2% 2% 37% Brabant 11 17% 6% 2% 4% 2% 29%

Total 480 13% 6% 8% 2% 1%

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Table 4. Religious institutions as landowners in 25 villages in our sample (Friesland, Holland).

Parish Surface Year Institutional Surface Share Source (ha) 703 owners (ha)

Anjum 1324 1543 Parish funds (2) 34 3% BB (F)

1543 Chantries (2) 39 3% BB

1607 Monastery (1) 144 11% Boarnen

Arum 1427 1543 Parish funds (3) 61 5% BB (F)

1543 Chantries (5) 100 7% BB

1607 Monasteries (2) 54 4% Boarnen

Bozum 806 1543 Parish funds (2) 37 5% BB (F)

1543 Chantries (2) 37 5% BB

1607 Monasteries (2) 54 7% Boarnen

Britswerd 327 1543 Parish funds (3) 72 22% BB (F)

Dronrijp 1639 1543 Parish funds (3) 30 2% BB (F)

1543 Chantries (5) 80 5% BB

Hazerswoude (H) 3409 1543 Parish funds (2) 48 2% dike tax register

703 Source for Molkwerum: Van den Brink, Molkwerum 89, for other villages in Friesland: Mol & Noomen, Prekadastrale atlas , for villages in Holland: the sources quoted in the last column .

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1543 Monasteries (5) 113 4% dike tax register

1543 Other (3) 15 <1% dike tax register

Heeg 1211 1543 Parish funds (2) 58 5% BB (F)

1543 Chantries (4) 73 6% BB

1607 Monasteries (2) 32 3% Boarnen

Hijum 331 1543 Parish funds (2) 33 10% BB (F)

1607 Monastery (1) 111 34% Boarnen

Hommerts 754 1543 Parish funds (2) 37 5% BB (F)

1543 Chantries (2) 24 4% BB

Hoogmade 170 1543 Parish funds (1) 2 1% dike tax (H) register

Koudekerk 568 1544 Parish funds (2) 14 3% dike tax (H) register

1544 Chantries (2) 25 5% dike tax register

1544 Monasteries (8) 156 28% dike tax register

1544 Urban hospitals 52 10% dike tax (3) register

1544 Other (4) 28 5% dike tax register

Longerhouw (F) 248 1543 Parish funds (2) 21 9% BB

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Lutkewierum (F) 1543 Parish funds (2) 72 12% BB

1543 Chantry (1) 19 3% BB

1607 Monasteries (2) 91 15% Boarnen Makkum 286 1543 Parish funds (2) 12 5% BB

1543 Chantries (2) 16 6% BB

1607 Monasteries (2) 24 9% Boarnen Nijland (F) 886 1543 Parish funds (2) 26 3% BB

1543 Chantries (2) 55 7% BB

1607 Monasteries (3) 174 21% Boarnen Scharnegoutum (F) 698 1543 Parish funds (2) 29 5% BB

1607 Monasteries (3) 483 70% Boarnen Idsegahuizum (F) 108 1543 Parish funds (2) 16 15% BB

Sloten c.a. (H) 4350 1558 Parish fund (1) 20 <1% dike tax register

1558 Chantries (2) 21 <1% dike tax register

1558 Monasteries (3) 172 4% dike tax register

1558 Urban hospitals (3) 87 2% dike tax register

1558 Others (4) 50 1% dike tax register Swichum (F) 220 1543 Parish funds (2) 41 19% BB

1543 Chantry (1) 29 14% BB Terzool 493 1543 Parish funds (2) 71 15% BB (F) 1543 Chantry (1) 8 2% BB

1607 Monastery (1) 9 2% Boarnen Voorburg 565 1565 Parish funds (3) 18 3% land tax (H) register

1565 Monasteries (8) 18 4% land tax register

1565 Urban hospitals (2) 6 1% land tax register

1565 Other (2) 11 2% land tax register

proof not for distribution251 234

Warmond 1089 1553 Parish funds (4) 74 7% land tax (H) register

1553 Chantries (4) 19 2% land tax register

1553 Monasteries (11) 258 24% land tax register

1553 Urban hospitals (3) 17 2% land tax register

1553 Other (7) 65 6% land tax register Winsum (F) 825 1543 Parish funds (2) 39 5% BB

1543 Chantries (2) 32 4% BB

160 Monasteries (2) 309 38% Boarnen Wommels 976 1543 Parish funds (2) 60 7% BB (F) 1543 Chantries (2) 24 3% BB

1607 Monastery (1) 160 17% Boarnen Zoeterwoude (H) 5094 1542 Parish funds (3) 10 (98) <1% dike tax register

1542 Chantries (5) 21 <1% dike tax register

1542 Monasteries (16) 354 8% dike tax register

1542 Urban hospitals (4) 97 2% dike tax register

1542 Other (10) 140 3% dike tax register

Total >28,160 4913 18%

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Table 5. Obits and chantries in memoria registers from Warmond and Leiden .

Provider Obits Period Chantries 704 Warmond Mariënhaven Priory 998 1410- 1 chantry (St Anne’s?)

Church fabric 114 1314- 5 chantries

St Matthew’s Guild 64 1504- (not applicable)

St Ursula’s Convent 20 1410- (none known) Leiden 705 St Elizabeth’s Hospital 2550 1428- (9 weekly memoriae )

St Pancras’ Chapter 1270 1365- 25 prebends, 22 chantries 706 Holy Spirit Board 489 1318- (not applicable)

St Catharine’s Hospital 292 1335- 2 chantries

Our Lady’s Parish 284 1383- 15 chantries

Deputati (joint priests) of St 249 1462- (not applicable) Peter’s Churchwardens of St Peter’s 238 1359- 26 chantries

704 Rijnlandia , unless mentioned otherwise. 705 After Faber, Memoria 140, 142, 205; ELO/504/1160; ELO/519/3376. 706 Plus 7 chantries in two local hospitals incorporated in the collegiate church (Leverland, St Pancras 30.

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Table 6. Preserved last wills of persons from, and/or commemorated in villages in our sample. 707

1300 Alveradis 708 lady, widow Haarlem? bequest Koudekerk (memoria ? annuity) 1337 Johannes chantry priest Oirschot anniversary Oirschot dictus Baest 709 1342 Jacobus 710 parson, Warmond 2 chantries Warmond Aalsmeer 1370 Jan die Berlicum anniversary Berlicum Sluter 711 1380 Symon Dirx Warmond anniversary Warmond

1407 Lysbert Warmond bequest Warmond Aernts & (memoria ? daughter land) Wine 1410 Claes Aernts Warmond bequest Warmond (memoria land)

1422 Jacob Warmond Warmond Hughenz 1450 Sir Johannes lord 712 Wissen Hall monastery Oostrum de Brouckhuysen 1454 Heynric merchant Leiden anniversary Warmond Ottenz (priory) 1455 Feddricus gentleman Dronrijp anniversary Dronrijp Hummama 1461 Heynricus merchant Leiden anniversary Warmond Ottonis (priory) 1461 Aechte his wife Leiden anniversary Warmond Willem (priory) Jansdr 713

707 Sources: FT , ELO/503, or ELO/512, unless noted otherwise.. 708 Matthaeus, ‘Testamenta’ 342-347. 709 Frenken, Oirschot 81-83. 710 Matthaeus, ‘Testamenta’ 383-384. 711 Van der Velde, ‘Berlicum’ 37. 712 Janssen, ‘Oostrum’ 123-134. 713 ELO/504/377.

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1460 Foytgen Warmond bequest Warmond Boudijnsz & (annuity) wife Margriet & Boudijn Foytgesz & wife Gheertruut

1467 Jacob Leiden anniversary Warmond Willemsz (priory) 1467 Fia housewife Leiden anniversary Warmond (priory)

1469 Joeseph Leiden anniversary Warmond Bosschairt (priory) Dirc Aemsz 1474 Jan Willemz cleric Noordwijk anniversary? Warmond (priory)

1474 Jan Nyeveen Warmond bequest Warmond & wife (memoria Gheertruut annuity) 1475 Jarich Epa gentleman Nijland anniversary Nijland Hotnya 1476 Sicka Allartz gentleman Dronrijp chantry Dronrijp

1476 Heynrick Warmond bequest Warmond Jansz & wife (memoria Hillegondt land)

1477 Heynrick Warmond bequest Warmond Jansz & wife (memoria Hillegondt land)

1477 Jacob v/d lord Warmond Woude 1477 Aelbrecht slain Warmond penance Warmond Dircxz † (memoria land)

1480 Adam Jansz Warmond bequest Warmond (memoria annuity)

1483 Theodericus anniversary? Warmond Diertardi (priory) 1484 Mr Bocko priest Warga perpetual Warga (Aytta) hand-out

1484 Aernt Dirck Warmond bequest Warmond Jansz (memoria annuity)

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1485 Machtelt Warmond bequest Warmond Simonsdr (memoria ? land)

1487 Johanna v/d lady Warmond Warmond Woude

1495 Jacob v/d lord Warmond Warmond Woude

1496 Jacob v/d lord Warmond Warmond Woude

1496 Claes Jacopsz Warmond bequest Warmond & wife (memoria Clemeyns land)

1497 Jan Heinricxz Warmond bequest Warmond & Dirck (memoria Reyersdr land)

1503 Jacob v/d lord Warmond Woude 1505 Alijt Gheryt widow? Warmond bequest Warmond Heinricxz & (memoria Ermgert annuity) Foytgen Willemsz widow

1508 Jacoba v/d lady Warmond Warmond Woude

1508 Reynoutgen lady Warmond Warmond v/d Woude 1509 Waell commoner Molkwerum chantry, Molkwerum Buttima afterdeeds 1511 Douwa Pibez priest Dronrijp chantry Dronrijp 1511 Goyka commoner Molkwerum 20 memoria Molkwerum Douwesz masses 1513 Doen commoner Poortugaal chantry Poortugaal Beyesz 714 1514 Attha, Fecka’s commoner Molkwerum perpetual Molkwerum widow memoria 1514 Yeck Thomas commoner Molkwerum perpetual Molkwerum memoria 1514 Renck, commoner Molkwerum perpetual Molkwerum Reinner’s memoria wife

714 Van der Gouw, ‘Poortugaal’ nr. 142; Vervloet et al., Parenteel xxiv.

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1516 Douwe gentleman Heeg anniversary Heeg Harinxma 1518 Gherrit Jansz carpenter Warmond bequest Warmond & wife (memoria Diewer annuity) Simonsdr 1520 Aernt Jansz & Warmond memoria Warmond Gerrit Jansz & Aerian Jansz 1522 Wlcke commoner Molkwerum perpetual Molkwerum Myrcksz memoria

1523 Jacoba v/d lady Warmond Woude

1523 Jacob Warmond bequest Warmond Aelbrechtsz † (memoria & Marrye annuity) Simonsdr †

1523 Hille Aeuckes Scharnegoutum chantry 715 Scharnegoutum

1527 Lijsbet Warmond bequest Warmond Berthelmeesdr (memoria annuity)

1529 Douwe Warga anniversary Warga Jowsma 1533 Marijtgen widow Warmond Warmond Jacobsdr 1538 Peer Epo gentleman Bozum perpetual Bozum (Walta) memoria 1539 Peer Epo gentleman Bozum hand-outs to Bozum (Walta) be doubled

1539 Katrijn Claes Warmond Warmond Rennetsdr 1540 Haebel, lady Dronrijp usual Dronrijp Taecke Glins’ afterdeeds etc. wife 1541 Laes van gentleman Sneek bequest to the Wommels Jonghama poor 1543 Salvius gentleman Dronrijp burial with Dronrijp Foppinga inscribed slab

715 BB 811; Roemeling, Corpus .

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1548 Reinzen Arum usual Arum Douwedr afterdeeds etc.

1558 Peter Berlicum anniversary Berlicum Hanricksz & wife Jenneken 716 1577 Viglius courtier, cleric Brussels anniversary Swichum Aytta 717 1588 Lodewijck manorial anniversary Berlicum Tantelier 718 chaplain

716 BHIC/1575/112/9v. 717 HUA/88/471. 718 BHIC/1575/112/10. Tantelier was manorial chaplain to the lords of Berlicum, Heeswijk, and Schijndel at Heeswijk Hall (BHIC/5199/453/70, transcribed by Henk Beijers, Vught; Heesters, Schijndel 65-66).

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Table 7 Preserved memoria artifacts, datable before 1600, in villages in our sample 719

Date(s) Commemorated person(s) Parish Object c. 50 Marcus Mallius Herwen 720 Roman tomb slab c. 50? Irmidius Macro Horn 721 altar for Mercurius 1398 Hessel soen Bozum armorial slab 1438 Ida d Unye Swichum bronze church bell 1494 Anthonis van Aemstel van Mynden & wife Loenen armorial & son slab 1451 N? van Bochorst Hazerswoude bronze church bell [1456] Peter van Thuul (priest) Berlicum slab 1463 Mr Rudolphus (cast by Gherardus ) Makkinga bronze church bell 1471 Hr Meynaert Aerntz van Aelcmaer Hoogmade priest’s slab 1475 Jaricus natus Eponis Nijland armorial slab 1476 Harinck v […] rix in d’Haeghe Heeg armorial slab 1485 Lambertus Yvelaer de Beerna (priest) Berlicum armorial slab 1493 [Gisbertus de Foram] ine (parson) Venray slab fragment 1495 [Laes] Haeri [ncxma] Heeg slab 1496 Haerd Herez (Hottinga) Wommels slab 1502 Franciscus de Busleyden Schijndel 722 silver chalice. [1502] Hero (Hottinga) Wommels slab 1503 Bot Habema Dronrijp slab 1503 Lambrecht Verstoup Jansz Poortugaal armorial slab 1506, 1532 Lady His Kamstra & Lord Douwo vã Warga slab Iousoma & Hylck Haersma

719 Sources: De Walle, Friezen and Blois, different titles, unless noted otherwise. 720 Byvanck, Nederland 231-232. 721 Byvanck, Nederland 393, 560. 722 Bijsterveld, Do ut des 210.

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1508 Pier Bosu & Bauck Wnia Bozum 723 ] silver chalice 1508 Mr Willë Huige (parson) Poortugaal slab 1509, 1547 Willem Claes Tymenssz & Claes Willemsz Abcoude armorial slab 1512 Marten (chantry priest) Wommels slab 1514 Gerardus (parson, Bozum) Bozum slab 1516 abbot of Lidlum & parson Wibe Fokoz & Lutkewierum bronze churchwds Joh Antz & Hessel Lolckez & church bell Lolle Ottos & Andel Hinesz. 1519 Jacop Woutersz (parson) Poortugaal slab 1520, 1556 Lord Lollo van Ockingha & Aalke van Dronrijp armorial Hermana slab, signed VL 1521? Captain Jã Hermãssz Berlicum armorial slab 1523 Buuo (chantry priest, Bozum) Bozum slab 1523 Baako Adama (parson, Terzool) Bozum armorial slab 1524 Mathias Eelbing (priest) Hijum re-used Romanesque slab 1524 Lambrecht Ottensz (priest, 1524) Voorburg 724 slab 1525 Jan van de Water (‘pray for the soul’) Berlicum armorial slab 1525, 1539 Bawck Wnia & Jowck Walta Bozum armorial slab 1527 H Johs Hiddema (priest) Dronrijp slab 1527 Cornelis Cornelisz (priest) Poortugaal slab 1528, 1544 [Jets Bucama ] & Folckhardus Aytta & son Swichum slab

1528, 1596 Floris Claesz & wife Hoogmade slab 1531 […] anssz vã dë Put (priest) Berlicum slab 1532 Anthonis Bettensz & wife Lady Johanne Middelharnis armorial Jansdr slab 1535 Gerbrant Jeldert soen Dronrijp armorial slab 1535 Dns Kempo Hottinga a Kye (priest) Nijland armorial slab

723 FM/Z01502. 724 Van Booma, Voirburch 21.

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1535, 1558 Lady Foekel Laes Jonghama & Mari vã Wommels slab Harinxma 1535, 1570 Lord Sicko vã Hottinga & Anna Elxma Dronrijp armorial slab 1536 Epa Epa Bosu soe Bozum armorial slab 1536 [anonymous woman] Middelharnis slab (fragment) 1536, 1539 Tiepke Hesselsoen & wife Auck Nijland armorial slab 1540 Soete Foye van Delfthaeven & daughter Poortugaal slab Maereken 1540, 1541 Pier Walta & Werp Walta Bozum armorial slab, signed BG [1540,] 1585 Catharina van Herema (Sicko van Arum vault slab Cammingha’s wife) 1541 Gielis Gielissz Verstappë vã Baerlaer Berlicum slab (priest) 1541 Willem Clant to der Borch (noble) Leermens armorial slab [1542] Geert Heyndr [ick] van Poortegaelle Poortugaal slab (merchant) & daughter 1542 Machiel Poortugaal slab 1542, 1551 Habel Ha [ers] ma & Taco Glins (noble) Dronrijp armorial slab 1543 Salvius van Foppinga Dronrijp armorial slab 1544 Tako Walta (chantry priest, Bozum) Bozum armorial slab 1544 Lord Johan Hettinga Warga slab 1544 Lady Iohã Walta (Docko Walta ’s wife) Wommels re-used slab, signed BG. 1546 E(gidius) V(allick) (parson) & nameless Groessen slab priest. 1546 Lolka [Hessel] zoen van Reen Lutkewierum armorial slab 1547 Heerco [Free] ck zoen vã Sneck (priest) Dronrijp slab 1547, 1548 Lady Bauck Kamstra & husband Syds vã Nijland armorial Bottnya slab, signed VL 1549 Iunge Syrck Mollama Lutkewierum armorial slab 1549 Richardus Iacobi (priest) Leermens slab <1550 Lollo Waltaz van Hannama Dronrijp armorial slab

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1553 Wouter Wouterszoõ (chantry priest) Poortugaal slab 1555 Hotzo Heric & Foppo Kastra & Ian Foccs Scharnegoutum stone tablet (churchw’dns) 1555 Mr Tzalinghus Wyarda & Mr Dothia Swichum slab Wyarda (priests) 1557 Cosmas Harbertsz (priest) Abcoude slab 1558, 1560 Ghisbrecht Pels & Johãna vã Vladerack & Berlicum armorial son Jan Pels slab 1558, 1569, Lady Popk Rorda & Lord Douve van Heeg slab 1581 Harinxma & Lord Haring van Harinxma & Lady Wysck van Hoytema 1559 Lord Richalt vã Merode Oirschot armorial slab 1561 Evert Heinderickz (sheriff & wife Kathryn Voorburg 725 slab 1563 Iohanis Hedrickssoen (parson) Swichum slab 1563, 1584 Iouwer Dircksdr Voegelsangh & Wopke Terzool slab Douwe Wighara 1566 Lord Laes van Glins & Lady Wilsk van Dronrijp armorial Oeninga slab 1569 Juw van Galama (cf. wife Ymck van Glins Koudum slab at Dronrijp) 1569, 1587 Herman von dem Loe & Digna von Groessen armorial Eisendorn slab 1571 Dierck Willemsz (van Engelen, priest) Dongen armorial slab 1571 Tiaerdt Herbrande (noble) Dronrijp armorial slab 1571 Mr Hendrick Jansz van Dommelen (verger) Schijndel armorial slab 1572 Viglius Zuichemus ab Aytta & brother Swichum tablet from Gerbrandus almshouse 1572 Harig Wyaerda (parson, 1572) Swichum slab 1573, 1588 Lady Ath vã Oenema & Syds vã Aggema Britswerd armorial slab 1574 Meinse Ianzoen vã der Uele (parson) Lutkewierum slab 1575 Doen Willemsz Poortugaal armorial slab 1575 Margriet Gouts (Aert Mathys de Gruyter ’s slab wife) Vlijmen 726

725 Van Booma, Voirburch 21. 726 Friendly communication by mr. Jan van Rijswijk, Protestant Congregation of Vlijmen-Hedikhuizen .

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1575, 1598 Watze vã Ockinga & Lady Wick vã Dronrijp armorial Kamminga slab, signed BG 1576 Johës van Ouwen (priest) Berlicum slab 1576 Dr Hector Aytta vã Zuichë (justice, Court Swichum slab of Friesland) 1578 Augustinus Frederici (priest) Britswerd slab 1582 Syds , son of Syds vã Botnia & Tetke van Nijland armorial Dowema slab 1587 Lady Frouck vã Bootsma Warga slab 1588, 1590 Harmen Franszõ Bockema & Anna Lutkewierum armorial Doeckledr Cleiterp slab. 1592 Squire Johan Monix Berlicum armorial slab 1592 Imck Lousdr van Cappenborch Warga slab 1592 Hessel vã Popma Warga slab 1593 Minne Tekes Seltinga Hommerts slab 1596 Lady Frouck vã Botnia Nijland armorial slab 1596, 1598 Aert Henricksz van Driel (dikereeve & Poortugaal armorial sheriff) & wife Geertruyt Adriaensdr slab

Table 8. Frisian villagers from our sample enlisted to appear in harness and gorget in 1552. Parish Full ½ Parish Full ½ harness harness harness harness Arum 27% 2% Heeg 18% ~ Swichum 25% 25% Lutkewierum 13% 5% Hommerts 24% ~ Hijum (F) 6% 6% Makkum 23% ~ Wommels (F) 3% 10% Scharnegoutum 23% ~ Warga (F) 2% ~ Idsegahuizum 20% 7% Koudum (F) ~ ~ Nijland 19% ~ Molkwwerum (F) ~ ~

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Table 9. Frisian villagers in our sample taxed 5 guilders or more in 1578.

Parish Nobility and Clergy Others Total revenue sheriffs

Dronrijp 7 (12 guilders) 727 parson (6 guilders) ~ 207 guilders chantry priest (6 guilders) Arum 2 (12 guilders) parson (6 guilders) 1 (10 guilders) 194 guilders chantry priest (6 guilders) Anjum ~ parson (6 guilders) 1 (10 guilders) 116 guilders chantry priest 6 guilders) Koudum 728 ~ parson (6 guilders) 1 (8 guilders) 82 guilders chantry priest (5 guilders) 2 (6 guilders) Warga ~ parson (6 guilders) 2 (5 guilders) 75 guilders Makkum ~ parson (6 guilders) 41 guilders Molkwerum ~ parson (6 guilders) ~ 40 guilders Swichum ~ parson (6 guilders) 1 (10 guilders) 37 guilders Longerhouw ~ parson (6 guilders) ~ 24 guilders Hijum 1 (12 guilders) parson (6 guilders) ~ 17 guilders

727 One of these was also sheriff of Menaldumadeel in 1576. 728 Separate headings for landed gentry (6-8 guilders), taxed houses (3 guilders) and common farmers (1 guilder).

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Table 10. Ten villages in our sample in Geestelijk Kantoor accounts 1579-1656

Former parish: 1579 account 1656 account Baardwijk & ~ revenue lb. 276 (vicarage lb. 65, Our Lady’s Elshout altar lb. 38, Three Kings’ altar: ‘rye and money annuities’); expenses lb. 650 vicar’s allowance (the vicar has 3 children and an indisposed housewife), and sundry Hazerswoude revenue lb. 83 revenue lb. 105 (vicarage, revenue from memoria lb. 0.7, chapel lb. 0.7, no revenu from Holy Cross Guild pending a lawsuit expenses lb. 240 ~ Koudekerk revenue lb. 52 ~

expenses lb. 240 ~ Poortugaal revenue lb. 79 revenue lb. 79

expenses lb. 240 expenses lb. 696 (vicar’s and school teacher’s allowances) Sloten revenue nil revenue lb. 61 (vicarage: perpetual rents and small rents, Our Lady’s altar: lb.20) Vlijmen (1656: & revenue lb. 40 revenue: vicarage lb. 31, ‘rye rents’ lb. 3 etc , St Onsenoort Cornelius’ chapel rye rents, guild assets p.m.) expenses 600 (vicar's allow, sundry, and househ.) Voorburg revenue lb. 50 revenue lb. 37, expenses lb. 578 (vicar’s allowance) Warmond revenue nil revenue p.m. (St Catharine’s altar p.m .) Wijk ~ revenue lb. 267 (vicarage lb. 97, Our Lady’s altar lb. 17, St Anthony’s altar, St Catherine's altar, St Barbara's altar p.m.), expenses lb. 600 (vicar's allowance and sundry) Zoeterwoude revenue lb. 21 revenue p.m . (vicarage lb. 18)

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Table 11 Population and absentee landownership in ten villages in medieval Holland. 729

Village 730 Bw Hm Hw Kk S&O Vb Vl Wk Wm Zw Households ~ ~ 238 44 ~ 84 ~ ~ 29 86 in 1369

Well-borns ~ ~ 11 >17 7? 12 ~ ~ ~ 24 in 1424

Households 41 ~ 120 46 130 108 150 150 60 100 1477 Households 36 ~ 100 40 120 108 150 100 60 70 in 1494

Absentee 33% ~ 50% ~ ~ 99% ~ 20% ~ ~ owners in 1494

Households 85 22 111 37 128 108 93 70 84 80 in 1514

Communicants 350 80 400 180 425 500 536 312 385 340 in 1514

Absentee 31% 99% 31% 95% 70% 83% 9% 28% 90% 15% owners in 1514

729 Figures of 1369 after De Boer, Graaf 55; figures of 1424 after Van den Arend, Baljuwschappen ; Koene, ‘Welgeboren’ 14; Kuiken & Van Poelgeest, ‘Memory’; figures of 1477-1494 after Enqueste , of 1514 after Informacie . 730 Baardwijk (Bw), Hoogmade (Hm), Hazerswoude (Hw), Koudekerk (Kk), Sloten with Osdorp (S&O), Voorburg (Vb), Vlijmen (Vl), Wijk (Wk), Warmond (Wm), and Zoeterwoude (Zw).

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Table 12. Clergy and laity commemorated in the Cistercian priory at Warmond.

Cistercians of: Entries: Period: Collegiate chapters: Entries:

Warmond 109 1418-1574 Leiden 11 IJsselstein 54 1418-1577 Utrecht 2 (Cathedral & St Mary) Sibculo 53 1418-1579 The Hague 1 Monnickendam 36 1473-1573 Naaldwijk 1

Heemstede 35 1473-1560 Zierikzee 33 1483-1572 Parish priests: Entries: Antwerp 20 1447-1796 Warmond 5 Waarschoot 15 1447-1769 Lisse 2 Burlo 10 1448-1803 Other parishes 9 (each listed once)

Wateringen 10 1485-1573 Kleinburlo 8 1448-1803 Other priests: Entries: Bottenbroich 3 1448-1802 Location not 28 specified Heusden 2 1430-1683 Leiden 11 Leeuwenhorst 4 ~ Other parishes 10 (nunnery) (each listed once)

Benedictines of: Entries: Beguinages: Entries: Egmond 3 Leiden 8 Rijnsburg 3 Other towns 5

Ghent (St Peter) 1 Oudwijk (nunnery) 1 Charterhouses: Entries:

Cologne 1

Residence of Entries: laypersons: Not specified 359 Residence of laypersons: Entries: Leiden 53 Friesland 3 Warmond 20 Rijnsburg 3 Delft 13 Wassenaar 3 Haarlem 9 Alkmaar 2 Dordrecht 5 Alphen 2

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Voorhout 5 Gouda 2 Amsterdam 4 Katwijk 2 Rotterdam 4 Oosterhout 2 (Brabant) Utrecht 4 Other residences 16 (each listed once)

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d Vand den Woude (Warmond) Kinship of Van Poelgeest and Van Tol (Koudekerk) an

Table 13.

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Table 14. Competition indexes (HHI) of salvation markets in Leiden and 26 villages in our sample

Parish 731 HHI Parish HHI Parish HHI

Leiden (18%) 0.31 Dongen (76%) 0.64 Warmond (<1%) 0.69 Baardwijk Berlicum (42%) 0.37 Herwen (25%) 0.64 0.70 (80%) Voorburg (0%) 0.38 Koudum (0%) 0.64 Bokhoven (18%) 0.72

Oirschot (55%)) 0.42 Mijdrecht (0%) 0.64 Steggerda (0%) 0.80

Wommels (0%) 0.52 Tilburg (75%) 0.64 Dronrijp (0%) 0.88

Wijk (38%) 0.54 Bozum (0%) 0.68 Horn (5%) 0.92

Venray-Oostrum (68%) 0.56 Groessen (0%) 0.68 Poortugaal (4%) 0.94

Vlijmen (67%) 0.56 Makkinga (0%) 0.68 Lopik (2%) 0.96

Schijndel (28%) 0.60 Swichum (0%) 0.68 Oirlo (<1%) 0.99

731 Parishes in the diocese of Liège underlined, market shares of the ’s-Hertogenbosch Fraternity between (brackets).

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Table 15. Entries with three or more conjugal families in local memoria registers in our sample.

Parish Couples Children Parents Kith & Others kin Schijndel (15) Aert v/d Campe c.s. 4 yes no no no Claes van Gael c.s. 4 yes no yes no Dirick v/d Hoevel c.s. 3 yes no yes no Dirick Michiels c.s. 4 yes no no 2 Gerit Lamberts v/d Acker c.s. 3 no no no no Gerit Martens Scol c.s. 6 yes no no no Heyn v/d Bogert c.s. 3 yes no no no Jan van Dyck Gering Henricks 3 yes no yes no van Houthum c.s. Jan Dirick Michielss c.s. 4 yes no no no Jan v/d Hagen c.s. 5 yes no no 1 Jan v/d Hovel c.s. 3 yes no no no Jan Pennincks c.s. 3 yes no mo no Lambert Gerits Hautert c.s. 5 yes no no no Marcelis Nagelmaecker c.s. 3 yes no no no Mattheus die Goey c.s. 4 yes yes yes no

Oirlo (9) Arnt v/d Graist c.s. 3 yes no no no Derick van Haeff c.s. 5 yes yes no no Gaertien v/d Nyenhoff c.s. 3 no no no 2 Henrick Ryckens c.s. 3 yes no no no Jan Ruttiens c.s. 3 yes no yes no Luyttien Coenen c.s. 6 yes no yes 1 Thys van Yssom c.s. 3 yes no yes no Thonis v/d Berckt c.s. 3 yes no no no Willem v/d Stock c.s. 3 yes no no no

Koudekerk (4) Claes Ket Dirricsz c.s. 732 3 yes no no 1 Sir Florys van Tol c.s. 4 no no no 1

732 Full transcript in Van Zijl, ‘Koudekerk’ 212.

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Jan Huygenz c.s. 3 no no no no Jacob Her Jansz c.s. 3 yes no no no

Warmond (4) Aernt Dirck Jansz c.s. 3 no no no no

Claes Doe c.s. 3 no no no

Florys Claesz c.s. 3 yes no 1

Wouter Jansz c.s. 3 yes yes no

Hazerswoude (2)

Aeriaen Pieterss c.s. 3 yes no 1

Willem Iacobz c.s. 3 no no 3

Sloten (1)

Dirck Claesz c.s. 3 no no yes 733

Abcoude (1)

Jacob Cuper c.s. 3 yes no no

Oirschot (1) Godefridus Agneseson c.s. 3 yes no no no

733 Grijpink, ‘Sloten’ 440 ( cu. p.d . = cum personis devotis ).

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Table 16. Absentee parsons and vicars in ten parishes in the diocese of Liège. (after Bijsterveld) 734 Baardwijk rector ecclesie Baardwijk deservitor ecclesie <1469 *Segerus Everardi Rudolphi 1469 *Johannes (de ) Gheyster 1497-1522 *Walterus Johannis 1514 *Petrus Gysberti Doermans 1522-1550 Mr Henricus Fabri 1537 Mr Josephus de Val (c)borgh Berlicum rector ecclesie Berlicum deservitor ecclesie 1518-1528 Fr Conrardus Gerardi 1523-1530 *Johannes Wilhelmi de Malsen de Puteo Bokhoven rector ecclesie Bokhoven deservitor ecclesie 1452-1462 Henricus Gruter 1452 Adrianus Reneri 1463-1464 idem 1463-1464 Arnoldus Lewe 1470-1472 idem 1470-1472 Wilhelmus Moliaert Jr 1473-1475 idem 1473-1475 Henricus Henrici Nellen 1477-1479 idem 1477-1479 Henricus de Angulo 1485-1487 idem 1485-1487 Petrus Back 1500-1502 Egidius Egidii 1500 Nicolaus Dongen rector ecclesie Dongen deservitor ecclesie 1460-1470 Henr. Math. Henr. de 1460-1479 Arnoldus Laurentii de Riel Nova Domo 1473-1499 Florentius Tilmanni Tirloyt 735 1487 Johannes Buytermans 1500-1509 idem 1500 Gerardus Sceerders 1510-1524 idem 1510-1530 Wilhelmus Thome Nicolai Hulshouts 1530-1535 Mr Wilhelmus de Galen de 1532 Mathias Theoderici Rotificis Hoevel 736 (Swolgen ) 1536-1537 idem 1536-1537 Arnoldus Walteri de Oesterhout 1541-1553 Mr Johannes Clericus 737 1541-1550 *Theodericus Wilhelmi ab Angelis 738 Oirlo rector ecclesie Oirlo vicarius perpetuus

734 An *asterix before a name means: commemorated in the rural parish where he was a parson and/or a substitute . 735 Buried and commemorated (1529) Breda (collegiate church of Our Lady). 736 Buried (1539) and commemorated Breda (collegiate church of Our Lady). 737 Commemorated Breda (collegiate church of Our Lady) 1555. 738 Buried (armorial slab) Dongen 1571.

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1436-1465 Johannes Spaenrebuyc 1441-1465 Henricus Roberti de Blitterswyc 1465-1476 idem 1465-1485 *Johannes de Hegelsom 1485-1487 Johannes de Meer 1485 Johannes de Meerop Oirlo vicarius perpetuus Oirlo deservitor vicarie perpetue

1465-1485 *Johannes de Hegelsom (see 1476-1485 Segerus de Volwinckel above) 1510-1522 Petrus de Merica 1510 Arnoldus de Schelberch 1523-1524 idem 1523-1524 Johannes Daris ? Oirschot rector ecclesie Oirschot deservitor ecclesie 1401-1416 Ancelmus de Baest 1416 Henricus Lepelmaker , Johannes Vos 1416-1426 *Mr Gerardus de Heere 1416-1420 Johannes Jordani de Orsschot 1421-1458 Henricus Johannis de 1421-1427 idem Meduwen 1444-1472 Mr Franco de Boort 1468-1472 Marcelius de Pomerio 1476-1485 Wilhelmus Henr. Arn. 1473-1485 idem de Leende 1486-1503 idem 1500 Wilhelmus de Pomerio 1503-1533 Wilhelmus de Pomerio 1523 Daniel Thome de (see above) Ameyden 1533-1550 Mr Jacobus Philippi 1547 Johannes de Cort de Geldrop Schijndel rector ecclesie Schijndel deservitor ecclesie 1394-1404 *Mr Johannes Marescalli 1400 Johannes Marcelii (de Lewis ) 1427-1443 Mr Egidius de Tilia 1438-1442 Thomas de Campo 1443-1464 Mr Nicolaus de Cusa 1450 Johannes Eyckman Schijndel rector ecclesie Schijndel vicarius perpetuus 1427-1441 Mr Egidius de Tilia 1414-1441 *Heimericus de Campo (see above) 1441-1443 idem 1441-1445 Fastrardus de Langhel 1443-1464 Mr Nicolaus de Cusa 1446-1450 *Wilhelmus Voet (see above) 1469-1485 Mr Petrus Wymari de 1450-1502 *Theodericus Johannis Erclens Dommelanus 739

739 Buried Schijndel 1505 .

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1502-1506 Mr Wilh. Gfr. Henr. de 1502-1506 Johannes Theoderici Enckenvoirt Calcificis 1506-1530 idem 740 1506-1524 Henricus Tectoris 1536 Johannes de Graaz 1532-1537 *Andreas Lamberti Gerardi de Uden 1536-1544 *Mr Philippus Jacobi 1536-1537 Lambertus Johannis de Spina Doctor 1544-1557 idem 1544-1582 *Andreas Lamb. Ger. de Uden (see above) Tilburg rector ecclesie Tilburg deservitor ecclesie 1414-1419 Fr Johannes Brune 1419 Johannes de Straten 1419-1430 Fr Johannes Piscatorius 1421 Bartholomeus Cox 1436-1447 Fr Henricus de Voerde 1427-1436 *Franco de Gestel 1459-1464 Fr Johannes de Gravia 1438-1475 Nicolaus Arnoldi Bartholomei Jungelinx 1467-1475 Fr Johannes Pauli de 1477 Henricus (de ) Rennendonck Kynschot 1477-1479 Fr Cornelius de Wyten 1478-1479 Petrus Bystraten 1485-1497 Abbot Petrus de Manso 1485-1490 Arnoldus Mathie die Gruyter

1502-1527 Fr Rutgerus Judoci de Holten 1516 Mr Henricus Blanckaerts

1538-1554 Fr Gerardus Francisci Vuchts 1521-1523 Mr Nicolaus Wilh. Laurentii (1541) die Cuyper 1570-1592 Nicolaus Dionysii Mutsaerts 1579-1593 Theodericus Laurentii de Palude Vlijmen rector ecclesie Vlijmen deservitor ecclesie 1460-1477 Fr Arnoldus Iwani Hackensone 1460 Andreas Theoderici de Broechoven 1463-1473 Fr Petrus de Hemert 1463-1470 Heimericus de Arena 1474-1485 Fr Johannes de Orten 1473-1474 Petrus de Ryswyck 1519-1523 Theodericus Jacobi de Wiel 1523 Rutgerus de Boert 1524-1529 idem 1524 Johannes Lay /Lau 1530 idem 1530 Mr Johannes Henrici de Ravesteen 1531(?)-1558 Fr Johannes Mathie de Tefelen 1556 Joachim Antonii de Uden /Walraven

740 Buried Rome (Our Lady of the Soul) 1534 .

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Table 17. Substititutions (‘officiations’) of priests in eight villages in our sample in Holland.

Village Parish officiations Chantry officiations Total officiations Hazerswoude 0/6 0 1/2 50% 1/8 12% Hoogmade 0/4 0 2/2 100% 2/6 33% Koudekerk 1/1 1 4/14 29% 5/15 33% Middelharnis 0/5 0 0/7 0% 0/12 0% Poortugaal 0/6 0 6/21 29% 6/27 23% Sloten 1/8 0,12 0/4 0% 1/12 8% Voorburg 1/7 -0,15 3/10 30% 4/17 24% Warmond 2/8 0,25 16/35 46% 18/43 42% Total 5/41 0,13 15/93 17% 35/134 27%

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eda, Schijndel, and Dongen

Table 18. Kinship between some lords temporal of Br

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chantry, Warmond

Table 19. Pedigree of ofsome thepriests Alkemade

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es Persyn and Mr Gerardus Ramp Ramp Mr Gerardus and Persyn es

Table 20. Shared ancestry of chantry priests Johann priests chantry of ancestry 20. Shared Table

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en (1451) and Haarlem 1482 and Haarlem en (1451)

Table 21. Advowson of two chantries founded in Slot founded chantries two of 21. Advowson Table

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ker with their chantry foundations. foundations. chantry their with ker

Table 22. Pedigree fragment of the Syardas of Frane of the of Syardas fragment 22. Pedigree Table

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Table 23. Fraternity records per decade from two rural and two urban parishes 1430-1599.

Baardwijk Entry fees Dootsculd Oirschot Entry fees Dootsculd 1430s ~ ~ 1430s ~ ~ 1440s ~ ~ 1440s 8 2 1450s 1 ~ 1450s 3 ~ 1460s 1 1 1460s 17 2 1470s 4 2 1470s 17 4 1480s 1 1 1480s 9 7 1490s 1 1 1490s 51 22 1500s 67 18 1500s 260 21 1510s 118 22 1510s 295 112 1520s 98 53 1520s 154 175 1530s 16 52 1530s 30 49 1540s 2 33 1540s 3 19 1550s ~ 16 1550s 31 35 1560s ~ 4 1560s 4 15 1570s ~ ~ 1570s 1 8 1580s ~ ~ 1580s 1 ~ 1590s ~ ~ 1590s ~ ~ Total 309 203 Total 928 557

Oisterwijk Entry fees Dootsculd Leiden Entry fees Dootsculd 1430s ~ ~ 1430s 1 ~ 1440s 4 2 1440s 2 ~ 1450s 12 5 1450s 25 2 1460s 25 15 1460s 182 34 1470s 66 37 1470s 173 109 1480s 47 33 1480s 70 91 1490s 274 75 1490s 35 99 1500s 200 100 1500s 39 87 1510s 136 111 1510s 27 53 1520s 92 137 1520s 4 22

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1530s 41 131 1530s ~ 6 1540s 10 73 1540s ~ 4 1550s 22 76 1550s 2 4 1560s 29 32 1560s ~ ~ 1570s 5 1 1570s ~ 1 1580s 2 3 1580s 1 ~ 1590s ~ 1 1590s ~ ~ Total 938 839 Total 552 496

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Archives and collections 741

Amsterdam Stadsarchief (SAA/) 329/ Hervormde gemeente Sloten 1389/ Collectie bruikleen Haarlem Arnhem Gelders Archief (GA/) 124/ Hof van Gelre en Zutphen 193/ Oud rechterlijk archief Overbetuwe Assen Drents Archief (DA/) 440/ Abdij Dikninge Breda Stadsarchief (SAB/) 0007.3/ Dekenaten Bergen op Zoom en Breda Breukelen Regionaal Historisch Centrum Vecht en Venen (RHCVV/) 1094/ Parochie Abcoude Deventer Athenaeumbibliotheek (AB/) Dokkum Streekarchief Noordoost Fryslân (SNOF/) DBM/KS Dorpsbestuur Molkwerum , kerkelijke stukken vóór 1600 Groningen University Library (UBG/) Haarlem Noord-Hollands Archief (NHA/) 176/ Losse aanwinsten verkregen tot 1984 2123/ Kloosters te Haarlem 3295/ Oudemannenhuis te Haarlem 1132/ Genealogieën van Haarlemse families vóór 1600 The Hague Gemeentearchief Den Haag (GADH/) 6140-01/ Hervormde gemeente Voorburg Nationaal Archief (NA/) 3.01.01/ Graven van Holland 3.01.03/ Staten van Holland voor 1572 3.01.34/ Ontvangers Geestelijk Kantoor Delft 3.18.20/ Abdij van Rijnsburg 3.18.30.01/ Kapittel St Marie op ’t Hof 3.19.43/ Heren van Putten en Strijen

741 Names of rural parishes in our sample are in boldface .

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’s-Hertogenbosch Brabants Historisch Informatie Centrum (BHIC/) 241/ Kapittel van Oirschot 360/ Schaduwarchieven 1107/ Microfiches van archivalia in Algemeen Rijksarchief Brussel 1232/ Illustre lieve vrouwe broederschap in ’s-Hertogenbosch (1291) 1318- 2005 1575/ Parochie St Petrus, Berlicum 5004/ Esch, mannengasthuis 5199/ Parochie St Servatius, Schijndel Erfgoed ’s-Hertogenbosch (EsH/) 0727/ Parochie Bokhoven Heusden Streekarchief Langstraat Heusden Altena (SALHA/) 416/ R.K. parochie St Jan Geboorte, Vlijmen Leeuwarden Fries Museum (FM/, also on collectie.friesmuseum.nl) Tresoar (T/) 5/ Staten na 1580 14/ Hof van Friesland 232-06/ Klooster St Bonifatius te Dokkum 343/ Verzameling S.A. Gabbema Leiden Erfgoed Leiden en Omstreken (ELO/) 501/ Secretarie Leiden (1253) 1290-1575 (1858) 502/ Kerken 503/ Kloosters 504/ Gasthuizen 511/ N.H. Kerkvoogdij 512/ Huis te Warmond Hoogheemraadschap van Rijnland OAR/ Oud Archief van Rijnland University Library (UBL/) Maastricht Regionaal Historisch Centrum Limburg (RHCL/) 11.01/ Doop-, trouw- en begraafregisters A-Z 14.A002A-AEK/ Acta Episcopalia […] bisdom Roermond 14.C029/ Horn, Sint Martinus 14.C032/ Kessel, Maria Geboorte 14.C058/ Velden, St Andreas 14.D061/ Kruisheren Venlo RHCL Mainz Gutenberg Museum (GM/)

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Middelharnis Streekarchief Goeree-Overflakkee (SAGO/) Burgerlijke armenzorg Middelharnis New York Morgan Library (NYML/) Nijmegen Universiteitsbibliotheek (UBN/) Rotterdam Stadsarchief (SAR/) 139/ Hervormde gemeente Poortugaal Utrecht Het Utrechts Archief (HUA/) 88/ Verzamelde stukken oud-katholieke kerk 220/ Kapittel van Sint Jan te Utrecht 222/ Kapittel van Sint Pieter te Utrecht 241/ Kapittel van Sint Marie te Utrecht Museum Catharijneconvent (MCU/) BMHWarm/ Voormalige bibliotheek seminarie Warmond Universiteitsbibliotheek (UBU/) Venray Gemeentearchief (GAV/) 59/ Parochie Onze Lieve Vrouw Geboorte, Oostrum 67/ Parochie St Gertrudis te Oirlo

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 742

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Index of toponyms 743

Aachen 39 Driel 82 Aalsmeer 42, 113, 158 Dronrijp 19, 20, 22, 33, 37, 56, 68, 78, Abcoude 19, 26, 33, 37, 75, 79, 81, 86, 90, 105, 116, 119, 138, 144-147, 149, 158, 91, 93, 104, 108, 119, 136-138, 146, 157, 166 167 Dudzele 14-15, 17 Agincourt 97 Albrandswaard 81-82 Egmond 34, 45, 52, 55, 92, 113, 129, 140, Almkerk 131 155-156 Alphen 47, 87 Eindhoven 103 Amsterdam 25, 35, 63, 95, 114-116, Emden 103, 131 149 Emmerich 11 Anjum 146, 149, 166 Esselikerwoude 43-44 Antwerp 33, 98, 101, 151, 165 Apeldoorn 109 Ferwerd 13 Arum 23, 104 Florence 123 Franeker 116 Baardwijk 24, 31, 33, 35, 37, 56-57, 59, 60, 62, 67, 79, 86-87, 99, 103, 109-110, Gaesbeke 81-82, 103-104, 108, 157 118-120, 165-166 Geertruidenberg 98 Bergen op Zoom 54, 103 Geervliet 91 Berlicum 14, 17-19, 25, 56, 60, 91, 93, Genoa 129 95, 99, 101-102, 110-111, 132, 136-137, Ghent 102, 140 145 Gorinchem 120, 138-139, 149 Berne 34, 99, 102, 132 Gouda 168 Beverwijk 24 Grave 3, 109 Bois-le-Duc see ‘s Hertogenbosch Grijzegrubben 56 Bokhoven 24, 33, 99, 101-102, 118 Groessen 3, 12-13, 19, 24, 33, 36, 58, Bolsward 160 84, 86, 111, 112, 120, 131, 167 Bozum 23, 33, 137-138, 145-147 Groningen 24, 26, 34, 77-78, 89, 104, Breda 100, 103, 113, 119 131, 136, 139, 147, 165 Britswerd 33, 124, 146 Bruges 15 Haarlem 18, 25, 33, 35, 49, 51, 86, 87, Brussels 58, 89, 97, 103-104, 147, 163, 91, 98, 114-115, 121, 124, 133, 140, 144, 165 155-157, 159 Hazerswoude 19, 27, 33, 49, 51, 55, Cleves 23 85, 86, 91, 93, 98, 104, 107, 108, 119, 136, Cologne 43, 59, 75, 100, 107, 133, 163 145, 166 Hedikhuizen 33 Delft 25, 43, 59, 106 123, 124 Heeg 23, 33, 77, 104, 145, 149, 158, Deventer 20, 150, 162 160 Dijon 163 Heemstede 164 Doeveren 119 Heiligerlee 133 Dongen 25, 34, 60, 62, 99, 100 Herwen 23, 33, 36-37, 109, 116, Dordrecht 106, 107, 114, 155, 158 118-120, 129, 133

743 Parishes in our sample are listed in boldface .

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Heusden 10, 24, 99, 103, 109 Maastricht 33, 101, 130 Hijum 4, 10, 22-23, 33, 64, 105, Makkinga 23, 56 146-147 Makkum 23, 77, 90 Hommerts 22-23, 33, 89, 104-105, Meeuwen 103 136-137, 146-147, 167 Middelharnis 10, 26, 33, 64-65, 98, Hoogmade 26, 106 103-104, 132, 136-137, 167 Hoogvliet 80 Mijdrecht 26, 34, 38, 87, 105, 108 Horn 23-24, 33, 37, 56, 119, 129, 135, Minnertsga 116 140 Molkwerum 23, 158 Montfoort 113 Idsegahuizum 23 Münster 129, 133 IJsselstein 164 Murmerwoude 147

Jacobswoude 44, 150-151 Naaldwijk 39, 40, 45, 77, 108-109, 113 Jerusalem 95 Nederhorst den Berg 129 Joure 13 Nieuwveen 88 Jutrijp 147 Nigtevecht 33 Nijland 23, 77, 104, 138, 140, 145 Kalkar 84, 98 Nijmegen 109 Kollum 13 Nuth 18, 24, 56 Koolkerke 63 Koudekerk 26, 33, 49-50-52, 55, 63, Oegstgeest 50, 113, 151 75, 78-79, 83-88, 91-93, 95, 105-109, 119, Oirlo 23-24, 37, 56-57, 61, 91, 93, 133, 136, 140-141, 144, 149, 151, 155- 99-100, 136-137 156, 168, 173 Oirschot 5-6, 12-13, 19, 25, 27, 33, Kornelimünster 39 36-37, 56, 58-60, 62, 67, 74-75, 79, 95- Koudum 23, 56-57, 77, 90, 97, 120, 100, 104, 118-120, 123-124, 131, 133, 130, 151 145-146, 157, 165, 175 Oldeholtpade 33 Langerak 149 Oldetrijne 33 Leermens 24, 33, 133, 136, 145-147, Oostdorp 93 167 Oostkerke 63 Leeuwarden ix, x, 4, 117, 149, 167 Oostrum 20, 37, 84, 91, 93, 136, 160, Leiden 4-6, 12-13, 16, 27, 33, 39-40, 166 46-52, 59, 61, 64-65, 69, 84, 88, 91, 96, Osdorp 10, 25, 93, 95, 115 104, 106-109, 116, 119, 131, 133, 136, Oudhuizen 33 150, 153, 155-156, 163, 164 Oudshoorn 113 Leiderdorp 77, 96 Overschie 77 Leimuiden 41 Lidlum 33-34, 130 Paderborn 109 Lobith 109 Poortugaal 26, 33, 56, 64-65, 80-83, Loenen 10, 26 88, 91, 93-94, 104, 108, 117, 136-137, 144 Loenersloot 10, 16 Longerhouw 33, 77 Rijnsaterwoude 41, 43-45 Loosduinen 155 Rijnsburg 55, 114, 155 Lopik 26, 33, 37, 86, 91, 104, 136 Rijswijk 112, 113 Louvain 57-59, 93, 97, 101-102, 114, Rinsumageest 13 116-117, 159 Roden 122 Lutkewierum 23 Roderwolde 18 Roelofarendsveen 44

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Roermond 140 38-39, 41-42, 69, 77, 86-87, 95-98, 101, Rome x, 13, 16, 32, 34, 95, 101, 123, 103-4, 106, 108-109, 113, 122, 130-131, 151, 165-166 140, 151, 155-157, 160-161, 164, 171, Rotterdam 80 176

Sassenheim 88, 112-113, 117 Velden 23-24, 124 Scharnegoutum 23, 33, 65, 171 Velsen 155-156 Schijndel 25, 33, 37, 60-61, 75, 79, Venray 23-24, 37, 56, 84, 91, 93, 99, 94-95, 99, 101-103, 110-111, 118, 120, 102, 124, 136, 160, 166 138-139, 158, 162, 166 Vianen 95 Schingen 56, 68, 78 Vlaardingen 80 ’s-Hertogenbosch 4, 6, 17, 20, 25, 35, Vlijmen 24, 33, 56-57, 60, 86, 99, 37, 39-41, 45, 47, 52, 54, 58-59, 61, 65, 67, 101-102, 106 73, 75-76, 91, 94, 96, 101-104, 108-111, Voorburg 19-20, 26, 37, 55-56, 68, 85, 119-120, 130, 135, 138, 149, 157, 160, 87-88, 91-92, 104, 106-108, 118-119, 130, 162, 164-165, 167, 172, 175 136-137, 144, 146, 167, 174 Sibculo 46-47, 163-164 Sint-Truiden 31, 33, 35 Waalwijk 110 Sloten 10, 19, 25, 33, 37, 55, 68-69, Warga 23, 33, 90, 146 86, 92-93, 95, 114-115, 117, 119, 137-138 Warmond passim Sneek 33 Wassenaar 39-40, 45, 59, 77-78, 93, Spijkenisse 80 104, 114, 138, 148-149 Station Island 121, 124 Wateringen 113 Stavoren 33 Westeremden 131 Steenwijk 33 Wijbosch 118 Steggerda 23, 56 Wijk 24, 33, 59-60, 79, 86, 91, 104, Stratford-on-Avon 88 131, 146, 166 Swichum ix-x, 5-6, 10, 13, 19, 22-23, Wijk bij Duurstede24, 104 27, 58, 64, 102, 105, 117, 140, 162, 171, Winsum 33, 120, 151 173 Wittenberg 165, 176 Wittewierum 34, 89, 131 Ter Apel 130 Wommels 23, 62, 138 The Hague 33, 49, 92-93, 96-97, Woubrugge 44, 151 103-104, 106, 108, 114, 116-117, 138, 144, 163, 173 Yerseke 77 Tilburg 19, 33, 56-57, 60, 62, 79, 99, 101-102, 104, 120, 149 Zevenhoven 87 Zoeterwoude 19, 26, 33, 37, 49-51, 55, Uitwellingerga 89 64-65, 85-86, 108, 120, 151-152 Utrecht x, 9-11, 16-18, 23-26, 33, 35, Zwolle 162-163

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About the author

Dr Cornelis Jan Kuiken (1954) read social science and liberal arts at the University of Groningen, where he obtained PhD degrees in religious studies (2002) and history (2013). After thirty years as a Chinese legal translator, he now works as an independent researcher. His first encounter with the liturgic practice of memoria was in 1981 in a village temple in Hong Kong, where he witnessed how Chinese families celebrated the anniversaries of deceased parents. 744 Inspired by discussions in Dr Truus van Bueren’s memoria project group at Utrecht, he began to publish on rural memoria in 2010.

744 Kuiken, Het leven 12-13, 23.

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Historia Agriculturae

In deze serie verschenen tot nu toe:

1. De landbouw-enquête van 1800 . Deel I: Noord- en Zuid-Holland. Vragenlijst als bijlage. 1953. 2. De landbouw-enquête van 1800 . Deel II: Zeeland, Noord-Brabant, Utrecht, Gelderland en Overijssel. Internationale landbouwhistorische bibliografie over 1951. 1954. 3. De landbouw-enquête van 1800 . Deel III: Drenthe, Friesland en Groningen. 1956. 4. Beschrijving der boerderijen op de kleilanden in Friesland door D. Fontein te Salvert , 1779-1835. 1957. 5. De landbouwkundige gegevens uit het Journaal der reize van den Agent van Nationale Economie der Bataafsche Republiek, J. Goldberg . 1959. 6. Bouwstoffen bibliografie Nederlandse landarbeider in de 19e eeuw . I. 1962. 7. Bouwstoffen bibliografie van de Nederlandse landarbeider in de 19e eeuw . II. 1963. 8. Beschreeve Staat van de Meijerije (1794) door Mr. C. van Breugel. 1965. 9. Beschrijvende lijst van landbouwhistorisch belangrijke kaarten uit het archief der Genie in het Algemeen Rijksarchief te 's-Gravenhage door T.W. Bieze. 1968. 10. Een landbouwwerktuigkunde-dictaat van de Landhuishoudkundige School te Groningen . 1976. 11. W. Tijms , Prijzen van granen en peulvruchten te Arnhem, Breda, Deventer, 's-Hertogensbosch en Kampen . 1977. 12. H. van Zon, Bibliografie van op Nederland betrekking hebbende landbouw- historische literatuur verschenen in de jaren 1975 tot en met 1977 . 1978. 13. W.J. Formsma, Beklemrecht en landbouw . H. van Zon, Bibliografie over beklemrecht . 1981. 14. J. de Bruijn. Plakkaten van Stad en Lande ,1594-1795. 1983. 15. H. van Zon, Bibliografie van literatuur over Nederlandse agrarische geschiedenis, verschenen in de jaren 1978 tot en met 1980, met aanvulling uit voorgaande jaren . 1983. 16. H.M.F. Krips-van der Laan, Praktijk als antwoord . S.L. Louwes en het landbouwcrisis-beleid . 1985. 17. IJ. Botke, Het ‘Schrijf-boek’ van Marten Aedsges (1742-1806). 1988. 18. Noorderlicht , Berichten uit het verleden van Noord-Nederland. 1988. 19. D. Pilat, Dutch agricultural export performance (1846-1926). 1989. 20. W.H. Vermeulen , Europees landbouwbeleid in de maak. Mansholts eerste plannen, 1945-1953 . 1989.

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21. J.L. Van Zanden, ‘Den zedelijken en materiëlen toestand der arbeidende bevolking ten platten lande’ . 1991. 22. Het Oldambt deel II . Nieuwe visies op geschiedenis en actuele problemen . Onder redactie van J.N.H. Elerie en P.C.M. Hoppenbrouwers. 1991. 23. Een loopbaan in de landbouw. Twaalf portretten van markante figuren in agrarisch Nederland . Onder redactie van P.C.M. Hoppenbrouwers. 1991. 24. Peter R. Priester, De economische ontwikkeling van de landbouw in Groningen, 1800-1910. Een kwalitatieve en kwantitatieve analyse . 1991. 25. P.C.M. Hoppenbrouwers, Een middeleeuwse samenleving. Het Land van Heusden, 1360 - 1515 . 1992. 26. H.M.C. Gooren en L.J.B. Heger, Per mud of bij de week gewonnen. De ontwikkeling van beloningssystemen in de Groningse landbouw, 1800-1914 . 1993. 27. R.F.J. Paping, "Voor een handvol stuivers": Werken, verdienen en besteden: de levensstandaard van boeren, arbeiders en middenstanders op de Groninger klei, 1770-1860 . 1995. 28. P. Kooij e.a., Where the twain meet, Dutch and Russian regional development in a comparative perspective 1800-1917 . 1998. 29. J. Kok e.a., Levensloop en levenslot, Arbeidsstrategieën van gezinnen in de 19de en 20e eeuw . 1999. 30. P. Kooij e.a., De actualiteit van de agrarische geschiedenis . 2000. 31. W. Tijms, Groninger graanprijzen. De prijzen van agrarische producten tussen 1546 en 1990 . 2000. 32. H.M.L. Geurts , Herman Derk Louwes (1893-1960) Burgemeester van de Nederlandse landbouw. 2002. 33. M.A.W. Gerding (red.), Belvedere en de geschiedenis van de groene ruimte . 2003. 34. P. Kooij e.a., Where the twain meet again, New results of the Dutch-Russian project on regional development 1750-1917 . 2004. 35. S.M. van den Bergh, Verdeeld land. De geschiedenis van de ruilverkaveling in Nederland vanuit een lokaal perspectief, 1890-1985 . 2004. 36. J.E. van Kamp, Dien Hoetink. ‘Bij benadering’. Biografie van een landbouw- juriste in crisis- en oorlogstijd . 2005. 37. E.H. Karel, De maakbare boer. Streekverbetering als instrument van het Nederlandse landbouwbeleid 1953-1970 . 2005. 38. M. Knibbe, Lokkich Fryslân. Landpacht, arbeidsloon en landbouwproductiviteit in het Friese kleigebied 1505-1830. 2006. 39. F.J. Dijksterhuis en B. van der Meulen, Tussen coördineren en innoveren. De Nationale Raad voor Landbouwkundig Onderzoek, 1957-2000. 2007 40. W. Koster, Baron op klompen : mr. B.W.A.E. baron Sloet tot Oldhuis (1807- 1884): aan de hefboom tot welvaart . 2008.

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41. M.G.J. Duijvendak, e.a., Groen onderwijs : terugblik en uitzicht naar aanleiding van het 100-jarig bestaan van de Vereniging voor Hoger Landbouw Onderwijs (1906-2006) . 2008. 42. P. Kooij, Town and countryside in a Dutch perspective . 2010. 43. D.Th. Broersma, Het groene front voorbij : de agrarische belangenbehartiging door LTO Nederland 1995-2005 . 2010. 44. E.H. Karel, Boeren tussen markt en maatschappijessays over effecten van de modernisering van het boerenbestaan in Nederland (1945-2012) . 2013. 45. C.J. Kuiken, Het Bildt is geen eiland : capita cultuurgeschiedenis van een vroegmoderne polder in Friesland . 2013. 46. M. Schroor, Rurale metropool: bevolking, migratie en financiën van de stad Groningen ten tijde van de Republiek (1595-1795) . 2014. 47. S.W. Verstegen, Vrije wandeling : het parlement, de fiscus en de bescherming van het particuliere Nederlandse natuurschoon: de Natuurschoonwet tussen 1924 en 1995. 2017. 48. B. Ramakers (ed.), Memento mori : Sterben und Begraben in einem ruralen Grenzgebiet = Sterven en begraven in een rurale grensregio . 2018

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