Inside Ukraine 59 September 20, 2016 PUBLIC POLICIES
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Current Issues and US Policy
Ukraine: Current Issues and U.S. Policy name redacted Section Research Manager April 27, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL33460 Ukraine: Current Issues and U.S. Policy Summary In February 2014, the Kremlin-supported government of Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych collapsed. The demise of the regime was brought about by bitter protests that had erupted in Kyiv’s Maidan Square in late 2013 over a decision by the government to reject closer relations with the European Union. What followed the turmoil of early 2014 was the emergence of a pro- Western, pro-reform government and an energized public generally anxious to lessen Moscow’s influence, committed to addressing the need for serious reform, and determined to draw closer to Europe and the United States. Despite the current Kyiv government’s commitment to reform, the pro-Western political and economic orientation, and the presence of a vibrant, yet frustrated, civil society dedicated to the implementation of change, Ukraine remains far from achieving the political and economic stability and internal security sought by the supporters of the Maidan. In fact, 2016 has already proven to be a very unsettling time for the government as frustrations have mounted over the slow pace of political reform and economic progress by pro-reformers and the West. These shortcomings initially resulted in the resignations of a popular, reform-minded economy minister and a deputy prosecutor and in warnings from the head of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and several European nations that Ukraine risked losing continued international financial support if progress was not made. -
For Free Distribution
ELECTIONS LeGAL ASSESSMENT US AMBASSADOR GeOFFREY PYATT IN UKRAINE OF THE 2014 RuSSO-UKRAINIAN WAR ON CHALLENGES FOR UKRAINE № 14 (80) NOVEMBER 2014 WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION |CONTENTS BRIEFING Lobbymocracy: Ukraine does not have Rapid Response Elections: The victory adequate support in the West, either in of pro-European parties must be put political circles, or among experts. The to work toward rapid and irreversible situation with the mass media and civil reforms. Otherwise it will quickly turn society is slightly better into an equally impressive defeat 28 4 Leonidas Donskis: An imagined dialogue on several clichés and misperceptions POLITICS 30 Starting a New Life, Voting as Before: Elections in the Donbas NEIGHBOURS 8 Russia’s gangster regime – the real story Broken Democracy on the Frontline: “Unhappy, poorly dressed people, 31 mostly elderly, trudged to the polls Karen Dawisha, the author of Putin’s to cast their votes for one of the Kleptocracy, on the loyalty of the Russian richest people in Donetsk Oblast” President’s team, the role of Ukraine in his grip 10 on power, and on Russia’s money in Europe Poroshenko’s Blunders: 32 The President’s bloc is painfully The Bear, Master of itsT aiga Lair: reminiscent of previous political Russians support the Kremlin’s path towards self-isolation projects that failed bitterly and confrontation with the West, ignoring the fact that they don’t have a realistic chance of becoming another 12 pole of influence in the world 2014 -
Reforms in Ukraine After Revolution of Dignity
REFORMS IN UKRAINE AFTER REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY What was done, why not more and what to do next This publicaon was produced with financial Responsibility for the informaon and views set out assistance from the EBRD-Ukraine Stabilisaon and in this publicaon lies enrely with the authors. The Sustainable Growth Mul-Donor Account, the EBRD makes no representaon or warranty, express donors of which are Denmark, Finland, France, or implied, as to the accuracy or completeness of the Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, informaon set forth in the publicaon. The EBRD Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, has not independently verified any of the informaon the United States of America and the European contained in the publicaon and the EBRD accepts Union, the largest donor. The views expressed herein no liability whatsoever for any of the informaon can in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion contained in the publicaon or for any misstatement of the EBRD or any donor of the account. or omission therein. The publicaon remains the property of the EBRD. REFORMS IN UKRAINE AFTER REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY What was done, why not more and what to do next Editors Ivan Miklos Pavlo Kukhta Contents Foreword 4 Introducon What was done, why not more and what to do next: Ukrainian reforms aer the Revoluon of Dignity 7 Chapter 1 Polical economy of reforms: polical system, governance and corrupon 10 Chapter 2 Macroeconomic policies 35 Chapter 3 Rule of law 48 Chapter 4 Energy policy 75 Chapter 5 Business environment 87 Chapter 6 Land reform 101 Chapter 7 Privasaon and SOE reform 112 Chapter 8 Healthcare reform 132 Chapter 9 Ukraine and the European Union 144 Annex 1 Report on reforms in 2016-17 162 Annex 2 The role of the government and MPs in reform implementaon in Ukraine 167 About SAGSUR (Strategic Advisory Group for Support of Ukrainian Reforms) 173 Glossary of terms 174 Foreword Foreword | 4 Foreword Maeo Patrone and Peter M. -
The Pennsylvania State University Schreyer Honors College
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF GLOBAL AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLIGARCHIC PLURALISM IN THE 2014 EUROMAIDAN: HOW THE RISE OF OLIGARCHS IN GOVERNMENT SHAPED DEMOCRACY UN UKRAINE SIOBHAN FRANCES LEONARD SPRING 2020 A thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree with honors in Comparative Literature and International Studies with honors in Global and International Studies Reviewed and approved* by the following: JOSEPH WRIGHT PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Thesis Supervisor JONATHAN ABEL PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE LITERATURE AND JAPANESE Honors Adviser * Electronic approvals are on file. ABSTRACT During the 1990s, Ukraine experienced a change in its political system, becoming a nominal liberal democratic with contested multiparty elections in combination with post-Soviet oligarch community. These newly established dimensions impacted two major revolutionary periods in Ukraine, dating from 1992-2004 and 2005-2014, reaching a climax of violent civil unrest during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. The Ukrainian Revolution, also known as the Euromaidan and Revolution of Dignity, illustrates the stages of modernization in a post-Soviet society. The Euromaidan mobilized a variety of regional and ethno-linguistic groups to demand political and economic reform. Members of oligarch clans, consisting mostly of ethnically Russian economic elites, are often appointed in regional government positions largely in the East, and hold substantial power in Ukrainian politics. My research question poses: “How did oligarchic concentration of economic and media power influence government functions such as public service delivery, and shape corruption patterns preceding the protest uprising in 2014?” In my thesis, I seek to study the impact of oligarch clans as holding centralized power, and how this system may affect Ukrainian national politics as seen under the leadership of former democratically elected, Pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych, during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. -
State Building in Revolutionary Ukraine
STATE BUILDING IN REVOLUTIONARY UKRAINE Unauthenticated Download Date | 3/31/17 3:49 PM This page intentionally left blank Unauthenticated Download Date | 3/31/17 3:49 PM STEPHEN VELYCHENKO STATE BUILDING IN REVOLUTIONARY UKRAINE A Comparative Study of Governments and Bureaucrats, 1917–1922 UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London Unauthenticated Download Date | 3/31/17 3:49 PM © University of Toronto Press Incorporated 2011 Toronto Buffalo London www.utppublishing.com Printed in Canada ISBN 978-1-4426-4132-7 Printed on acid-free, 100% post-consumer recycled paper with vegetable- based inks. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Velychenko, Stephen State building in revolutionary Ukraine: a comparative study of governments and bureaucrats, 1917–1922/Stephen Velychenko. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4426-4132-7 1. Ukraine – Politics and government – 1917–1945. 2. Public adminstration – Ukraine – History – 20th century. 3. Nation-building – Ukraine – History – 20th century 4. Comparative government. I. Title DK508.832.V442011 320.9477'09041 C2010-907040-2 The research for this book was made possible by University of Toronto Humanities and Social Sciences Research Grants, by the Katedra Foundation, and the John Yaremko Teaching Fellowship. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Aid to Scholarly Publications Programme, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the fi nancial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the fi nancial support of the Government of Canada through the Canada Book Fund for its publishing activities. -
10:00 Registration of Participants Venue: GRAND HALL CHAMBER PLAZA
December, 11(Tuesday) 9:00 - 10:00 Registration of participants Venue: GRAND HALL CHAMBER PLAZA Opening 10:00 - 10:03 Welcome speech - Gennadiy Chyzhykov, President of UCCI Gala session : 10:03- 12:15 «Ukraine 2019: a vision of economic growth. Industry, innovation, finance, export» Participants on stage (speeches regulations) Speech 10:03-10:25 - Volodymyr Groysman, Prime Minister of Ukraine 10:25-10:45 Questions/answers from the audience Participants of the Gala session (after completing the participation of the Prime Minister of Ukraine, the moderator invites the participants to take a seat on the stage for speeches) - Oksana Markarova, Acting Minister of Finance of Ukraine 8 min. 10:50-12:15 - Hugues Mingarelli, Head of the European Union Delegation to Ukraine 8 min. - Roman Waschuk, H.E. Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Canada to Ukraine* 8 min. - Pavlo Petrenko, Minister of Justice of Ukraine* 8 min. - Algirdas Shemeta , business ombudsman 8 min. - Anatoliy Girschfeld, Deputy Chairman of the National Committee for Industrial 8 min. Development - Executive Director - Oleksander Vlasov, acting Head of the State Fiscal Service of Ukraine 8 min. - Yevgen Kravtsov, acting Chairman of the Board of PJSC "Ukrzaliznytsya" 8 min. - Anna Vinnichenko, Managing Partner of Lawyers Association WinnerLex 8 min. - Volodymyr Zolotaryov, Director for Foreign Economic Relations of PJSC "Plant 8 min. Pivdenkabel" Directions of discussion: - Budget 2019. Basic parameters of economic growth. - Revival of industry as a key factor in the growth of the national economy. - Investing in Ukraine. Should Ukraine expect investment boom next year? - Government's view of sources of affordable financing of investment and industrial projects of SMEs. -
CRIMEAN ALBUM: Stories of Human Rights Defenders IRYNA VYRTOSU CRIMEAN ALBUM: STORIES of HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS УДК 342.72/.73(477.75-074)(092) К82
IRYNA VYRTOSU CRIMEAN ALBUM: Stories Of Human Rights Defenders IRYNA VYRTOSU CRIMEAN ALBUM: STORIES OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS УДК 342.72/.73(477.75-074)(092) К82 Author of text: Iryna Vyrtosu. Editor and author of idea: Tetiana Pechonchyk. Production photographer: Valeriya Mezentseva. Photographers: Mykola Myrnyi, Iryna Kriklya, Olexiy Plisko, as well as photos from the personal archives of the heroes. Transcription of the interviews: Yana Khmelyuk. Translator: Olga Lobastova. Proofreader: Arthur Rogers. Design composition and layout: Pavlo Reznikov. I. Vyrtosu К82 Crimean Album: Stories of Human Rights Defenders / I. Vyrtosu; edit. Т. Pechonchyk; Human Rights Information Centre. – Kyiv: KBC, 2019. – 232 p. ISBN 978-966-2403-16-9 This book contains evidence and memories of Crimean human rights defenders including their work experience before and after the occupation. There are twenty personal stories about the past, present and future of people, who continue to fight for the protection of human rights in Crimea even after losing their home, as well as those, who oppose reprisals living under the occupation. These are stories of Olga Anoshkina, Eskender Bariyev, Mykhailo Batrak, Oleksandra Dvoretska, Abdureshyt Dzhepparov, Lilia Hemedzhy, Sergiy Zayets, Synaver Kadyrov, Emil Kurbedinov, Alyona Luniova, Roman Martynovsky, Ruslan Nechyporuk, Valentyna Potapova, Anna Rassamakhina, Daria Svyrydova, Olga Skrypnyk and Vissarion Aseyev, Iryna Sedova and Oleksandr Sedov, Tamila Tasheva, Maria Sulialina, Volodymyr Chekryhin. The book is intended -
The Donbas Blockade: Another Blow to the Minsk Peace Process Hrant Kostanyan and Artem Remizov
The Donbas Blockade: Another blow to the Minsk peace process Hrant Kostanyan and Artem Remizov No 2017/08, June 2017 Abstract The Minsk peace process that was set up to address the Ukraine crisis has had a bumpy ride from the start. The current conflict has its origins in the Kremlin’s reaction to the Euromaidan revolution in Ukraine: Russia annexed Crimea in March 2014 and has orchestrated a war in the east of Donbas. In January 2017, some veterans of Ukraine’s volunteer battalions blockaded pro-Russian separatist-held territories in the eastern Donbas, the so-called ‘Donetsk People’s Republic’ (DPR) and ‘Luhansk People’s Republic’ (LPR). After unsuccessful attempts to disperse the veterans and activists blocking several checkpoints, Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko gave in to increasing public support for the blockade and transformed a rogue operation into official Ukrainian government policy. Russian President Vladimir Putin responded with a decree to recognise certain personal identity documents issued by the breakaway ‘republics’, and separatists ‘nationalised’ Ukrainian companies in the eastern Donbas. These events have led the National Bank of Ukraine to revise downwards its previous economic growth forecast for 2017; indeed, the blockade poses a major challenge to companies located in both the eastern and western Donbas due to the interconnection of their production cycles. The blockade exposed the failure of the so-called ‘Rotterdam Plus’ formula − a new methodology for calculating wholesale market prices on electricity, intended to help Ukraine diversify its energy sector. But ultimately, the blockade by Kyiv, the recognition by Russia of the separatist republics’ identity documents and the ‘nationalisation’ of Ukrainian companies in the eastern Donbas amount to yet another blow for the Minsk peace process. -
Kerch Strait En Route to the Ukrainian Port of Berdyansk, on the Sea of Azov, According to Official Ukrainian and Russian Reports (See Figure 1)
CRS INSIGHT Russia's Use of Force Against the Ukrainian Navy December 3, 2018 (IN11004) | Related Author Cory Welt | Cory Welt, Analyst in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-0530) Naval Incident Escalates Tensions On November 25, 2018, Russian coast guard vessels in the Black Sea forcibly prevented two small Ukrainian armored artillery boats and a tugboat from transiting the Kerch Strait en route to the Ukrainian port of Berdyansk, on the Sea of Azov, according to official Ukrainian and Russian reports (see Figure 1). After ramming the tugboat and blockading all three boats for hours, the Russian vessels reportedly fired on them as they sought to leave the area, injuring six sailors. The Ukrainian boats and their 24 crew members were detained and taken to Kerch, in the Russian-occupied Ukrainian region of Crimea. The sailors were arrested and placed in pretrial detention on charges of illegally crossing what Russia refers to as its state border (i.e., the territorial waters around occupied Crimea). Observers generally viewed the incident as a major escalation of tensions between Russia and Ukraine. Russia Tightens Control In May 2018, Russian President Vladimir Putin opened a new 12-mile-long bridge linking Russia to Crimea over the Kerch Strait, the waterway connecting the Black Sea to the Sea of Azov. The bridge was designed to accommodate an existing shipping lane, but it imposes new limits on the size of ships that transit the strait. Observers note that since the bridge's opening, Russia has stepped up its interference with commercial traffic traveling to and from Ukrainian ports in Mariupol and Berdyansk, which export steel, grain, and coal. -
Ukraine's Security and Judicial Reforms Under Zelensky
POLICY BRIEF GUARDING THE GUARDIANS: UKRAINE’S SECURITY AND JUDICIAL REFORMS UNDER ZELENSKY Gustav Gressel August 2019 SUMMARY Despite Ukrainians’ deep unhappiness with the corruption and inefficiency of the judiciary and security bodies, the Poroshenko administration failed to reform these services. Political interference and personal enrichment have long been part of the practice of these services, overshadowing the strong work they are often capable of and holding back reformist elements. The office of the prosecutor general and the Ukrainian Security Service need particular attention, but merely passing new laws will not be enough: replacing incumbent high-level officials should be an early step. The EU, US, and NATO have worked effectively together on encouraging reform in Ukraine, but they must now ensure that these services remain high in the minds of the Zelensky administration and of Rada members. Introduction Since 2014, much of Europe’s public debate on Ukraine has revolved around the geopolitical contest between the West and Russia, the war in Donbas, and their security implications for Europe. But, at its core, Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity was an anti-corruption uprising that only became geopolitical later. Ukrainians longed for a government that was less corrupt, more responsive to citizens’ demands, and bound by the rule of law. They ousted a government that had denied them their rights, fought the foreign invasion that would have reinstated a repressive kleptocracy, and elected new political leaders. However, these new leaders did not meet expectations – in either Ukraine or the West. Disappointment with the slow progress of reforms, particularly a series of setbacks in the fight against corruption, was key to the subsequent collapse in popularity of former president Petro Poroshenko and of established political parties. -
Constitution of Ukraine
CONSTITUTION OF UKRAINE Adopted at the Fifth Session of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on June 28, 1996 Amended by the Laws of Ukraine № 2222-IV dated December 8, 2004, № 2952-VI dated February 1, 2011, № 586-VII dated September 19, 2013, № 742-VII dated February 21, 2014, № 1401-VIII dated June 2, 2016 № 2680-VIII dated February 7, 2019 The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, on behalf of the Ukrainian people - citizens of Ukraine of all nationalities, expressing the sovereign will of the people, based on the centuries-old history of Ukrainian state-building and on the right to self-determination realised by the Ukrainian nation, all the Ukrainian people, providing for the guarantee of human rights and freedoms and of the worthy conditions of human life, caring for the strengthening of civil harmony on Ukrainian soil, and confirming the European identity of the Ukrainian people and the irreversibility of the European and Euro-Atlantic course of Ukraine, striving to develop and strengthen a democratic, social, law-based state, aware of responsibility before God, our own conscience, past, present and future generations, guided by the Act of Declaration of the Independence of Ukraine of August 24, 1991, approved by the national vote on December 1, 1991, adopts this Constitution - the Fundamental Law of Ukraine. Chapter I General Principles Article 1 Ukraine is a sovereign and independent, democratic, social, law-based state. Article 2 The sovereignty of Ukraine extends throughout its entire territory. Ukraine is a unitary state. The territory of Ukraine within its present border is indivisible and inviolable. Article 3 The human being, his or her life and health, honour and dignity, inviolability and security are recognised in Ukraine as the highest social value. -
Keystone of the System. Old and New Oligarchs in Ukraine
59 KEYSTONE OF THE SYSTEM OLD AND NEW OLIGARCHS IN UKRAINE Wojciech Konończuk NUMBER 59 WARSAW auGusT 2016 KEYSTONE OF THE SYSTEM OLD AND NEW OLIGARCHS IN UKRAINE Wojciech Konończuk © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies Content editor Adam Eberhardt Editor Halina Kowalczyk Co-operation Katarzyna Kazimierska, Anna Łabuszewska Translation Jim Todd Charts Wojciech Mańkowski Graphic design PARA-BUCH DTP GroupMedia Illustration on cover Shutterstock Publisher Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978-83-62936-82-3 Contents SUMMARY /5 INTRODUCTION /8 I. OliGarchs in The sysTem of posT-Maidan Ukraine /11 1. The ‘old’ oligarchs (temporarily) on the defensive /11 2. Co-operation with the new government /15 II. New oliGarchs in The GOVernmenT /21 1. The business-political circle of President Poroshenko /22 2. The business-political circle of Arseniy Yatsenyuk and the People’s Front /28 III. The de-oliGarchisaTion THAT neVer happened /35 SUMMARY • For the last two decades, oligarchs, or big entrepreneurs who have been able to turn their business prowess into power- ful political influence, have been among the most important actors in Ukraine’s politics. More than two years after the Maidan revolution, it is fully justified to say that the oligar- chic system remains a key mechanism in Ukraine’s political and economic life. While it is true that the influence of the for- merly most powerful oligarchic groups has eroded during this period, no such group except for the Family, i.e.