國立臺灣師範大學英語學系 碩 士 論 文 Master Thesis Department of English National Taiwan Normal University

臺灣國語口說和書寫中文的英語化現象

Englishization of Oral and Written Mandarin in Taiwan

指導教授：張妙霞

Advisor: Dr. Miao-Hsia Chang

研 究 生：魏肇慧

Chao-Hui Wei

中 華 民 國 一零一 年 七 月

July, 2012

摘要

本研究旨在探討口語和書面中文西化的現象。過去諸多關於中文西化的研究

指出此現象不僅侷限於詞彙和構辭層面，甚至影響句法結構。基於過去文獻所歸

納之重要西化句法結構，本研究進一步分析和比較二十年來台灣書寫中文的句法

西化程度和使用情形。此外，過去研究皆宥於書面中文而未有系統且完整地討論

口說中文的西化現象，因此本研究特別探討口說中文之西化，並和書寫中文之結

果相較。

書面資料取自於新新聞雜誌和天下雜誌；至於口說資料則採用談話性節目，

包括今晚誰當家、王牌大賤諜、關鍵時刻和夢想街 57 號。結果顯示書寫中文方

面之西化在二十年前即已很顯著，故和現今書面中文差異不大。而口說中文的西

化情形亦很明顯，顯示西化句法結構並不限於翻譯或書寫，而深入至一般日常生

活，成為中文語法的一部分。

此外，比較書面和口說中文後，發現西化句型的分布有極顯著之不同；而造

成差異的原因主要歸因於口說和書寫此兩種不同表達方式的特色，譬如口說的即

時性和互動。值得注意的是，西化句型在書面和口說中文的分布和其對應之英語

句型在書面和口說英文的分布相一致，此結果進一步支持這些結構確為英語化之

句型。

關鍵字：英語化，語言接觸

i Abstract

The Englishization of Mandarin has been a hot issue since 1950s. Previous studies have pointed out plenty of Englishized syntactic structures in Mandarin. However, the latest linguistic study of Englishization of Taiwan Mandarin was conducted in 1994.

Considering the rapid development in these twenty years, it is interesting to observe the development of Englishization nowadays. In addition, since Englishization of the oral

Mandarin has never been systematically studied before, the present study aims to investigate the frequency and distribution of Englishization of Taiwan Mandarin in writing and also speaking.

The written data used in the current research are from two magazines, 新新聞

Xinxinwen ‘The Journalist’ and 天下 Tienxia ‘Common Wealth’. The oral data are collected from four talk shows, 今晚誰當家 Jinwan shei dangjia ‘Who Hosts Tonight’ and 王牌大賤諜 Wangpai da jiandie ‘Top Spy’, 關鍵時刻 Guanjian shike ‘Crucial

Moment’ and 夢想街 57 號 Mengxiangjie 57hao ‘No.57 Dream Street’.

The results reveal that the Englishized structures suggested in the literature have already localized as part of Chinese grammar at least early since twenty years ago. Thus, the comparison between the writing in 1988 and in 2010 does not show significant difference. As for the Englishized structures in oral Taiwan Mandarin, it is found that they are popular in speaking, revealing that the use of Englishized structures is not limited to translation or writing but extends to the speech as common expressions.

Comparing the results of the written data and oral data, there is significant difference of the distribution of Englishized structures between two language modes.

The causes of difference can be attributed to the diverse linguistic features in spoken and written languages. Moreover, the distribution of examined Englishized structures in the written and oral data corresponds to the literature of written and spoken English

ii respectively, giving supports to the proposal of these structures as Englishized ones.

Key words: Englishization, language contact

iii Table of Contents

Chinese Abstract ...... i

English Abstract ...... ii

Table of Contents ...... iv

List of Tables ...... vii

List of Abbreviations ...... ix

Chapter One Introduction ...... 1

1.1 Motivation and Goals ...... 1

1.2 Research Questions ...... 3

1.3 Method ...... 3

1.3.1 Data Collection ...... 4

1.3.2 Data Analysis ...... 5

Chapter Two Literature Review ...... 6

2.1 Language Contact ...... 6

2.1.1 The Types of Language Contact ...... 6

2.1.2 The Results of Language Contact ...... 8

2.1.2.1 Contact Induced Language Change ...... 8

2.1.2.2 Extreme Language mixture ...... 10

2.1.2.3 Language Death ...... 11

2.1.3 Interim Summary ...... 12

2.2 Historical Development of Englishization of Chinese ...... 12

2.3 Englishization of Chinese: Diachronic and Synchronic Approaches ...... 15

2.4 Englishized Syntactic Structures ...... 19

2.4.1 Increasing Use of Subjects ...... 20

2.4.2 Increased use of the copula shi ‘to be’ ...... 22

2.4.3 Lengthening of sentences: modifying clauses with head nouns ...... 24

iv 2.4.4 Variety of third person and impersonal singular and plural pronouns ...... 27

2.4.5 Extended use of the passive construction 被 Bei ...... 28

2.4.6 Use of preposition and increasing use of conjunction ...... 31

2.4.7 當 Dang ‘When’ as a conjunction ...... 32

2.4.8 在 Zai as preposition and an auxiliary ...... 34

2.4.9 Increasing use of 一 Yi (one) and Classifiers ...... 36

2.4.10 Reversing the order of subordinating clauses ...... 38

2.4.11 Pronoun before the antecedent ...... 39

2.4.12 Pronominal heads with adjective or adjective clauses ...... 40

2.4.13 Position of the Speaker in Direct Quotations ...... 40

2.4.14 前者…後者 Qianzhe…houzhe ‘the former…, the latter’ ...... 41

2.4.15 Expansion of the Construction 可能 Keneng ‘May’ ...... 42

2.4.16 The construction of 之一 Zhiyi ‘one of’ ...... 43

2.4.17 Pronouns in possessive and object position ...... 44

2.4.18 Lexical nominalization ...... 45

2.4.19 Interim Summary ...... 46

2.5 Chapter Summary ...... 49

Chapter Three Results and Discussion ...... 50

3.1 The Results of the Written Data in 1988 and 2010 ...... 50

3.1.1 Pronouns ...... 50

3.1.1.1 Increasing use of pronouns as subject ...... 51

3.1.1.2 Increasing use of pronouns as object and possessive ...... 55

3.1.2 Long Pre-modifiers ...... 58

3.1.3 Insertion of Yi ‘one’ and Classifiers ...... 61

3.1.4 Passive Structure Bei ...... 64

3.1.5 Lexical Verbal Nominalization ...... 67

3.1.6 Concessive Clauses in the Final Position ...... 70

v 3.1.7 Other Englishized Patterns ...... 70

3.1.7.1 Other Prepositions ...... 71

3.1.7.2 之一 Zhiyi ‘one of’ ...... 73

3.1.7.3 前者…後者 Qianzhe…houzhe ‘the former… the latter’ ...... 73

3.1.8 Summary and Discussion ...... 74

3.2 The Results of the Oral Data in 2010 ...... 75

3.2.1 Pronouns ...... 76

3.2.1.1 Increasing use of subject pronouns ...... 76

3.2.1.2 Increasing use of object pronouns ...... 86

3.2.1.3 Increasing use of possessive pronouns ...... 89

3.2.2 Long Pre-modifiers ...... 93

3.2.3 Insertion of Yi ‘one’ and Classifiers ...... 95

3.2.4 Passive Structure Bei ...... 96

3.2.5 Lexical Verbal Nominalization ...... 98

3.2.6 Concessive Clauses in the Final Position ...... 100

3.2.7 Other Englishized Patterns ...... 100

3.2.7.1 Other Prepositions ...... 101

3.2.7.2 之一 Zhiyi ‘one of’ ...... 101

3.2.7.3 前者…後者 Qianzhe…houzhe ‘the former… the latter’ ...... 102

3.2.8 Summary and Discussion ...... 102

3.3 General Summary and Discussion ...... 103

Chapter Four Conclusion ...... 108

4.1 General Summary and Implications ...... 108

4.2 Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research ...... 109

Reference ...... 111

vi

List of Tables

Table 1. The Englishized syntactic patterns discussed in the literature (Wang 1947, Tsao 1978, Kubler 1985, Hsu 1994, Wang 2002, He 2004, Yu 2006) ...... 48

Table 2.1. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of inanimate third person pronouns in the written data in 1988 and 2010 ...... 54

Table 2.2. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized pronouns as subject in the written data in 1988 and 2010 ...... 55

Table 2.3. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized pronouns as object and possessive in the written data in 1988 and 2010 58

Table 3.1. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of long pre-modifiers in the written data in 1988 and 2010 ...... 60

Table 3.2. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of the position of long pre-modifiers in the written data in 1988 and 2010 ...... 60

Table 3.3. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of the number of phrases or clauses of long pre-modifiers in the written data in 1988 and 2010 ...... 61

Table 4 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized insertion of yi and classifiers in the written data in 1988 and 2010...... 63

Table 5 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized passive bei structure in the written data in 1988 and 2010...... 66

Table 6 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of lexical verbal nominalization in the written data in 1988 and 2010...... 69

Table 7 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of other prepositions in the written data in 1988 and 2010...... 72

Table 8 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of zhiyi in the written data in 1988 and 2010...... 73

Table 9 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of qianzhe…houzhe in the written data in 1988 and 2010...... 74

vii Table 10 Comparison of the number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of each Englishized pattern in the written data in 1988 and 2010...... 75

Table 11.1 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized referential subject pronouns in 2010 oral data (from high to low)...... 81

Table 11.2 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized non-referential subject pronouns in 2010 oral data (from high to low). .. 85

Table 11.3 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized referential object pronouns in 2010 oral data (from high to low) ...... 87

Table 11.4 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized non-referential object pronouns in 2010 oral data (from high to low). .... 88

Table 11.5 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized pronouns in 2010 oral data...... 92

Table 12 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of long pre-modifiers in 2010 oral data...... 94

Table 13 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized insertion of yi and classifiers in 2010 oral data...... 95

Table 14 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized passive bei structure in 2010 oral data...... 98

Table 15 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of lexical verbal nominalization in 2010 oral data...... 99

Table 16 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of other prepositions in 2010 oral data...... 101

Table 17 The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of each Englishized pattern in 2010 oral data...... 102

Table 18. Comparison of the number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of each Englishized pattern in all the data ...... 104

viii List of Abbreviations The abbreviations used in the interlinear glosses are as follows:

BA ba (把) BEI bei (被) C/F copula/focus marker shi (是) DE de (的) CL classifier DU durative aspect zai, zhe (在,著) EXP experiential aspect guo (過) LK linking adverb jiu (就) NEG negative marker NM nominalizer de(的) MAS manner adverb suffix de (地) PF perfective aspect le (了) PN person/place name PT particle SUO particle suo (所)

ix Chapter 1 Introduction

1.1 Motivation and Goals

Englishization, or so called Euorpeanization and Westernization of Mandarin, has long been a subject of interest since the 1950s.1 Englishization of languages refers to a linguistic phenomenon where the linguistic features of a local language are influenced by English due to its contact with English. Since English is a lingua franca, nowadays its infulence is widespread and beyond geographical limitation, especially with the help of translation, mass media, internet and even English teaching.

Englishization can be found in the countries in which there is a lack of direct contact with English native speakers, such as Japan, Korea, and China (Wang, 1947;

Hsu, 1994; Shim, 1994; Baik, 1992, 1994; Fujii, 1988). The development of

Englishization of Mandarin grows rapidly after May Fourth movement in 1919

(Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a). Since then the influence of English has been observed not only on the lexical level but also in morphology and even in syntax

(Wang, 1947; Tsao, 1978; Kubler, 1985a; Yu, 2006; Hsu, 1994). Generally, the influence on the syntactic level occurrs later than the other level of changes, and it usually implies that foreign influence is deep and profound enough to affect language structures.

1 In the previous studies, while discussing the linguistic phenomenon of Chinese influenced by English, there are three terms used by the scholars alternatively, Europeanization, Westernization and Englishization. Early scholars tended to use Europeanization, like Wang (1947), Kubler (1985), etc. Yu (2006) used Westernization, and Hsu (1994) adopted Englishization. Since the source language is mainly from English until nowadays the dominant foreign language contact is with English, and thus in the present study the most specific term, Englishization, is chosen to replace all others to avoid possible confusion.

1

With regard to the Englishization of Mandarin in Taiwan, the renowned

Chinese scholar and writer, Yu Guang Zhong, has criticized the phenomenon of

Englishization in modern Chinese for years. As previous studies have shown (Wang,

1947; Kubler, 1985a; Yu, 2006; Tsao, 1978), the influence of English has always been in progress especially given the frequent contact of Mandarin and English in the last two decades. Based on this assumption, the current study aims to further explore Englishization in Chinese, and the focus is on the syntactic level. Since syntactic borrowings usually occur later than other levels and it is debated that whether syntactic borrowings can occur between different language families

(Haugen, 1950; Givon, 1979; Bickerton, 1981; Thomason and Kaufman, 1988;

McMahon, 1994; Thomason, 2001), it would be interesting to look into

Englishization of Mandarin on the syntactic level.

Moreover, previous studies only discussed Englishization in written Mandarin, but the Englishization of oral speech was left untouched. As translated works are major sources of Englishization, it is natural that the influence would be earlier shown on the written mode (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a; Hsu, 1994). Wang (1947) even asserted that the Englishized syntactic structures are rarely found and rather difficult to be adopted in speaking. Thus, the present study aims at examining the validity of

Wang‘s assertion. It is predicted that the usage of Englishized structures has been localized and nativized as part of Chinese grammar due to widespread English influence (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a; Hsu, 1994; Yu, 2006). Therefore, the

Englishized structures are expected to be frequent in use not only in writing but also in speaking. The studies of written language and spoken language reveal that due to different properties of language modes, there may be a discrepancy of the distribution of Englishized patterns between these two modes (Biber, 1988; Biber et al., 1999,

2006; Bennett, 1977; Chafe and Danielwicz, 1987; Chafe and Tannen, 1987; Chafe, 2

1990; Chafe, 1994; DeVito, 1967, etc.).

In short, it is proposed that the influence of English may elicit syntactic changes on Taiwan Mandarin; however, we do not assert that it is the only incentive of causing changes. Other factors, such as social developments, pragmatic factors, or universal tendency, may also contribute to the changes and usage of syntactic patterns. In the present study, we focus on the influence of English, while other factors will be incorporated into the discussion whenever necessarily.

1.2 Research Questions

In this thesis, we probe into Englishization of Taiwan Mandarin on syntactic level specifically. The following research questions are addressed:

1. What are the occurrence and frequency of the Englishized syntactic

structures in written Taiwan Mandarin?

2. What are the occurrence and frequency of the Englishized syntactic

structures in oral Taiwan Mandarin?

3. What can possibly account for the results of Question 1 and Question 2?

In order to answer the above questions, we investigate both written and spoken data. The method for data collection and data analysis in the present study are introduced in Section 1.3.

1.3 Method

This section presents the method of collecting data and the criteria of analyzing data. For data collection, we introduce the databank of spoken and written materials to investigate the real use of Englishized syntactic structures among people in Taiwan. 3

For data analysis, we introduce the criteria used to determine Englishized syntactic structures and the measurement of their frequency.

1.3.1 Data Collection

The study investigates both written and spoken data. The written data were selected from two magazines, 新新聞 Xinxinwen ‗The Journalist‘ and 天下 Tienxia

‗Common Wealth‘. ‗The Journalist‘ is published weekly, and it is a well-known political magazine in Taiwan. ‗Common Wealth‘ is a biweekly published magazine, focusing on economic and financial issues. The reasons that we chose these two magazines are as the following: (1) their target audiences are both general public and without requirement of professional knowledge, (2) their language uses are formal in style but not too literary, and (3) their focuses, economy and politics, are different but closely related.

From each magazine we selected two issues in 1988 and in 2010 respectively.

The articles from 1988 were chosen to compare with the current writing to observe the changes during the last twenty-two years. The publications in 1988 were selected due to the fact that it is the earliest year that we could get the full texts from The

Journalist, which was founded in March, 1987.

To avoid the bias of topics and writing styles, we selected articles from two broad categories evenly, namely, hard news (economy/politics) and soft news

(life/entertainment). From each issue, we chose three articles from the economic and political categories, and another three from the living and entertaining categories.

We only examined the main body of the articles, excluding titles and tables of contents. The total number of analyzed magazine articles is 24. The written data in

1988 include about 52,704 morphemes, and there are 40,848 morphemes in 2010 written data. Since Hsu (1994) summarized the Englishized structures thoroughly, 4 those structures will be the focus of our attention. We will investigate whether they are still used in the current writing, and how they evolve compared with the writing in

1988.

As for the spoken data, we recorded four television talk shows in 2009 and

2010 in Taiwan. Each program ran one hour without overlapping topics and was fully transcribed, amounting to four hours in total. The total of morphemes in the oral data is 61,517. Just as in the written data, the contents of talk shows fall into two broad categories, soft and hard topics. The two shows discussing soft topics are 今晚誰當

家 Jinwan shei dangjia ‗Who Hosts Tonight‘ and 王牌大賤諜 Wangpai da jiandie

‗Top Spy‘, which are both entertaining talk shows. The other two shows of hard topics are 關鍵時刻 Guanjian shike ‗Crucial Moment‘ and 夢想街 57 號 Mengxiangjie

57hao ‗No.57 Dream Street‘. The topics of these two talk shows focus on economic, political and social issues. The oral data are collected for exploring Englishization of oral Mandarin.

1.3.2 Data Analysis

The current study explores the Englishization of Chinese from synchronic and also diachronic perspectives. Since we intend to discuss the Englishization of Chinese in both spoken and written languages, the same criteria of Englishization are applied to analyze the spoken and written data.

The criteria are based on a summary of the literature to be introduced in Section

2.4 (Wang, 1947; Tsao, 1978; Kubler, 1985a; Hsu, 1994; Wang, 2002; He, 2004; Yu,

2006). After analyzing and categorizing all target Englishized structures, the frequency of each structure will be measured against the total frequency of morphemes in each text.

5

Chapter 2 Literature Review

In this chapter, we briefly review previous research on the notions of language contact and how it causes language change in Chinese; then we present and summarize the literature of Englishization on Mandarin, focusing on the syntactic aspect. Section 2.1 introduces the concept of language contact, and the consequences of it. In section 2.2, we discuss historical developments of the interaction and contact between Chinese and English, and the process of Englishization on Chinese. We further discuss previous studies of Englishization of Chinese in Section 2.3. Section

2.4 introduces the Englishized syntactic patterns, which is the focus of the present study. The criteria and the examples of the Englishized patterns from the literature are also provided.

2.1 Language Contact

Before discussing previous studies regarding the Englishization of Mandarin, we briefly summarize the concepts and the concequences of language cotact. This section is divided into two parts: section 2.1.1 introduces the types of language contact, and

2.1.2 is the results of language contact.

2.1.1 The Types of Language Contact

Language contact can be divided into two types in terms of the type of interaction involved. The first type involves contact through the spoken interaction mode. It is suggested that two or more languages are considered to be in contact if they are used alternatively by at least some of the speakers (Kubler, 1985a: 19;

Weinreich, 1974: 1; Hsu, 1994). Lehiste (1988: 28) maintained that language contact takes place between speakers of different languages in contact situations. Thomason

6

(2001: 3) suggested that ‗language contact most often involves face-to-face interactions among groups of speakers, at least some of whom speak more than one language in a particular geographical locality.‘ Generally, it is indicated that speakers are the locus of the contact.

Thomason (2001) proposed that different language groups of speakers in contact are often neighbors. A typical example is Switzerland, which has four language groups (i.e. French, German, Italian, and Romansh). An individual from one group may join another language group through social practices, such as intermarriage, colonization, immigration, and slavery. In modern society, immigration is the typical route for the occurrence of language contact; many immigrant groups in the United

States fall into this category. An example of the contact through slavery is Atlantic slave trade (16th - 19th century). About twelve million Africans from the central and western parts of the continent were enslaved by Europeans and brought to the colonies in North and South America.

Moreover, it is argued that language contact can occur through education and religion (McMahon, 1994; Thomason, 2001). A typical example is English as a required course in non-English speaking areas (e.g., Japan, Korea, China, Taiwan, etc.). Almost people all over the world are learning English, and many of them have never interacted or communicated with native speakers of English. Religion is another source of language contact. The languages of sacred texts contact other languages in different parts of the world through introduction of religion. For example, the spread of Latin to many countries is due to Christianity. Notice that these types of language contact may or may not have face-to-face communication between speakers of two language groups.

The other type of contact, which has not been widely explored and discussed in the literature, is contact through translation (Danchev, 1984; Kachru, 1994; Steiner, 7

2008; Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a; Hsu, 1994). Steiner (2008) regarded translation as

an important venue of influence in language contact. Baumgarten and Ȍzҫetin (2008)

proposed that language variation can be induced through language contact in

translation, and the example given is the use of first person plural pronoun wir in

German translated works. It is found that the use of first person plural pronouns we

and wir in English original texts and German translations shows great similarities in

both their frequencies and distributions.

In short, there are two major types of language contact: contact with spoken

interaction and contact without direct spoken interaction.

2.1.2 The Results of Language Contact

Language contact may lead to different extents of language changes on different

linguistic aspects. To generalize the results of language contact, here we adopt

Thomason‘s (2001) distinction into three categories: contact induced language change

(i.e. borrowing), extreme language mixture (i.e. pidgins and creoles), and language

death (i.e. Yingkarta), which are illustrated below.

2.1.2.1 Contact Induced Language Change

According to McMahon (1994: 209), ‗in general, the lexicon is most easily and

radically affected, followed by the phonology, morphology and finally the syntax.‘

Among all aspects of contact induced lexical language change, the most common

type of consequences is lexical borrowing (Thomason, 2001), for example, the

French loanwords in English, like fiancé, beef, pork and so on, which is caused by the

Norman conquest in 1066 (Baugh and Cable, 2002). As for phonological influences

due to language contact, for instance, in English the distinction between the pair

phonemes /f/ and /v/, which were originally an allophonic pair in Old English, is 8 caused by the French influence (McMohan, 1994; Baugh and Cable, 2002). The case of morphological borrowing would be like the Chinese suffix 性 -xing (e.g. 獨特性 dutexing ‗uniqueness‘) derived from English suffixes -tion, -ty, and -ness (Tsao, 1978;

Kubler, 1985a). The semantic change can be a process of borrowing semantic meaning from another language, like the German word realisieren influenced by

English realize. Realize in English has two meanings: ‗to make something come true‘ and ‗to understand‘. The original meaning of German realiseren is the former one, but today it also has the meaning of ‗to understand‘ due to the English affect (cf.

Baumgarten and Ȍzҫetin, 2008).

The most pervasive influence is syntactic change. Regarding syntactic changes, there are examples of syntactic borrowing between different language families. For example, Finnish, a Uralic language, has switched from a typical Uralic SOV word order to an SVO order due to the impact of neighboring Indo-European languages

(Thomason, 2001). Thomason and Kaufman (1988) also proposed that what primarily determines the results of language contact should be the sociolinguistic history of the speakers rather than purely linguistic factors; for example, the length of contact, degree of bilingualism, the intensity of contact situation. McMahon (1994) suggested that the extent and type of structural borrowing will depend largely on social attitudes.

In other words, the extent and the direction of borrowing are socially determined.

Noticeably, McMahon (1994: 210) also added that ‗in cases of light or moderate structural borrowing, the features borrowed are typically those which fit typologically into the borrowing language‘.

As for the possibility of written language contact resulting in syntactic change,

Thomason and Kaufman (1988) proposed that most cases of slight structural borrowing involve borrowing from a prestigious literary language. In these cases, contact is through writing, and the source language may be known to borrowers only 9 on the syntactic level. The examples can be found in some Asia countries, like China,

Japan and Korea. Shim (1994) and Baik (1992, 1994) proposed that the contact between English and Korean through education and translation leads to the occurrence of Englishized syntactic structures in Korean, such as multiple modifying clauses, which is influenced by the long and embedded relative clauses in English.

Japanese is also influenced by English on syntactic level, for instance, the extensive use of passive structures (Fujii, 1988). In terms of the contact between modern

Chinese and other languages, the major foreign influence is from English (Kubler,

1985a; Wang, 1947; Yu, 2006; Hsu, 1994). The historical development of the contact between English and Chinese, and the resulting Englishization of Chinese will be introduced in Section 2.2, 2.3 and 2.4.

2.1.2.2. Extreme Language Mixture

Extreme language mixture includes pidgins and creoles (Thomason, 2001).

Pidgins and creoles usually go together, since ‗they both develop in social contexts where few or no members of different language groups in contact are bilingual or multilingual in each other‘s language‘ (Thomason, 2001: 158). However, there are still significant differences between pidgins and creoles. Pidgins are created by the first generation of two (or more) contact language groups to communicate with each other. A defining feature of pidgins is an extreme structural simplification. As it is nobody‘s native language, the use of pidgins is usually limited to the purpose of intergroup communication. A pidgin may be later developed into a creole, becoming the native language of a speech community; the grammar of creoles is much more complex compared with pidgins.

Singlish is an example of English-based creole, spoken in Singapore. In the past and even today the major residents of Singapore are Chinese, followed by Malays and 10

Indians. In other words, originally Singapore was a non-English country, and its contact with English can be dated back to the colonization of British from 1819 to

1965. Even after the independence of Singapore in 1965, English is still the most important official language. However, many Singaporeans who are less educated or of lower social status cannot speak fluent English, they speak a local variety called

‗Singlish‘ instead. Singlish is greatly influenced by Chinese languages and Malay, and the influences can be found in phonology, morphology, lexicon, pragmatics, and syntax. For example, the tense and aspect of verb in Singlish is often unmarked, since

Chinese and Malay are without morphologically marked tense and agreement features.

Therefore, instead of saying ‗Last year I stayed three months in Germany,‘ it would be

‗Last year I stay three months in Germany,‘ in Singlish (Gopinathan et al., 1998;

Choon, et al., 2004; Tan, 2005, etc).

2.1.2.3 Language Death

In contrast to the emergence of new contact languages, such as pidgins and creoles, language death is the process of disappearance of languages. It happens when all speakers of that language shift to another language or when all native speakers die all of a sudden due to massacre or disease (Thomason, 2001). Take an Australian aboriginal language, Yingkarta language, as an example. A fieldworker of this language, Dench, found that all his consultants (i.e. six speakers) have limited language ability ranging from semi-speaker to limited fluency. All speakers spoke some other languages in that area, and there are inconsistencies in the data. Thus,

Dench reported that he was unable to record any texts from his consultants (Dench,

1998, cited in Thomason, 2001). In other words, this Yingkarta is regarded as a dead language.

11

2.1.3 Interim Summary

In this section, we have reviewed previous studies regarding the types and

results of language contact. We have identified that there are two major types of

language contact, spoken language contact (i.e. with face-to-face communication) and

written language contact (i.e. translation). We have also introduced the results of

language contact, which can be categorized into contact induced language change,

extreme language mixture, and language death. For the affected language aspects,

aside from changes of lexicon, phonology, morphology and semantics, syntactic

change is also attested. From some previous researches of Korean, Japanese and

Chinese, it is shown that indirect language contacts between English and other Asian

languages lead to Englishization of the local languages. Before discussing

Englishization of Mandarin, to have a better understanding, we have to understand the

history of the contact between English and Chinese first. In the next section, we will

introduce the historical development of Englishization of Chinese.

2.2 Historical Development of Englishization of Chinese

For the initiation of Englishization, Tsien (1954) found that the impact can be

traced back to the end of sixteen century, which is brought by the translation works

from priests. However, the greatest number of translation was produced after 1910s.

Kubler (1985a) pointed out that since 19th century many aspects of Chinese culture

have been influenced by the West, including language. In the beginning, the influence

was mainly on the lexical level, while the grammar of Chinese changed very little and

slowly until the May Fourth movement in 1919, when the vernacular written style was

proposed at that time. Wang (1947) also described the rapid change of Chinese after

the founding of the Republic of China; he even claimed that grammatical change of

this period is greater than the whole period from Han Dynasty to Qing Dynasty. 12

Regarding the causes of this rapid change of Chinese, it is suggested that perhaps it is due to the change of written style, from fixed 文言 wenyan ‗literary‘ style to much more flexible 白話 baihua ‗vernacular‘ style (Kubler, 1985a; Diao, 1999). As the vernacular style was a new way of writing at that time, it had not standardized yet. On the way of formulating new writing style, not only the vernacular speech but also the translated western works have an important contribution and influence as well.

Another incentive of Englishization was the large amount of translations in the early years of this century. A survey by Bauer in 1964 revealed that among all books published in China from 1910 to 1935, 17.9% was translation works from Western languages, and up to 62% of them were translations of English. In fact, almost all the new grammatical features can find their traces or origins in the translation works

(Kubler, 1985a). Some translators just translated foreign works words by words, and usually it was still with the grammar of source languages. That is why translations would be the incentive of Englishization. Moreover, a group of translators chose

Englishized structures in their translations deliberately, who argued that faithfulness is the top priority in terms of translations, and the language use should be faithful to the source language (Yu, 2006). Many famous contemporary writers also hold this view, like 魯迅 Lu Xun, who emphasized the importance of faithfulness and contended that even though the translation may sound awkward or unnatural in the beginning, when time went by readers can accept it. What‘s more, he even claimed that the Englishized style of language should be supported, since the traditional Chinese grammar is not subtle or precise enough. Some writers were more aggressive than Lu Xun; they even took translations as a bridge of introducing and shaping a new and modern Chinese

(Kubler, 1985a).

The Englishization trend discussed above is not only limited to translators, but further influences the young generation of Chinese readers. Even though most Chinese 13 had never learned or barely known any foreign language at that time, their writings were influenced by Western languages through imitation of those contemporary writers.

Thus, the Englishized usage is not limited in translations but it extends to common people‘s writing as well (Kubler, 1985a; Diao, 1999).

Kubler (1985a) proposed that other social developments and changes also helped the trend of Englishization indirectly, such as the great increase of publishing. After

May Fourth, not only books but also magazines and newspaper become more and more popular. Compared with the ancient literature, the language in the newspapers and magazines is close to spoken language, which is more flexible, so it carries more features of 白話文 baihuawen ‗vernacular writing‘, including those Englishized features. Thus, it can enhance the trend of Englishization as well. Another source of foreign language influence is English teaching. English is an important subject at school; in the early days, the English learning materials were mainly translated rigidly into stilted Chinese. Students needed to study hard to memorize these vocabulary and patterns, and gradually students might apply such usage to their own writing and speech.

Last but not least, people‘s attitude toward Englishization is an important factor.

After May Fourth movement, many young people embraced all kinds of western

things and treated them as modern, logical and progressive, including languages.

Kubler (1985a) observed that most writers seemed to agree that foreign borrowings

can make Chinese become richer, more logical and more scientific to serve the needs

of a modern society.

To sum up, when vernacular Chinese writing style is under development and in

flux, English is widely introduced into Chinese at the same time and even regarded as

a model of modern language. Therefore, even though most Chinese are not fluent in

English, English has found its way to influence Chinese through the media and 14 translation, and not only limited to lexicon but also grammar. Kubler (1985a) observed that before 1949 Englishized grammar was generally regarded not as part of

Chinese grammar; however, after 1949 Englishized grammar is integrated into

Chinese grammar so that most Chinese speakers under the age of sixty may not be aware of the foreign influence.

2.3 Englishizaion of Chinese: Diachronic and Synchronic Approaches

Scholars who investigated the Englishization of Chinese have approached this issue from a diachronic or a synchronic perspective, or both. The earliest systematic, linguistic and thorough research on Englishization was Wang Li‘s study in 1947, whose approach was both synchronic and diachronic. He observed the modern

Chinese materials, which were collected from creative literary works in the 20‘s and

30‘s. Besides, he compared the modern materials with the novel ‗Dream of the Red

Chamber‘ which was written in Qing Dynasty and assumed to be unaffected by

English. Wang (1947) listed more than thirty Englishized constructions, including the increasing use of disyllabic words, the increasing use of subjects and copula, the lengthening of sentences, and so on. The constructions found in his book include morphological and syntactic levels, while he did not discuss these two levels separately.

Following Wang‘s works, Tsao (1978) attempted to observe the development of many phenomena noted by Wang (1947) after 30 years. He adopted the diachronic approach to study this issue, and following Wang he also used ‗Dream of the Red

Chamber‘ as the point of departure. In addition, 100 words from 論語 Lunyu

‗Confucius‘s Analects‘ were also examined. As for the modern materials, the first twenty pages of 瓊瑤 Qiong-yao‘s novel, ‗Boats‘, and a few short articles from the

Central Daily News Library Supplement have been selected. Tsao (1978) is the first 15 scholar discussing Englishization of Chinese based on morphological and syntactic levels respectively. The morphological changes discussed in his study are the increase in the use of disyllabic and polysyllabic words and the use of suffix. As for the syntactic aspects, Tsao (1978) explained that the English influence on Chinese syntax has been too extensive to discuss within the scope of his study, so only several interesting aspects are noted. The syntactic structures studied in his article are the extension of bei-construction, increase in the use of yi ‗one‘ and classifiers, the expansion of 可能 keneng ‗may‘ construction. Basically, his illustrations elaborated on Wang‘s study with evidence of his own diachronic research, and the phenomenon of Englishization is further supported.

Kubler‘s study in 1985 is another influential diachronic research. The data were collected from 巴金 Ba Jin‘s novel 家 Jia ‗Home‘ which have two editions, 1931 and

1957. According to Kubler, the criteria of deciding Englishized grammar were a combination of several factors: (1) a comparison of Jia with parts of the traditional novel 兒女英雄傳 Ernu yingxiong zhuan ‗Records of Heroic Sons and Daughters‘;

(2) a comparison of the two versions of Jia; the literature of Chinese grammar and the opinions of native speakers, (3) and the author himself as a sensitive and objective

Chinese reader. Findings were also discussed on morphological and syntactic aspects respectively. In terms of morphology, he focused on the increase use of suffix, like 們

-men, 的 -de, 著 -zhe, and some other new suffixes. As for the Englishized syntactic structures, there are more than ten constructions, such as the neuter pronouns 它 ta ‗it‘ and 它們 tamen ‗they‘, increase of subjects, the passive construction, and so on. By comparison between the two versions of Jia, it is found that the amount of Englishized structures is reduced in the revised version. In other words, the author seemed to be aware of the foreignness and unnaturalness of the usage, so he changed those Englishized structures into the traditional uses (Kubler, 16

1985a: 80). Compared with Wang‘s (1947) study, Kubler (1985a) found three morphological innovations and some other suffixes, while the syntactic aspect basically falls within the frame of Wang‘s observation.

Other more recent diachronic studies of Englishization of Chinese are conducted by linguists in Hong Kong and China (e.g., Wang, 2002; He, 2004; Shi and

Zhu, 2000; Shi et al., 2003, etc.), and the commonality of all these researches is that their studies are based on the observations in the literature as mentioned above (e.g.,

Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a). That is to say, there are only a few new categories of

Englishized structures, especially the syntactic aspects. Their main contribution is using statistics to support the existence of the previously found Englishized patterns, which was lacking in the past studies. K. F. Wang (2002) discussed how translation influences modern Chinese. He particularly examined the amount of multisyllabic words and the passive structure by comparing two novels ‗Dream of the Red

Chamber‘ and 駱駝祥子 Luotuo Xiangzi ‗Rickshaw Boy‘, and the results reveal that the latter, published in 1936, has higher frequency of the Englishized structures than the former. Y. He (2004) also conducted a diachronic study of Englishization of

Chinese; the data are from three years of Beijing Youth Daily, 1956, 1982 and 2000.

He selected one article from news section and another from literature section every

Tuesday to avoid the effect of writing style. The focus of the research is on the increase of sentence length, which is influenced by the long premodifiers. The result supports the hypothesis that the length of sentence indeed increases (See Section 2.4 for details). In short, both Wang (2002) and He‘s (2004) studies provide statistic evidence to support the development of particular Englishized structures in Chinese.

Compared with diachronic studies, synchronic and analytic approaches are more frequently adopted in the recent studies (e.g., Hsu, 1994; Shi and Zhu, 2000; Shi et al.,

2003). Most recent linguistic studies addressing this issue are done by Hong Kong 17 and China scholars (e.g., Wang, 2002; He, 2004; Shi and Zhu, 2000; Shi et al., 2003, etc.), and their methodology and findings are basically within the frame of the literature (e.g., Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a). Though there are a few new structures, the influence of Cantonese or local usage of Putonghua cannot be excluded (cf. Shi and Zhu, 2000; Shi et al., 2003), which is different from Taiwan Mandarin and their findings cannot be directly applied to the present study.

The latest synchronic study of Englishization of Chinese in Taiwan is Hsu‘s dissertation in 1994. Aside from continuing the study of Englishinzation on modern

Chinese in Taiwan on a morpho-syntactic level, there are two main contributions of her study; firstly, she discussed written and spoken Chinese respectively. Second, she explored the sociolinguistic factors of Englishization of Chinese, that is, speakers‘ attitudes toward Englishized structures and the influence of speakers‘ background on their attitudes. The investigation includes analysis of collected data and questionnaires. The data consist of thirty-minute radio news in 1990 and published materials from newspapers, magazines and creative writings from 1989 to 1994.

Since the focus of her study is sociolinguistic factors, the parts of discussion of morphological and syntactic features are a summary of the literature (e.g., Wang,

1947; Tsao, 1978; Kubler, 1985a; Yu, 2006) and with some supporting evidence from her data. In the present study, the categorization of syntactic patterns is based on her summary, which will be further illustrated in Section 2.4.

With regard to the questionnaire, it aims at testing speakers‘ usage of certain

Englishized structures and also the acceptability toward them. The results of questionnaires show that the extent of using and accepting the Englishized structures is greatly influenced by the compatibility of the patterns with the native grammar. In addition, personal background differences, such as age, education, and the knowledge and proficiency of English, influence the usage and attitudes significantly. The 18

analysis also reveals that though the degree of the usage of Englishized patterns

correlates with the degree of acceptability, there is discrepancy between the rates of

these two. The rate of usage is far lower than the rate of acceptability, which suggests

that people are more conservative toward using those borrowed forms than accepting

them. As for the distinction between the written and oral modes, Englishized patterns

are mainly confined to the written mode; in the spoken mode, there are mainly

morphological Englishized patterns, but not the complex syntactic patterns, which

supports Wang‘s hypothesis in 1947, that it is difficult for the Englishized patterns to

affect the oral speech.

Aside from linguists, the famous scholar, 余光中 Yu Guang Zhong, a

well-known English translator and Chinese writer who was born in the 1920s, has

been aware of the widespread Englishization of Chinese and has presented extensive

discussion on the Englishized patterns of Chinese (Yu, 2006). Though his viewpoints

are prescriptive, his observations and examples, which will be elaborated in 2.4,

provide an important reference for Englishization of Chinese.

To sum up, Wang‘s (1947) study provides a thorough and systematic list of

Englishized structures, which is a representative and widely-cited research. The

following Englishization researches are all influenced by or based on his findings.

From all these diachronic and synchronic researches, the Englishization of Mandarin

is supported.

2.4 Englishized Syntactic Structures

Since the focus of the present study is the syntactic structures of Englishized sentences/utterances, in this section, we introduce the Englishized syntactic structures in the literature. In the following, the introduction of each Englishized syntactic structure will be mainly based on Hsu‘s (1994) categorization, and other related 19 studies will be cited and my viewpoints will be incorporated in the discussion as well.

2.4.1 Increasing Use of Subjects

Noticeably, the examples of this category provided in the literature are all

pronouns as subjects, and thus here ‗subjects‘ in fact refers to ‗pronominal subjects‘

(Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a; Yu, 2006; Hsu, 1994).

In traditional Chinese, the subject can be omitted once it is recoverable from the

context or the subject is a habitual use (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a). Chinese is

generally regarded as a topic-prominent language (Chao, 1968). On the other hand,

English is a subject-predicate language. Grammatically, an English sentence must

have a subject and a predicate. As for Chinese, sentences containing only a predicate

are more common in Chinese than in English due to the frequent omission of

pronominal subject (Norman, 1988). It is proposed that once the subject can be

understood from the context, it can always be omitted (Liu, 1964). Besides, in

traditional Chinese if a subject has already occurred in conditional, temporal, and

concessive clauses, it may not reappear in the main clause. In short, the use of

subjects in modern Chinese increases due to the influence of English, since subjects

are required in English sentences. The examples of the Englishized use from the

literature are illustrated as below. In (1), the underlined pronouns can be omitted

traditionally.

(1) > 小孩子 做 事， 完全 由於 他 的 興趣。 他 可以 寫 字， Xiaohaizi zuo shi, wanquan youyu ta de xingchu ta keyi xie zi, Little child do thing ,totally because his DE interest. He can write word, 但 他 並 非 欲 成 一 書家。他 可以 畫畫， 但 他 並 非 欲 成 dan ta bing fei yu cheng yi shujia ta keyi huahua, dan ta bingfei yu cheng but he and NEG want be a writer. He can paint but he and NEG want be 一 畫家。他 更非 欲 以 寫字 畫畫， 得到 所謂 世間 名利 恭敬。 yi huajia ta gengfei yu yi xiezi huahua, dedao suowei shijian mingli gon jing a painter. He NEG want as write paint get so-called world fame respect 20

‗That a child doing things is totally due to his interests. He can write but not because he wants to become a writer. He can draw but not because he wants to become a painter. Most of all, he doesn‘t want to gain fame and fortune through writing or drawing.‘ (Wang 1947: 316)

Another type of Englishized use of the subject is the generic use of pronouns

(Wang, 1947). Traditionally, when the subject refers to common people rather than a specific referent, the subject usually can be omitted as well. On the other hand, the

Englishized uses would adopt 我們 women ‗we‘ or 你 ni ‗you‘ to refer to generic subjects as the cases in English, such as in (2) and (3).

(2) > 不 說 謊 包含 有 兩 種 意義：一、 我們 所 說 的 話， Bu shuo huang baohan you liang zhong yiyi: yi 、women suo shuo de hua, NEG tell lie include have two CL meaning: one, we SUO say DE words 就 恰是 我們 所 想 說 的 話。 二、 我們 所 說 的 話 jiu qiashi women suo xiang shuo de hua er、women suo shuo de hua Just exactly we SUO think say DE words. Two, we SUO say DE words 我們 都 由 肚子 說 出來 了，毫 無 餘 韻。 women dou you duzi shuo chulai le, hao wu yu yun we all from belley say out PF total NEG rest rhyme ‗There are two meanings for not lying. First, what we said is just what we want to say. Second, what we said we all said, without embellishment.‘ (Wang 1947: 318) (3) > 你 要 發現 你 的 朋友 的 真，你 得 有 與 他 單獨 的 機會。 Ni yao faxian ni de pengyou de zhen, ni dei you yu ta dandu de jihui You want find you DE friend NM real, you get have with he alone DE chance 你 要 發現 你自己 的 真，你 得 給 你 自己 一 個 單獨 的 機會。 Ni yao faxian ni ziji de zhen, ni dei gei ni ziji yi ge dandu de jihui You want find yourself NM real you get give you self one CL alone DE chance 你 要 發現 一 個 地方， 你 也 得 有 單獨 玩 的 機會。 Ni yao faxian yi ge difang, ni ye dei you dandu wan de jihui You want find one CL place, you also get have alone paly DE chance. ‗If you want to find your friend‘s genuine, You need to have opportunities to get alone with him alone. If you want to find your own genuine, you need to have opportunities to be with yourself alone. If you want to discover a place, you also need to have opportunities to have fun alone.‘ (Wang 1947: 319)

However, the use of second person pronoun as a generic pronoun may be a universal tendency. In many languages, certain pronouns have a conventionalized generic use,

21 such as English ‗you‘ and ‗they‘ (Mithun, 2003). In other words, the generic use of ni may not be Englishized but universal usage. In fact, it is found that there is a generic use of ni in the ancient literature work 西廂記 Xixiangji ‗Romance of West Chamber‘, which was written in 13th century (Yuan, 2008). Therefore, the claim that generic pronouns are Englishized usage may not be valid. We may only suggest that due to the influence of English the occurrence of generic pronouns increases in modern

Chinese.

In short, it is suggested that the increase of subjects started to appear after the

May Fourth period, since people consider subjectless Chinese sentences as illogical and too vague. They think it is clear to add a subject to a sentence so that the readers do not need to guess the meaning from the context (Kubler 1985a). In the present study, a standardized criterion to judge Englishized pronominal subjects is whether the pronouns are omissible and the deletion of them does not influence the context.

2.4.2 Increased use of the copula shi ‘to be’

Wang (1947) proposed that among the three types of sentences in Chinese: narrative, descriptive, and assertive, only narrative sentences require verbs as predicates. On the other hand, a descriptive sentence takes adjectives as predicates and does not require any verb before the adjectives, such as 天氣很好 tianqi hen hao

‗The weather is good‘. However, due to the fact that in English the copula ‗be‘ is required in the descriptive sentence, 是 shi started to be used in Chinese as an equivalent of ‗be‘. Wang (1947) further proposed that traditionally if 是 shi is used in the descriptive sentence, the structure is always 是…的 shi…de and the frequency of use is not common. However, Hsu (1994) found that such a use is very popular in

Taiwan, as in (4).

22

(4) 這 花 是 紅 的。 Zhe hua shi hong de This fower C/F red NM ‗The flower is red.‘ (Hsu 1994: 87)

Aside from this usage, there is a new Englishized structure, namely, a sentence without de 的 but only shi 是, as realized in the following examples:

(5) 真的 是 活潑 外向。 Zhende shi huopo waixiang Real C/F lively outgoing ‗Is really lively and outgoing‘ (Hsu 1994: 87) (6) 其 發出 的 聲音 是 非常 大。 qi fachu de shengyin shi feichang da it generate NM sound C/F very huge ‗The sound it produced is extremely loud.‘ (Wang 1947: 322) (7) 轟炸機 頭 上 有 兩 三 個 發動機， 發出 來 的 聲音 Hongzhaji tou shang you liang san ge fadongji, fa chu lai de shengyin Bomber head up have two three CL generator, generate come NM sound 是 很 沉重。 shi hen chenchong C/F very heavy ‗There are two to three engines on the head of the bomber, the produced sound is very heavy‘ (Wang 1947: 322)

In Chinese, this structure may be used for emphasis, for example, 天氣是好 tianqi shi hao ‗The weather is good‘. It is suggested that this structure is a nominalized structure, and its function is to emphasize the nominalized part or mark the contrasts,

(Chao, 1968; Li and Thompson, 1981). Noticeably, in Dong‘s (2004) investigation, many instances of shi have gradually become a word-internal element rather than a copula verb. There are many disyllabic X-shi structures, and X refers to a conjunction/adverb, i.e. 還是 haishi ‗still‘, 總是 zongshi ‗always‘. In these instances, shi is not a copula verb linking a subject and complement, and not a focus marker, either. In other words, it is a lexical internal element rather than a copula. This proposal is supported by examining the use of copula shi in the first twenty chapters

23 of the novel ‗Dream of the Red Chamber‘. It is found that the instances of ‗shi + adjective predicate + (de)‘ mainly serve as emphasis marker, and almost all of them take the X-shi construction (namely, lexical internal element), e.g. 都是 doushi ‗all‘,

就是 jiushi ‗even if; exactly‘, 卻是 queshi ‗but‘.

Moreover, from the remaining examples in ‗Dream of the Red Chamber‘, the claim that shi as copula ‗be‘ as an Englishized structure is countered against, since those instances are neither for emphasis nor as X-shi construction, i.e. 不知是真是假 buzhi shi zhen shi jia ‗Don‘t know if it is true or false‘. Based on the literature, the sentence 不知是真是假 buzhi shi zhen shi jia ‗Don‘t know if it is true or false‘ should be a further Englishized pattern as it is even without de. However, since this example is found in ‗Dream of the Red Chamber‘, the suggestion of ‗shi + adjective +

(de)‘ as Englishization may not be valid. Moreover, Payrube (1999) proposed that shi serving as copula ‗be‘ is a result of grammaticalization. Therefore, in the present study, the use of the copula shi ‗to be‘ will not be regarded as Englishization and further analyzed.

2.4.3 Lengthening of sentences: modifying clauses with head nouns

In English, the adjectival phrases or clauses can appear before or after the noun; however, in traditional Chinese, the modifier always precedes the noun, and if the adjective is too long and complicated, then usually the whole sentence is divided into several short sentences (Hsu, 1994). While translating English modifying clauses into

Chinese, people need to make adjustment and the resolution is to put the long clauses or phrases before the noun and mark it with the subordinating particle 的 de. Hsu

(1994) observed that the translators make the following adjustments while translating

English relative clauses: (1) move the relative clause before the head noun, (2) delete the relative pronoun or adverbial, and (3) add the subordinating marker de 的 after the 24

adjectival clauses. It is a new style affected by English and incorporated with Chinese

and English structures, as the following examples.

(8) >那些 自騙自的 相信 不曾 把 他們 自己 的 人格 混到 著作 na xie zipianzide xiangxin buceng ba tamen ziji de renge hundao zhuzuo These self-lie-self believe never BA they self DE personality mix work 裡 去 的 人們， 正是 被 那 最 謬誤 的 幻見 所 欺 的 li qu de renmen, zhengshi bei na zui miuwu de huanjian suo qi de inside go DE people, just BEI that most wrong DE illusion SUO cheat NM 受害者。 shouhaizhe victim. ‗Those who believe that they‘ve never mixed their characters in their works are just the victims who are deceived by the wrongest imaginations.‘ (Wang 1947: 329) (9) > 現 年 42 歲，畢業 於 政治 學校， 先後 曾 多 次 獲得 Xian nian 42 sui, biye yu zhengzhi xuexiao, xianhou ceng duo ci huode Now year 42 year,graduate at politics school, first after ever many time get 水墨畫 首獎 的 林 XX，對於 動物 的 描繪 一向 有 shuimohua shoujiang de lin X X, duiyu dongwu de miaohui yixiang you Chinese painting first prize DE Lin XX, to animal NM depict always have 獨特 的 說法。 dute de shuofa unique DE sayings. ‗Lin XX, who is 42 years old, graduated from the political school, obtaining first prizes of Chinese painting many times, has his unique view on descriptions of animals.‘ (Hsu 1994: 89) (10) >我 決不 原諒 任何 事先 沒有 得到 我 的 同意 就 擅自 Wo juebu yuanliang renhe shixian meiyou dedao wo de tongyi jiu shanzi I never forgive any in advance NEG get I DE approve LK presume 引述 我 的 話 的 人 yinshu wo de hua de ren cite I DE word DE person ‗I never forgive anyone who cites my words without getting my permission in advance.‘ (Yu 2006: 50) (11) > 那 家 公司 並 不 重視 劉 先生 在 工商界 na jia gongsi bing bu chongshi liu xiansheng zai gongshangjie That CL company and NEG repesct Liu Mr. at business world 已經 有 了 三十 多 年 的 經歷 的 這個 事實 yijing you le sanshi duo nian de jingli de zhege shishi already have PF thirty many year NM experience DE this fact ‗That company doesn‘t respect the fact that Mr. Liu has had over thirty years‘ experiences in business.‘ (Yu 2006: 50)

The lengthening of Chinese sentences or pre-modifiers can be caused by an even

25 more fundamental difference between Chinese and English (Pan, 1997; Wei, 2005). It is known that English is a hypotaxis language, i.e. the sentences are embedded with one and another, and connected with connectives. On the other hand, Chinese is a parataxis language, i.e. the arrangement of clauses is one after another without connectives showing the relation between them. Thus, English sentences can be very long and complicated with the embedding structure, while there is no such subordinating structure in Chinese, which makes traditional Chinese sentences much shorter. Nevertheless, due to the English influence, sentence subjects and objects are now often modified by long, embedded clauses marked with the subordinating particle 的 de.

However, though it is agreed that long pre-modifiers are a result of

Englishization, the problem is the lack of objective and concrete criteria of judging long pre-modifiers in the literature. In other words, it is unclear how long the pre-modifier sould be for it to be taken as an Englishized structure.

A criterion is proposed by Lian (1993: 67), who defined a long pre-modifier as one containing two ‗a little bit long‘ phrases or clauses. Following Lian‘s criterion, He

(2004) simply regarded two or more than two modifiers as long pre-modifiers, and applied this criterion to examine the newspaper articles in Mainland China in 1956,

1982 and 2000 respectively. The result showed that there are three tokens of long-premodifiers in 1956 data, but only one in the selected articles of 1982, and then in the data of 2000 there are eleven tokens. Though the difference between the results in 1956 and in 1982 is not significant enough, the occurrences of long pre-modifiers in 2000 data increase significantly comparing with the data in 1956 and 1982.

Therefore, the general tendency of lengthening of sentences is further supported by

He (2004). She also counted the average words per sentence in her study. It is shown that the length of a sentence increases from 35 to 43 words per sentence from 1956 26 data to 1982 data, and then it increases to 51 words per sentence in 2000 data. Thus, it is revealed that the tendency of lengthening of sentences is more and more obvious.

Besides, she also pointed out that lengthening of sentences occurs more in the literary writing than the news report, which corresponds to Hsu‘s observations (1994); that is, long pre-modifiers are commonly used in newspaper and to a lesser degree, in magazines.

Noticeably, He (2004) observed that comparing the examples in 2000 with the cases in 1956 and 1982, the use of a series of short modifiers 的的不休 de de bu siou

‗de repeatedly occurs‘, mentioned by Yu (2006), decreased. It may reveal that long pre-modifiers are widely accepted and its structure is further nativized to avoid the repetition of de (He, 2004). In other words, the writers noticed that too many repetitions of de in a sentence is unnatural in Chinese, so they deleted the redundant use of de which is influenced by the translation of ‗of‘in English. This change implies that the use of long pre-modifiers is no longer restricted to the translation works but also natural writing.

2.4.4 Variety of third person and impersonal singular and plural pronouns

Third person pronouns for the inanimate objects, 它 ta ‗it‘ and 它們 tamen

‗they‘, are very rare in traditional Chinese (Wang, 1947). Kubler (1985a) argued that

它 ta ‗it‘ was originally restricted to the object position and usually preceded by the coverb 把 ba. Chao (1968) also maintained that 它 ta ‗it‘ occurs mostly in the object position and very rarely as subject. What‘s more, 它們 tamen used as neuter ‗they‘ was not in any position but expressed by ta instead. In other words, the use of 它們 tamen ‗they‘ referring to inanimate objects did not exist in traditional Chinese. Chao

(1961) also commented that the use of 它們 tamen ‗they‘ is not grammatical given that there is no plural form of 它 ta ‗it‘. He proposed that tamen is not used for 27 inanimate things in any position unless they are personified. Traditionally, when an inanimate thing needs to be mentioned in the text, the same noun phrase would be repeated in use, or the singular form ta is adopted. However, influenced by ‗it‘ in

English, the inanimate pronouns ta and tamen are frequently used and the usage is exactly as other animate pronouns nowadays, as exemplified in (12) and (13).

(12) 在場 的 人 都 說， 這 是 廣東 來 的 月餅， Zaichang de ren dou shuo, zhe shi guangdong lai de yuebing, At scene DE man all say this C/F Guangdong come DE mooncake > 只是 看著 不敢 吃 它。 zhishi kanzhe bugan chi ta only look dare NEG eat it ‗Everyone at the scene said that it is the moon cake from GuangDong, and dared not eat it but just look at it.‘ (Hsu 1994: 93) (13) 據說 這些 棺材 是 完全 沒有 主 的， Jushuo zhexie guancai shi wanquan meiyou zhu de, According to these coffin C/F whole NEG master NM > 它們 在 這裡 放 了 二十 年。 tamen zai zheli fang le ershi nian They at here put PF twenty year ‗It is said that these coffins are without owners, and they have been put here for twenty years.‘ (Kubler 1985: 79)

Another study in support of inanimate pronouns as an Englishized structure is the comparison between two editions of 家 Jia ‗Home‘ in 1931 and 1957 by Kubler

(1985a). It is found that in the new version of Jia the tokens of pronouns 它 ta ‗it‘ and

它們 tamen ‗they‘ decrease. It can be inferred that the use of neuter ta and tamen may not be natural and traditional-like and therefore altered in the second edition.

2.4.5 Extended use of the passive construction 被 Bei

The Englishization of passive structure has long been a research interest. In classical Chinese, the use of 被 bei is limited to unhappy or unhoped events and ordinarily accompanied by an agent (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a; Huang, 1963, etc.).

However, in modern Chinese the passive constructions are no longer restricted to 28 describing negative meanings or requiring the presence of an agent. Moreover, 被 bei originally was limited to past passive sentences, but now it can be used for present or future ones, as in (14).

(14) 我 不會 被 你 這 句 話 嚇倒。 Wo buhui bei ni zhe gou hua xiadao I not BEI you this sentence words frightened ‗I won‘t be frightened by your word.‘

Hsu (1994) summarized the developments of passive constructions, as illustrated below. First of all, the use of passive constructions increases in modern Chinese.

Traditionally, the frequency of using passive structures was lower than modern

Chinese, and in most cases the passive marker was not overtly expressed, as bei in (15) would be omitted in the traditional Chinese.

(15) 他 的 低下 的 出身 一直 被 保密 著。 Ta de dixia de chushen yizhi bei baomi zhe He DE low NM origin always BEI coceal DU ‗His inferior origin has been concealed.‘ (Yu 2006: 47)

Besides, what is used to be expressed in an active voice is replaced by a passive one in modern Chinese, such as (16). Hsu (1994) observed that some verbs are commonly found in this type of usage, like 問到 wendao ‗ask‘, 詢及 xunji ‗ask‘, 通知 tongzhi

‗notify‘, 招待 zhaodai ‗treat‘ and 允許 yunxu ‗allow‘, and the examples could be found in newspapers, creative writings, and even more in the technical articles in the magazines.

(16) 四位 演員 二十七 日 早上 被 通知 要 到 新聞局 Siwei yanyuan ershiqi ri zaoshang bei tong zhi yao dao xinwenju four actor twenty-seven day morning BEI notify want go Bureau 陪伴 李 總統 觀賞 喜宴。 peiban Li zongtong guanshang xiyan accompany Li president see wedding banquet 29

‗The four actors were notified on the morning of the twenty seventh to go to the Bureau of Information to accompany President Li to view the movie ―The Wedding Banquet.‘ (Hsu 1994: 95)

In addition, there is a tendency of violation against the traditional usage of 被 bei. Aside from the use of non-negative meaning, without agent and non-past tense,

Wei (1953) found other two situations in which bei would be omitted in traditional use: (a) the subject of the sentence is inanimate, and (b) there is no need to express the agent of the action. Thus, bei in (17) can be omitted since 土匪藝術 tufeiyishu

‗degenerate art‘ is an inanimate referent. As for (18), the agent of the action does not need to be expressed overtly since it is recoverable from the context, and consequently the passive marker can be omitted as well.

(17) Entartete Kunst 中文 被 翻做 土匪 藝術 到底 是 Entartete Kunst zhongwen bei fanzuo tufei yishu daodi shi Entartete Kunst Chinese BEI translate as robber art on earth C/F 什麼 意思？ sheme yisi what meaning ‗Entartete Kunst is translated as ‗degenrate art‘ in Chinese. What exactly does it mean?‘ (Hsu 1994: 96) (18) 你們 都 該 (被) 打。 Nimen dou gai (bei) da You all should (BEI) beat ‗You all should be beaten.‘ (Hsu 1994: 96)

Last, in classical Chinese, there are other words denoting the passive voice, such as 給 gei, 讓 rang, 叫 jiao, 挨 ai, and so on, while nowadays 被 bei seems to replace all of these phrases most of time (Kubler, 1985a). It is suggested that the preference of bei may be due to the similar pronunciation of bei to ‗by‘ in English

(Chao, 1968).

In Kubler‘s (1985a) study, the original version of 家 Jia has 272 tokens of bei, while 巴金 Ba Jin reduced or altered 116 of these in the revision. Some of them were

30 changed from passive voice to active voice, and some simply omitted the word bei, and the rest were replaced by other phrases with passive voice, like 給 gei and 讓 rang.

Given the above discussion, in the present study, the critieria of judging the

Englishized passive bei sentences are as the following: (1) when passive bei sentences are used to express non-negative events, (2) when an agent is not expressed overtly in a passive bei sentence, (3) when the subject of a passive bei sentence refers to an inanimate referent, and (4) when the passive structure is used for present or future tense rather than past tense.

2.4.6. Use of preposition and increasing use of conjunction

Other Englishized prepositions include 關於 guanyu, 有關 youguan, 對於 duiyu (Wang, 1947) and 由於 youyu (Yu, 2006), which result from the translation of the English phrases like ‗about‘, ‗concerning‘, ‗with regard to‘ into Chinese. Wang

(1947) noted that originally in Chinese there were no such constructions. Chao (1968) analyzed the differences between the Chinese and English counterparts: (a) these prepositions are optional in Chinese, while it is obligatory in English if the subject is not the actor of the predicate; (b) with the prepositions, a second subject is required in

English whereas no additional subject is required in Chinese. For example, 關於那個

問題，我還沒打定主意. Guanyu nage wenti, wo haimei dading zhuyi. ‗With regard to that problem, I have not yet made up my mind.‘, either 關於 guanyu or 我 wo or both are omittable in Chinese but not in English. (Chao, 1968: 753). Yu (2006) also commented that these phrases actually can be deleted without influencing the understanding of context but then added due to the influence of English. For example.

(19) 李煥 鄭重 否認 有關 他 積極 造勢 以 競選 31

Lihuan zhengchong fouren youguan ta jiji zaoshi yi jingxuan Lihuan seriously deny about he active campaign for elect 副 總統 的 傳聞 fu zongtong de chuanwen vice president NM rumor ‗Li Huan firmly denied the rumor about his active campaign to elect vice president.‘ (Hsu 1994: 98) (20) 關於 他 的 申請， 你 看 過 了 沒有 Guanyu ta de shenqing, ni kan guo le meiyou About he DE apply you see EXP PF NEG ‗About his application, have you read it?‘ (Yu 2006: 11) (21) 由於 他 的 家境 貧窮， 使得 他 只好 休學 Youyu ta de jiajing pinqiong, shide ta zhihao xiuxue Because he NM family poor make he just drop-out ‗Owing to his poverty, he has to drop-out.‘ (Yu 2006: 12) (22) 這 一 筆 款子 的 數目， 對於 我 是 太 大 了 Zhe yi bi kuanzi de shumu, duiyu wo shi tai da le This one CL money DE number, for I C/F too big PT ‗The amount of this money is too much for me.‘ (Wang 1947: 259)

Hsu (1994) observed that such usage is widely used in news reports and also formal registers.

2.4.7. 當 Dang ‘When’ as a conjunction

There are a lot of fossilized Englishized patterns or phrases due to translation. It is commonly seen that the translators would translate some phrases into fixed Chinese phrases. Sometimes there are no equivalent Chinese phrases to the English ones, so the translators would create a new expression by literal translation or coinage. For example, comparing with Chinese, English is a subordinating language with richer conjunctions to connect sentences, and thus the traditional expressions may not serve the need of translation. Therefore, there are newly emergent Englishized conjunctions, and their occurrences also increase a lot. It is proposed that one of such examples is the increasing use of 當 dang ‗when‘, as in (23).

(23) 當 他們 做到 那裡 的時候 自然 有 了。 Dang tamen zuodao nali deshihou ziran you le 32

When they do there time nature have PF ‗When they‘ve done to that point, it will naturally exist.‘ (Wang 1947: 361)

In English, the temporal clause is commonly led by ‗when‘ and the whole sentence can be very long. As for the marking of temporal clauses in traditional

Chinese, it is expressed by adding 的時候 deshihou in the end of the sentence. If following the traditional usage to translate the temporal clauses, the readers have to read until the end of the sentences to see the temporal marker, and it may increase information processing load. To solve this problem, the word 當 dang, which is originally a verb meaning ‗at the time when‘, is applied and placed in the initial position of a clause, just as English ‗when‘, with the combination of the traditional usage deshihou, see (23) (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a; Yu, 2006 and Hsu, 1994).

Another piece of evidence is gathered from巴金 Ba jin‘s revision of家 Jia ‗home‘, the occurrence of the temporal clause with 當 dang ‗when‘ decreases from twelve tokens to only two, and ten tokens of ‗dang‘ construction are changed to the traditional pattern (Kubler, 1985a).

Hsu (1994) proposed that the use of dang… (de) shi (hou) may be a transitional phase before the complete Englishized structure, dang…. That is, this structure is further Englishized to delete the phrase 的時候 de shi hou and only the word 當 dang

‗when‘ was left, which completely corresponds to English construction. In terms of the structure of dang…shi, Hsu (1994) regarded it as an Englishized use, just like dang… de shi hou.

However, Ma (2002) found that the use of dang…shi has existed in Classical

Chinese, and the usage is the same as the modern use of ‗dang… (de) shi (hou)‘. For example:

(24) 當 其 貧困 時，人 莫 省視 33

Dang qi pinqun shi, ren mo xingshi When he poor, people NEG see ‗When he is in poverty, no one cares about him.‘ (史記 Shiji, 滑稽列傳 guji liezhuan)

This provides a counterexample toward the Englishization of ‗dang‘ structures, since

Shiji was written around 100 B.C., there was definitely no English influence.

Therefore, the proposal that dang… (de) shi (hou) as an Englishized temporal conjunction is doubtful. In other words, in the present study, ‗dang‘ structures would not be regarded as Englishized usage, and thus will not be discussed in Chpater Three.

2.4.8. 在 Zai as preposition and an auxiliary

According to the literature, the Englishized zai can be discussed from two aspects, zai as progressive marker and zai as preposition..

Due to the translation of English progressive marking structure ‗be + Ving‘, 在 zai is used as an auxiliary indicating progressive aspect, e.g. (25). However, in traditional Chinese, the progressive is indicated by other words, like 正 zheng, the suffix 著 -zhe and the final particle 呢 ne (Wang, 1947; Kubler, 1985a). Hsu (1994) observed that in modern Chinese, zai as an auxiliary is so prevalent that the use of zheng…zhe is hardly seen.

(25) 我 正 在 吃 飯 Wo zheng zai chi fan I PROG eat rice ‗I am having a meal.‘ (Hsu 1994: 101)

Besides, in modern Chinese 在 zai also serves as an equivalent to English prepositions, like ‗in‘, ‗on‘ and ‗at‘. Since the prepositions are widely used in English,

在 zai as an equivalent of those prepositions becomes very popular in Chinese, and it

34 even influences common writing. Consider the following examples:

(26) 但 在 現代 這 種 辦法 已經 不 通行 Dan zai xiandai zhe zhong banfa yijing bu tongxing But in modern this CL method already NEG pass ‗But this kind of method does not work anymore in modern.‘ (Wang 1947: 360) (27)剎那間 在 我 迷炫 了 的 視覺 中 Chanajian zai wo mixuan le de shijue zhong Suddenly, in I dazzle PF NM vision middle ‗Suddenly, in my dazzled vision,‘ (Wang 1947: 360) (28) 他 住 在 台北。 Ta zhu zai taibei He live in Taipei ‗He lives in Taipei.‘ (Hsu 1994: 101) (29) 誰 不 想 住 在 極樂園 Shei bu xiang zhu zai jileyuan Who NEG want live in paradise ‗Who doesn‘t want to live in the paradise?‘ (Wang 1947: 360)

However, Feng (2006) provided counterexamples toward Wang‘s observation.

Feng examined the use of zai in the novel 平妖傳 Pingyaozhuan ‗Wiping out

Monsters‘ which was written in Ming Dynasty. It is shown that zai as progressive aspect marker has existed at least as early as Ming Dynasty. Thus, zai as progressive marker may not be the products of Englishization.

In addition, Southern Min may also contribute to the increase of zai as progressive aspect marker in Taiwan Mandarin (Kubler, 1985b). Kubler suggested that in Southern Min teh indicates continuing action or progression, and in modern

Taiwan Mandarin zai is commonly used to serve the same function due to the influence of Southern Min teh. J. Chang (2011) proposed that the structure ‗zai + verb‘ form may be influenced by the southern dialects as well. As Taiwan Mandarin is influenced by Southern Min greatly, the influence of Southern Min on the use of zai may be even greater than the influence of English.

As for zai as preposition, the evidence of zai serving as locative prepositions in

35 traditional Chinese is not only found in Pingyaozhuan but also presented in other earlier works as well (Ma, 2002; Li, 2004; Feng, 2006). Traditionally, zai is used to mark the location, such as 坐在地上 zuo zai dishang ‗sit on the ground‘, which is commonly seen in Pingyaozhuan. Thus, such usage should not be regarded as

Englishization due to the popularity of zai as a locative marker in Pingyaozhuan and even in the ancient Chinese (Ma, 2002; Li, 2004). Aside from functioning as a location marker, zai is also used as a temporal marker in Pingyaozhuan, for example,

朕生在唐初 zhen sheng zai tangchu ‗I was born in the beginning of Tang Dynasty‘.

Therefore, example (26), (28) and (29) shound not be regarded as an Englishized usage, either. In terms of zai followed by abstract nouns as in (27), there are examples of 在心裡 zai xin li ‗in one‘s mind‘ and 在夢裡 zai meng li ‗in one‘s dream‘ in

Pingyaozhuan.

Moreover, other studies assert that different uses of zai in modern Chinese may be in fact the products of grammaticalization. That is, zai syntactically changes from main verb to preposition and its semantic meaning also extends from a concrete physical domain (e.g., 在地上 zai di shang ‗on the ground‘) to abstract domain (i.e.

在夢裡 zai meng li ‗in one‘s dream‘) (Hsu, 1998; Wang, 2009). These studies suggest that the increasing use of zai as preposition may be due to grammaticalization rather than Englishization. Therefore, the increasing use of zai will be excluded from our analysis.

In short, considering the influences of Southern Min and grammaticalization, the evidence of supporting zai as Englishization may not be strong enough. Thus, in the present study, this category will not be included and discussed.

2.4.9 Increasing use of 一 Yi ‘one’ and Classifiers

In English, a singular countable noun requires an indefinite article ‗a‘ or ‗an‘ to 36 precede it; influenced by English, in modern Chinese the equivalent word 一 yi ‗a/an‘ is always used to translate the indefinite article, as shown in (30)-(33) below.

(30) > 一個 人 如果 要 真是 一 個 大 好人， Yi ge ren ruguo yao zhenshi yi ge da haoren, One CL man if want really one CL big good man 必須 能 深刻 地 廣闊 地 想像。 bixu neng shenke de guangkuo de xiangxiang must can deep MAS wide MAS imagine ‗If a man is indeed such a great man, he must be able to imagine deeply and widely.‘ (Wang 1947: 380) (31) 中國 現代 缺乏 文藝 批評 是 一件 無可諱言 zhongguo xiandai quefa wenyi piping shi yijian wukehuiyan China modern lack art and literature criticism C/F one CL undoubted 的 事實。 de shishi DE fact ‗It is an undoubted fact that modern Chinese is lack of art and literature criticism.‘ (Wang 1947: 380) (32) 嗜美 是 一種 精神 上 的 饑渴。 Shimei shi yizhong jingshen shang de jike Craving for beauty C/F a CL spirit up NM thirsty ‗Craving for beauty is a kind of thirsty in spirit.‘ (Wang 1947: 380) (33) 譬如 我們 想 造 一 所 房屋， 這 是 一 種 意志。 Piru women xiang zao yi suo fang wu, zhe shi yi zhong yizhi For example, we want build a CL house, this C/F a CL will ‗For example, we want to build a house, and it is a kind of will.‘ (Wang 1947: 380)

However, in traditional Chinese often the indefinite article yi can be omitted when it is recoverable from the context. What‘s more, in Chinese, yi is usually followed by a classifier, and the classifier varies with different nouns, such as (31) and (33).

However, in the Englishized usage, Wang (1947) observed that the classifier for the concrete objects is always 個 ge, see (30). On the other hand, the classifier for the abstract nouns would be 種 zhong ‗kind‘ due to the translation of English ‗a kind‘, e.g., (32) and (33). Diao (1999) also asserted that the widespread use of ‗yi + ge/zhong‘ is influenced by European languages through the translation of ‗a/an‘ and then enters the common writing. He explicated that as ‗yi + classifier + noun‘ is the 37 prototypical construction, the general classifiers ge/zhong are adopted to modify various nouns.

In short, the translation of indefinite article ‗a/an‘ may facilitate the use of yi and classifiers, and in the present study we would analyze this structure and observe the use of classifiers as well.

2.4.10 Reversing the order of subordinating clauses

Traditionally, the concessive clauses containing phrase like 雖然 suiran ‗although‘ are placed before the main clause of a sentence (Wang, 1947; Chao, 1968; Kubler,

1985a). As a type of adverbial clauses, in the past, linguists usually discuss Chinese adverbial clauses as topic-comment (e.g., Chao, 1968; Tsao, 1978). In other words, a

Chinese subordinate clause should precede the main clause to set the evaluative framework for the main clause. On the other hand, in English concessive clauses can precede or follow the main clause. In modern Chinese due to the influence of English the occurrence of suiran clause in the final position is allowed (Chao, 1968; Kubler,

1985a; Hsu, 1994). For example:

(34) > 覺新 也 以為 是 這樣， 雖然 他 並 不 贊同 祖父 Juexin ye yiwei shi zheyang, suiran ta bing bu zantong zufu Juexin also think C/F such, although he and NEG approve grandfather 的 辦法。 de banfa DE method ‗Jue Xin thought so as well, though he did not agree with his grandfather‘s method.‘ (Kubler 1985: 116)

Chao (1968) asserted that this Europeanized construction is chiefly on paper and has not been adopted in everyday speech.

38

2.4.11. Pronoun before the antecedent

In traditional Chinese, antecedents always preceded pronouns (Wang, 1947;

Hsu, 1994); that is, unlike English which has both anaphoric reference and cataphoric reference, in Chinese cataphoric reference is not a usual norm (Liu, 1997; Chao and

Shao, 2002).Wang (1994) even claimed that there was no use of cataphora in Chinese.

However, due to the influence of English translation, the use of cataphora appears in modern Chinese (Wang, 1947; Hsu, 1994), as illustrated in the following examples.

(35) 為了 他 的 名譽， 史可法 犧牲 了 他 的 生命。 weile ta de mingyu, shikefa xisheng le ta de shengming For he DE reputation, PN sacrifice PF he DE life ‗For his reputation, Shi ke fa sacrificed his life.‘ (Wang 1947: 374) (36) 但 即使 宇宙 害 了 他，人 總 比 他 的 加害 者 還 dan jishi yuzhou hai le ta, ren zong bi ta de jiahai zhe hai but though universe harm PF he, man always than he DE perpetrat still 要 高貴。 yao gaogui want noble ‗But even if the universe hurts him, the man is still nobler than his perpetrators.‘ (Wang 1947: 376) (37) > 別 人 是 嗜 茶 才 賞 壺，他 卻 因 愛 壺 而 學 bie ren shi shi cha cai shang hu, ta que yin ai hu er xue Other man C/F adore tea only adore pot, he but because love pot and learn 喝 茶 這 是 竹北 市民 黃 XX 的 奇聞。 he cha zhe zhubei shimin huang X X de qiwen drink tea this C/F zhubei citizen Huang X X DE legend ‗Other people appreciate tea pots because of loving drinking tea, but he learns how to drink tea because of adoring tea pots, which is Huang X X‘s legend in Zhu Bei City.‘ (Wang 1947: 375)

However, the use of cataphoric pronouns is a rather marked expression not only in

Chinese but also in English; that is, even in English the frequency of cataphoric use is much lower than the anaphoric use (Kennison et al. 2009). In other words, cataphoric device is a stylistic writing/speaking skill, and since it is rare in English as well, it is difficult to directly associate the use of cataphoric pronouns in Chinese with the

English influence. Therefore, we will not include cataphoric pronoun as an 39

Englishized use.

2.4.12 Prominal heads with adjective or adjective clauses

It is suggested that traditionally pronominal heads cannot be preceded by any modifier, while it can be found in modern Chinese now, such as (38) and (39) (Wang,

1947; Diao, 1999).

(38) 有 了 四千 年 吃 人 履歷 的 我 you le siqian nian chi ren luli de wo have PF four thousand year eat people resume DE I ‗I have four thousand years‘ experiences of eating people‘ (Wang 1947: 375) (39) 家境 富裕 的 他， 發現 陶製 茶壺 很 好 玩。 Jiajing fuyu de ta ，faxian taozhi chahu hen hao wan Family rich DE he, discover pottery-made tea pot very good play ‗He who from the wealthy family finds that pottery tea pot is a lot of fun.‘ (Hsu 1994: 103)

2.4.13 Position of the Speaker in Direct Quotations

Traditionally, the position of the speaker always occurs immediately before the quotation in Chinese. On the other hand, in English, the position of the speaker can be in the beginning, middle or end of the quotes. Due to the influence of English translations nowadays the traditional usage is even used less frequently than the

Englishized use (Kubler, 1985a). In modern Mandarin the position of the speaker appears more often at the end of the quotation rather than at the beginning as a result of Englishization. An example of the post-positioning of the speaker in the direct quotation is shown below:

(40) >「你 為什麼 不 答應 我？」她 嗔怒 地 問到。 ni weisheme bu daying wo ta chennu de wendao You why NEG promise me ? She angry MAS ask ‗―Why don‘t you promise me?‖ she asked furiously.‘ (Kubler 1985: 108)

40

Though somewhat less commonly used, the position of the speaker in the middle of the sentence is also found in modern Chinese, see (41).

(41) >「為什麼 要 詛咒 我們？」覺民 闔 了 書 溫和 地 問， weishemo yao zuzhou women juemin he le shu wenhe de wen, Why want curse we Juemin close PF book gentle MAS ask 「我們 和 你 一樣， 都是 在 這個 舊 家庭 裡 討 生活。」 Women han ni yiyang , doushi zai zhe ge jiu jiating li tao shenghuo We and you same, all at this old family inside beg life ‗―Why curse on us?‖ Jue Min closed the book and asked gentlely, ―We are the same as you, earn the living in this old family.‖‘ (Kubler 1985: 110)

In short, in modern written Chinese, the position of the speaker in direct quotation is no longer restricted to the beginning of the quotation.

This Englishized pattern is derived from imitation of English writing. However, in conversation, if the speaker cited someone‘s words, to let the hearer understand who gave the quotes clearly, the name of the speaker is always in the beginning of the quotation, and thus this Englishized category may be specific to the writing. In other words, since we intend to examine the same categories in writing and speaking, this pattern may not be an ideal target pattern in speaking and hence this category will not be discussed in the present study.

2.4.14 前者…後者 Qianzhe…houzhe ‘the former…, the latter’

The phrase 前者…後者 qianzhe…houzhe is directly translated from English pattern ‗the former… the latter‘. Originally there was no such construction in Chinese, so the translators could not find any equivalent expression. Thus, they translate the pattern literally and use it as the English counterpart, such as (42) and (43) (Wang,

1947; Hsu, 1994).

(42) 示眾 描 寫 的 主要 對象 是 人，我 所 知道 的

41

shizhong miao xie de zhuyao duixiang shi ren, wo suo zhidao de Shizhong depict write DE main object C/F man,I SUO know DE > 康橋 描 寫 的 主要 對象 是 物。 前者 是 人生 的 kangqiao miao xie de zhuyao duixiang shi wu qianzhe shi rensheng de PN depict write DE main object C/F thing former C/F life NM 解剖， 後者 是 自然 的 讚頌。 jiepou, houzhe shi ziran de zansong. anatomy, later C/F nature NM praise ‗The main target which Shizhong describes is human, while ―The Cambridge I Know‖ is objects. The former is the anatomy of life; the later is the tribute to nature.‘ (Wang 1947: 375) (43) 在 市場 開發 上， 我們 要 集中 在 美國 和 歐洲 Zai shichang kaifa shang, women yao jizhong zai meiguo han ouzhou At market develop up, we want focus on U.S. and Europe > 市場 而 後者 又 比 前者 更 具 潛力。 Shichang er houzhe you bi qianzhe geng ju qianli market and latter again than former more have potentialilty ‗In market development, we have to focus on the U.S. and Europe markets, and the latter has more potentialilty than the former.‘ (Hsu 1994: 105)

2.4.15 Expansion of the Construction 可能 Keneng ‘May’

Wang (1947) proposed that originally 可 ke meant ‗allow‘ and without the meaning of ‗possibility‘. Part of Wang‘s claim is challenged by Peyraube‘s (1998,

2004) study of modal auxiliaries in Classical Chinese. Peyraube (1998, 2004) suggested that 可 ke carried the sense of ‗possibility‘ as 能 neng in Classical Chinese; however, there was no occurrence of keneng at that time. Chao (1968) also mentioned that neng as equivalent to ‗can; be able to‘ in English and 可以 keyi as equivalent to

‗may‘ in the sense of permission. It is proposed that in modern Chinese, keneng is equivalent to the use of ‗may‘ in English, as in (44). In addition, nowadays keneng is widely and frequently used to express the meaning of ‗possibility‘, and even nominalized as in (45), as exemplified in the following.

(44) 他 很 可能 地 不 再 到 這裡 來 了。 Ta hen keneng de bu zai dao zheli lai le He very maybe MAS NEG again to here come PF ‗He may not come here anymore.‘ (Wang 1947: 338) (45) 中國 沒有 亡 國 的 可能。

42

zhongguo meiyou wang guo de keneng China NEG die nation NM possibility ‗There is no possibility for China to collapse.‘ (Wang 1947: 340)

However, after examining the novel ‗Dream of the Red Chamber‘ to further explore the use of keneng in traditional Chinese, it is found that there are five cases of keneng, as shown below.

(46) 你 大哥 和 珍兒 現 已 定案， 可 能 回 家﹖ Ni dage han zhener xian yi dingan, ke neng hui jia? You big brother and PN now already decided, allow possibly go home ‗The case of your brother and zhener has been settled, can they go home?‘ (Dream of the Red Chamber)

In (46), though keneng still remains as two individual units rather than a single compound, it reveals that in the late 18th century, the co-occurrence of keneng started to emerge, and with more than one hundred years of development, it may be lexicalized as a fixed expression. This presumption is supported by Hsu‘s observation that the use of keneng ‗may‘ is so widespread that no one is aware of its foreign influence. In other words, the expansion of keneng may not be the result of

Englishization but long-term development of keneng and thus will not be analyzed here.

2.4.16. The construction of 之一 Zhiyi ‘one of’

One more Englishized pattern introduced by Wang (1947) is 之一 zhiyi, which is directly translated from ‗one of‘ in English. Wang (1947) claimed that there was no such construction in traditional Chinese. Yu (2006) even commented that such a use is redundant and can be omitted. (47) is an example.

(47) 紅樓夢 是 中國 的 文學 的 名 著 之一

43

Hongloumeng shi zhongguo de wenxue de ming zhu zhiyi Hongloumeng C/F PN DE literature DE fame write of one ‗The Dream of the Red Chamber is one of the famous writings in Chinese literature.‘ (Yu 2006: 9)

2.4.17 Pronouns in possessive and object position

Traditionally, in Chinese the possessive pronouns are dispensed with once the possessor is presumed to be obvious to the hearer (Chao, 1968), as illustrated below:

(48)他 戴上 (他的) 帽子 走 了 Ta dai shang (his) maozi zuo le He put on (he DE) hat walk PF He put on his hat and left. (Chao 1968: 636)

However, in modern Chinese due to the influence of English translation, many possessive pronouns are expressed even when no contrastive function is intended, which actually can be omitted. For example:

(49) 除了 吃 飯 之外， 我 沒有 一 刻 停過 我的 筆。 Chule chi fan zhiwai, wo meiyou yi ke tingguo wode bi Except eat meal of out, I NEG one moment stop my pen ‗Except for having meals, I‘ve never stopped my pens any single moment.‘ (Hsu 1994: 107) (50) 舅舅 的 雙手 已經 喪失 了 它們 的 一部份 的 Jiujiu de shuangshou yijing sangshi le tamen de yibufen de Uncle DE hands already lose PF they DE one part NM 靈活性 了 linghuoxing le flexibility PF ‗My uncle‘s hands have already lost part of their flexibility.‘ (Yu 2006: 40)

Therefore, just as the Englishized use of pronouns in the subject position, there are increasing uses of pronouns as possessives, and also as objects.

44

2.4.18 Lexical nominalization

There are different types of nominalization, like adjective and verb nominalization; however, the Englishized examples of this category in Hsu (1994) and Yu (2006) all belong to verbal nominalization. Diao (1999) proposed that verbs serving as nouns are rarely seen in traditional Chinese, while it is very common in modern Chinese due to the influence of European languages. Radovanovic (2001) also described verbal nominalization as Europeanization, since modern

Indo-European languages are with productive nominalization. It is proposed that nominalized process is a realization of grammatical metaphor in European languages; the form is altered, whereas the ideational meaning is the same, as exemplified by the words ‗announce‘ and ‗announcement‘ (Banks, 2005). In short, following the literature, the present study will focus on verbal nominalization.

There are two subtypes of Englishized nominalization introduced in the literature.

The first type is the nominalized verb as a subject or object in the sentence. Yu (2006) observed that in English abstract nouns or inanimate objects serving as a subject is very common, while in traditional Chinese a subject is usually an animate referent.

On the other hand, in modern Mandarin, an event or an action can serve as a sentence subject resulting from the English influence, and the verb of the event or action is nominalized so that the whole event or action can be a subject, such as (51). The example of verbal nominalization in the object position is shown in (52).

(51) 書籍 的 選購 只好 委託 你 了。 Shuji de xuangou zhihao weituo ni le Book NM purchase only entrust you PF ‗The purchase of books can only be entrusted by you.‘ (Yu 2006: 3) (52) 他們 杯葛 這 種 風俗 的 繼續。 Tamen beige zhe zhong fengsu de jixu They deter this kind custom NM continuity ‗They deter the continuity of this kind of custom.‘ (Yu 2006: 3)

45

Yu (2006) proposed another type of Englishized verbal nominalization; that is, the

cases of ‗verb + abstract noun‘. Here, the verb is usually a ‗weak‘ or an ‗empty‘ verb,

like 做出 zuochu ‗do; make‘ and 進行 jinxing ‗undergo‘, and we can find similar

usage in English, like ‗make decisions‘. Yu (2006) defined a weak verb as a verb with

a more general meaning used to refer to different kinds of actions. With the existence

of a weak verb, the original verb is nominalized as an abstract noun and follows the

weak verb, as shown in (53) and (54).

(53) 昨晚 的 聽眾 對 訪問 教授 做出 了 十分 熱烈 的 Zuowan de tingzhong dui fangwen jiaoshou zuochu le shifen relie de Last night DE audience to visit professor do PF very fervent NM 反應。 fanying response ‗The audience gave the visiting professor very fervent response last night.‘ (Yu 2006: 4) (54) 我們 對 國際 貿易 的 問題 已經 進行 了 研究。 Women dui guoji maoyi de wenti yijing jinxing le yanjiu We to international trade DE problem already conduct PF research ‗We have already conducted the research on the problem of international trade.‘ (Yu 2006:4)

2.4.19 Interim Summary Table 1 summarizes the eighteen syntactic structures discussed in this chapter, providing a clear picture of the Englishized syntactic patterns which have been studied so far and listed in Hsu‘s study.

In the current research, the categorization of syntactic patterns is mainly based on

Hsu‘s study, as her study includes the most complete Englishized syntactic categories.

Most importantly, since Hsu‘s study is the most recent study of Englishization of

Taiwan Mandarin, it can be a direct reference for the current research. The total

Englishized patterns examined in her study are eighteen categories, but as explicateed above, in the present study we deleted six of them, including increased use of the 46 copula 是 shi, 當 dang as a conjunction, 在 zai as preposition and auxiliary, pronouns before the antecedent, position of the speaker in direct quotations and expansion of the construction 可能 keneng ‗may‘. The remaining categories are integrated and recategorized into seven categories. The seven categories are as the following:

1. Pronouns: increasing use of subjects, inanimate third person pronouns and

increasing use of possessives and objects.

2. Long pre-modifiers: modifying clauses with head nouns and pronominal

heads with adjective or adjectival clauses.

3. Insertion of 一 yi and classifiers

4. Passive structure 被 bei

5. Lexical verbal nominalization

6. Concessive clauses in the final position

7. Other Englishized patterns: other prepositions (i.e. youguan, duiyu), zhiyi,

qianzhe…houzhe.

Table 1. The Englishized syntactic patterns discussed in the literature (Wang, 1947; Tsao, 1978; Kubler, 1985a; Hsu, 1994; Wang, 2002; He, 2004; Yu, 2006)

47

Author Wang (1947) Tsao (1978) Kubler (1985a) Hsu (1994) Wang (2002) He (2004) Yu (2006) Time of the data used 18th - 1930s 18th - 1970s 1930s -1950s 1989 - 1994 18th - 1936 1956, 1982, 2000 1987- Category 1.Increasing use of subjects v v v v 2. Increased use of the copula 是 shi ‗to be‘ v v v 3. Lengthening of sentences: modifying v v v v v clauses with head nouns 4. Variety of third person and impersonal v v v v singular and plural pronouns 5. Extended use of the passive construction bei v v v v v v 6. Use of preposition and increasing use of v v v v conjunction 7. 當 dang ‗when‘ as a conjunction v v v v 8. 在 zai as preposition and an auxiliary v v v 9. Increasing use of 一 yi ‗one‘ and classifiers v v v 10. Reversing the order of subordinating v v clauses 11. Pronouns before the antecedent v v 12. Pronominal heads with adj. or adj. clauses v v v 13. Position of the speaker in direct quotations v v 14. 前者…後者 qianzhe…houzhe ‗the v v former…, the latter‘ 15. Expansion of the construction 可能 v v v keneng ‗may‘ 16. The construction of 之一 zhiyi ‗one of‘ v v v 17. Pronouns in possessive and object position v v v v 18. Lexical nominalization 48 v v

2.5 Chapter Summary

In this chapter, we have reviewed the studies of language contact, which can be divided into two types, oral language contact and written language contact. The results of language contact can induce language change on phonology, morphology, semantics and even syntax. In terms of the Englishization of Chinese, it is chiefly through written language contact, and its influence can be found on the syntactic level.

Therefore, Englishization of Chinese supports the argument that language change can be mainly elicited by the written language contact. Also, it provides positive evidence toward the possibility of structural borrowing. With the abundant evidence from the diachronic and synchronic studies, the validity of the Englishization of Chinese on syntactic level is supported. However, the latest linguistic study of Englishization in

Taiwan was more than 15 year ago, and due to the lift of martial law in 1988 the development in Taiwan in these 20 years is so rapid that even language use has been undergoing a lot of changes (Shih and Soong, 1998; Kuo, 2009; How, 2010). Based on this assumption, we will investigate the Englishization of current Taiwan

Mandarin and compare it with the written data in 1988. In addition, as previous studies particularly focused on written Chinese, it would be interesting to observe the

Englishzation in oral Mandarin and compare these two types of language modes.

49

Chapter 3 Results and Discussion

This chapter explores the Englishized uses and structures in our database; the written data were collected from two magazines 天下 Tienxia and 新新聞

Xinxinwen and the oral data were from four television talk shows 今晚誰當家 jinwan shei dangjia, 關鍵時刻 Guanjian shike, 夢想街 57 號 Mengxiangjie 57hao and 王牌大賤諜 Wangpai da jiandie. To have a more comprehensive discussion, section 3.1 first presents the comparison between the writing in 1988 and 2010 respectively. Section 3.2 discusses the results of oral data. 3.3 is the general discussion of the overall findings and analysis.

3.1 The Results of the Written Data in 1988 and 2010

In Chapter two, we have reviewed the literature on Englishized structures.

However, the statistical evidence in previous studies is not sufficient enough, and

most Englishized constructions are without any quantitative supports of their

occurrences. Therefore, to confirm that the Englishized phenomenon discussed by

Hsu (1994) indeed existed at the time of her investigation, and more importantly to

explore the development of Englishization on syntax during the last twenty years, we

study and compare the written data in 1988 and 2010 respectively. Each of the seven

Englishized structures is analyzed and discussed respectively below.

3.1.1 Pronouns

The Englishized uses of pronouns can be divided into the following categories:

increasing use of subjects, and increasing use of objects and possessives. The criteria

of Englishization are derived from category 1, 4 and 17 by Hsu (1994) (cf. Table 1).

Since these three categories all result in increasing use of pronouns in modern

Chinese, in the present study we classify them into the same category and then discuss 50

them respectively in section 3.1.1.1 and 3.1.1.2.

3.1.1.1 Increasing use of pronouns as subject

Traditionally, subject in Chinese can be omitted if the context is clear enough.

Take (55) as an example, in traditional Chinese ta should be omitted, since it can be

understood from the context. In a word, if the pronominal subject is omittable then it

is regarded as Englishized usage.

(55) > 例如 馬英九 日前 便 明確 表示，他 會 請 Liru mayingjiu riqian bian mingque biaoshi, ta hui qing For example PN recently LK clear show, he will invite 行政院 檢討 所有 法規、 文書、 軍歌 xingzhengyuan jiantao suoyou fagui, wenshu, jun ge administration bureau examine all regulations, papers, military songs ‗For example, Ma Ying-jeou recently has clearly expressed that he would ask the Administration Breau to review all regulations, papers, and military songs.‘ (2010)

To present the use of Englishized pronouns in a clearer way, in the following we

divided pronouns into referential and non-referential use, and discussed them

respectively. The distinction of referential and non-referential pronouns in the present

study mainly follows Stockwell et al.‘s (1973) grouping of NP:

Referential: a. Definite: The speaker thinks both he and the listener know the noun. Ex: The president of our school is here. b. Specific: The speaker thinks only he knows the noun. Ex: Fred met his classmate this morning.

Non-referential: a. Indefinite: The speaker thinks neither he nor the listener knows the noun. Ex: Some people prefer to pay by cash. b. Generic: The speaker refers to a kind of noun but not to a particular referent of the noun. Ex: Lions are dangerous animals.

51

The example of non-referential use from the present written data is given below:

(56) > 而 你 確 知 自己 沒有 風濕病 或 扭傷， 那麼 你 Er ni que zhi ziji meiyou fengshibing huo niushang, name ni And you sure know self NEG rheumatism or sprains, then you 可能 是 得 了 痛風。 keneng shi de le tongfeng may C/F get PF gout ‗And you are certain that you don‘t have rheumatism or sprains, then you may be afflicted with gout.‘ (1988)

Further analysis of the results is discussed from the aspect of referentiality.

Regarding the pronouns for referential use, there are only three types of subject pronouns in use in the 1988 and 2010 data: third person singular, third person plural and first person singular. Third person singular and third person plural are illustrated in (57) and (58) respectively. a. Third person singular (57) > 他 雖 貴 為 皇帝， 卻 始終 是 各種 政治 鬥爭 下 Ta sui gui wei huangdi, que shizhong shi gezhong zhengzhi douzheng xia He though honor as emperor, but after all C/F every kind politics fight under 的 傀儡。 de kqilei. DE puppet ‗Though he is as an emperor, after all he is a puppet under every kind of political fight.‘ (1988) b. Third person plural: (58) 對 美國 三百 家 企業 和 日本 七十三 家 企業 的 Dui meiguo sanbai jia qiye han riben qishisan jia qiye de To PN three hundred CL company and PN seventy-three CL company NM > 研究 也 發現，他們 在 宣布 裁員 後 的 一年 內， yanjiu ye faxian, tamen zai xuanbu caiyuan hou de yi nian nei research also find they in declare lay-off after DE one year in ‗The research toward three hundred companies in the U.S. and seventy-three in Japan also found that one year after they declared lay off‘ (2010)

It is found that the frequency of third person singular (1988: 1.37‰; 2010:

0.78‰) outnumbers other two pronouns. As magazines mainly report news and

52

events from a third person point of view, third person singular is commonly used for addressing the referents. In terms of third person plural, it is usually used when the referent is plural, such as in (58), tamen is used to refer to those companies in the U.S. and Japan.

The high frequency of third person singular can be also associated with the use of inanimate third person singular as well, since the neuter ta can be used to take the place of an impersonal antecedent, as ta in (59) referring to the delay of decision-making in government.

(59) 政府 決策 的 延誤 是 無形 的， 鮮 為 外界 zhengfu juece de yanwu shi wuxing de, xian wei waijie government policy NM delay C/F invisible NM few for outside > 瞭解， 但 它 是 活生生 的 事實。 liaojie, dan ta shi huoshengsheng de shishi understand, but it C/F alive DE fact ‗The delay of decision-making in government is invisible and little understood by the public, but it is a real fact.‘ (1988)

Traditionally, it is suggested that inanimate third person singular could only occur in the object position, and inanimate third person plural even did not exist in traditional Chinese (Wang, 1947; Chao, 1968; Kubler, 1985a; Hsu, 1994). However, the results show that the frequency of inanimate third person pronouns in the subject position is even higher than the object position in both years of data, as shown in

Table 2.1.

53

Table 2.1. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of inanimate third person pronouns in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Year of data Written (1988) Written (2010) Position Number Subject Singular 30 (0.57) 6(0.15) Plural 5(0.09) 1(0.02) Object Singular 3(0.06) 0 Plural 0 0 Possessive Singular 6(0.11) 0 Plural 1(0.02) 0 Total 45(0.85) 7(0.17) Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

Noticeably, the frequency of inanimate third person pronouns in the written data of

1988 is higher than 2010. If we treat inanimate third person pronouns as an

Englizhized use, this suggests that Englizhization on such pronouns have been well under way in the late 1980s.

As for the use of first person singular, self-mention pronoun ‗I‘ is commonly used to express subjective, personalized views and affective attitudes (Chang, 2011), as in (60), wo ‗I‘ is used to express the author‘s personal opinion.

c. First person singular (60) 我 不 知道 這 是否 宣傳 技巧 的 使用。 Wo bu zhidou zhe shifou xuanchuan jiqiao de shiyong I NEG know this whether promotion skill NM use ‘I don’t know whether it is the use of promotion skill.’ (2010)

With regard to the non-referential use of pronouns, in our data it is expressed by first person plural as in (61) and second person singular as in (62). This result corresponds to Wang‘s (1947) analysis; that is, second person singular and first person plural are commonly used to refer to general people or things without particular referent.

(61) 我們 隨 手 就 可 舉出 另外 兩 個 例子 54

Women sui shou jiu ke juchu lingwai liang ge lizi We follow hand LK can come up other two CL examples ‗We can readily cite two other examples.‘ (1988) (62) > 而 你 確 知 自己 沒有 風濕病 或 扭傷， 那麼 你 可能 Er ni que zhi ziji meiyou fengshibing huo niushang, name ni keneng And you sure know self NEG rheumatism or sprains, then you may 是 得 了 痛風。 shi de le tongfeng C/F get PF gout ‗And you are certain that you don‘t have rheumatism or sprains, then you may be afflicted with gout.‘ (1988)

The result of the Englishized pronouns in the subject position is shown in Table 2.2.

Table 2.2. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized pronouns as subject in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Year of data Written (1988) Written (2010) Position Referentiality Subject Referential 90 (1.71) 40 (0.98) Non-referential 13 (0.25) 5 (0.12) Total 103 (1.95) 45 (1.10) Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

Table 2.2 shows that the frequency of Englishized pronominal subjects is higher in the data of 1988 than of 2010, which is opposite to our expectation. In fact, as shown in 3.1.1.2, the Englishized pronouns in the object and possessive position are also more frequent in 1988 data. The reason may be due to the fact that Englishized pronouns were localized to Chinese grammar before 1988, so no significant development can be observed.

3.1.1.2 Increasing use of pronouns as object and possessive

The criteria of defining Englishized use of pronouns in the object and possessive positions are the same as the subject position: the omittable pronouns and inanimate third person pronouns.

55

For the referential use, in both the 1988 and the 2010 all the examples in the object position belong to third person pronouns, especially third person singular (1988:

0.27‰; 2010: 0.17‰), as in (63) and (64). The same distribution is also found in the possessive position, see (65).

a. Referential pronouns (63) > 飛 到 倫敦 諮詢 柴契爾 夫人 對 世局 的 看法， 並 請教 她 Fei dau London zixun chaiqier furen dui shiju de kanfa, bing qingjiao ta Fly to PN consult PN Madam to world DE viewpoints, and consult she 如何 挽救 衰頹 古老 的 經濟。 ruhe wanjiu shuaitui gulau de jingji how save f ailed old DE economy ‗Flying to London to consult Margaret Thatcher for the viewpoints toward global situation, and ask her how to rescue the old and recessive economy.‘ (1988) (64) 餐廳 內 多 的 是 像 他 這樣 隨性 穿著 的 客人。 Canting nei duo de shi xiang ta zheyang suixing chuanzhuo de keren Restaurant in many NM C/F like he such casual wear DE guests ‗There are a lot of guests who wearing as casual as him in the restaurant.‘ (2010) (65) 自 民國 七０ 年代 開始，永豐餘 已 展露 它 的 企圖心 Zi minguo qishi niandai kaishi, yongfengyu yi zhanlou ta de qituxin Since 70‘s year start, PN already show it DE ambition ‗Since 70s‘ Yongfengyu has started to show its ambition ‘ (1988)

As mentioned in 3.1.1.1, the popularity of third person singular is mainly associated with the narrative and reporting styles of magazines, namely, the authors report and describe news and events from a third person point of view.

In (65), ta is an inanimate use in the possessive position, which is different from its traditional usage - occurring in the object position. In fact, as shown in Table 2.1, the frequency of inanimate third person pronouns is higher in the possessive position

(0.13‰) than the traditional object position (0.06‰) in the 1988 data, again supporting the Englishization of inanimate third person pronouns. Although there is a lack of inanimate third person pronoun in the 2010 data, the result in 1988 reveals that inanimate third person pronouns have already been used frequently as other animate

56

pronouns since late 1980s.

As for non-referential pronouns, in the object position there is only one token found in 1988 data, as shown in (66), and none in 2010 data.

b. Non-referential pronouns (66) 突然 一 通 電話－ 家 裡 年事 已 高 的 母親 發病 Turan yi tong dianhua – jia li nianshi yi gau de muqin fabing Suddenly one CL telephone home inside age already high DE mother get sick > 送醫， 而 你 是 唯一 可 照顧 她 的 人。 songyi, er ni shi weiyi ke chaogu ta de ren send doctor, and you C/F only can care she DE man ‗Suddenly there was a call – your aged mother at home fell ill, and you were the only one who could take care of her.‘ (1988)

In example (66), ta occurs in a hypothetical context. The author illustrates a hypothetical situation for the readers to imagine about it. Thus, the referent is indefinite, which is a non-referential use.

Regarding non-referential use in the possessive position, it is more frequent in

1988‘s data (1988: 0.15‰; 2010: 0.02‰), which are all expressed by first person plural and second person singular (see (67)), corresponding to Wang‘s observation

(1947).

(67) 現在， 每當 你 進 出 機場，連 身上 的 贅肉 都 不能 Xianzai, meidang ni jin chu jichang, lian shenshang de zhuirou dou buneng Now, when you come go airport, even body up DE meat all NEG > 宣稱 是 你 的 隱私。 xuancheng shi ni de yinsi claim C/F you DE privacy ‗Now, when you go in and out the airport, even your body cannot be claimed as your privacy.‘ (2010)

The result of Englishized pronouns in the object and possessive position is shown in Table 2.3.

57

Table 2.3. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized pronouns as object and possessive in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Year of data Written (1988) Written (2010) Position Referentiality Object Referential 10(0.19) 7(0.17) Non-referential 1(0.02) 0 Total 11(0.21) 7(0.17) Possessive Referential 42(0.80) 15(0.97) Non-referential 6(0.14) 1(0.02) Total 48(0.91) 16(0.39) Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

Just as the result of pronominal subjects, Table 2.3 reveals that there is a decrease of Englishized pronouns as object and possessive comparing the two years of data. The results show that the Englishized uses of pronouns proposed in the literature have been widely used at least early in 1988, and thus there is no significant development of Englishized pronouns found in our data.

3.1.2 Long Pre-modifiers

There are two types of Englishized pre-modifiers classified into this category: modifying clauses preceding head nouns and adjective or adjectival clauses preceding pronouns. The criteria are established based on Lian (1993), He (2004) and examples in the literature. Lian (1993) and He (2004) regard the premodifiers with two phrases/clauses or more as ‗long‘ pre-modifiers. In addition, there are examples of long pre-modifiers provided in the literature formed by one sentential premodifier. In the present work, we integrate the above facts and define a long premodifier as a modifier containing one or more than one clause, or one containing one or more than one phrase. Following this definition, we further analyze the position of these pre-modifiers in the sentence. The examples of each category are as presented below:

58

a. One clause or more, in the subject position (68) > 該 縣 有 個 專門 預防 自殺 的 NPO 法人 理事長 Gai xian you ge zhuanmen yufang zisha de NPO faren lishichang The county has CL profession prevent suicide DE NPO corporation president 表示 biaoshi show ‗The county has an NPO corporation president who is specialized in preventing suicide said that, ‘ (2010) b. One clause or more, in the object position (69) >打 不 倒 的 勇者 則 是 從 一九九五 年 南非 球隊 da bu dao de yongzhe ze shi cong yijiujiuwu nian nafei qiudui Hit NEG fall DE braver LK C/F from nineteen nighty-five year PN team 在 橄欖球 世界 大 賽 中 一路 過關 斬將 的 真實 zai ganlanqiu shijie da sai zhong yilu guoguan zhanjiang de zhenshi at football world big game middle way pass round ax men DE real 事件 來 鼓舞 勵志、 打 破 種族 藩籬。 shijian lai guwu lizhi, da po zhongzu fanli event come inspire encourage hit break race barrier ‗―Invictus‖ using the real event occurring in World Series in 1995, which is about the winning of South Africa football team, to encourage people and to break down racial barriers.‘ (2010) c. Two phrases or more, in the subject position (70) > 進步 的、有 紀律 的 社會 是 不 可能 忽視 社會 Jinbu de you jilu de shehui shi bu keneng hushi shehui Improve DE has discipline DE society C/F NEG possible ignore society 成本 的 chengben de cost NM ‗A progressive and disciplined society is impossible to ignore the social costs.‘ (2010) d. Two phrases or more, in the object position (71) >以 稚 齡 之 姿， 東 渡 日本，開始 他 一生 血 與 淚 Yi zhi ling zhi zi, dong du riben, kaishi ta yisheng xie yu lei As young age of pose, east pass Japan, start he lifetime blood and tear 的 奮戰。 de fenzhan NM fight ‗He went east to Japan at young age, then starting his lifetime painful challenges and struggling.‘ (2010)

59

Table 3.1. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of long pre-modifiers in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Year of data Written (1988) Written (2010) Position Number of phrases or clauses One clause or more Subject 122(2.31) 75(1.84) Object 142(2.69) 104(2.55) Two phrases or more Subject 38(0.72) 29(0.71) Object 114(2.16) 76(1.86) Total 416(7.89) 284(6.95) Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

The results in Table 3.1 reveal that the frequency of long pre-modifiers is higher in 1988 (7.89‰) than in 2010 (6.95‰), which is different from our expectation; the distributional difference is also seen in the use of Englishized pronouns.

Table 3.2. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of the position of long pre-modifiers in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Year of data Written (1998) Written (2010) Position Subject 160 (3.04) 104(2.55) Object 256(4.86) 180(4.41) Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

In terms of the positions of long pre-modifiers in the sentence, they appear more frequent on the object position (see Table 3.2). Given the fact that long subject is not preferred in English (Chu and Chi, 1999), the Englishized usage follows this tendency as well. That is, a heavy or complex head is dispreferred. Instead, there is a preferred distribution of elements in the clause called the principle of end-weight: the tendency of placing long and complex elements toward the end of a clause (Biber et al., 1999). By doing so, it can ease comprehension for the readers/hearers. Also, in light of the light subject constraint and the one new idea constraint illustrated by

Chafe (1994), we may infer that the subject position should consist of given or accessible information and no more than one new piece of information at a time.

60

However, since the light subject constraint or one new idea constraint is violated with long pre-modifiers, the difficulty of processing information will be increased. It follows that long pre-modifiers tend to occur in the object position. In short, aside from English influence, universal linguistic principles also greatly influence the distribution of long pre-modifiers in different positions.

Table 3.3. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of the number of phrases or clauses of long pre-modifiers in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Year of data Written (1998) Written (2010) Number of phrases or clauses One clause or more 264(5.01) 179(4.38) Two phrases or more 152(2.88) 105(2.57) Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

Noticeably, regardless of positions and years, Table 3.3 shows that the frequency of one clause or more is higher than the use of two phrases or more, and it may be influenced by the adjectival modifying clauses in English, as in (68).

3.1.3 Insertion of 一 Yi ‘one’ and Classifiers

Influenced by English indefinite article ‗a/an‘, in modern Mandarin a singular noun is usually preceded by 一 yi and classifiers, even if it is not necessary, such as

(72) – (77). On the other hand, traditionally yi would be omitted when the context is clear enough. Besides, it is proposed that in traditional Chinese the classifiers are various with different nouns, while the Englishized usage of classifiers tends to take

種 zhong before abstract nouns due to the translation of ‗kind‘, as in (74), and 個 ge before concrete nouns (e.g., (72)) (Wang, 1947; Tsao, 1978; Hsu, 1994). In other words, the use of classifiers seems to be generalized in modern Chinese. To explore the use of classifiers, the results are classified into six variations, as illustrated below.

61

a. Yi + ge + concrete nouns (72) 不 明白 為什麼 有 人 用 工作 來 區分 Bu mingbai weisheme you ren yong gongzuo lai qufen NEG understand why have man use job come distinguish > 一 個 人 的 貴 賤 yi ge ren de gui jian one CL person NM high low ‗Do not understand why some people judge a person‘s value by his jobs.‘ (1988)

b. Yi + ge + abstract nouns (73) 有 將近 一半 的 人 不 信任 司法 的 公正性， you jiang jin yiban de ren bu xinren sifa de gongzhengxing, Have near half DE man not trust judiciary DE fairness > 這 是 一個 警訊 zhe shi yi ge jingxun this C/F one CL warning ‗Nearly half of people do not trust the impartiality of the judiciary, which is a warning.‘ (1988)

c. Yi + zhong + abstract nouns (74) >思想， 經常 只是 反映 一 種 心靈， 一 種 sixiang, jingchang zhishi fanying yi zhong xinling, yi zhong Thoughts often only reflect one CL soul, one CL 願望 yuanwang wish ‗Thoughts, often merely reflect a kind of soul, a kind of desire‘ (1988)

d. Yi + zhong + concrete nouns (75) 只是 在 國民黨 權力 轉移 的 機會 下， 在 舞台 zhishi zai guomindang quanli zhuanyi de jihui xia, zai wutai only at Guomindang right transfer DE chance down, at stage > 升起 的 一 種 人 shengqi de yi zhong ren rise DE one CL man ‗Just a kind of men who rises on the stage because of the opportunity of power transition in KMT,‘ (1998)

e. Yi + other classifiers + concrete nouns (76) >那麼 這 一 個 是 根據 一 本 回憶 錄 來 改編 來 name zhe yi ge shi genju yi ben huiyi lu lai gaibian lai then this one CL C/F base on one CL memory record come adapt come 拍 的 一 部 寫實 的 電影 62

pai de yi bu xieshi de dianying clap DE one CL real DE film ‗Then this is a realistic movie that is adapted and filmed based on a memoir.‘ (2010)

f. Yi + other classifiers + abstract nouns (77) 因為 甘迺迪 所 代表 的 是 一 則 全盛 的 傳奇 Yinwei gannaidi suo daibiao de shi yi ze quansheng de chuanqi Because PN SUO represent DE C/F one CL flourishing DE legend ‗Because what Kennedy represents is a flourishing legend‘

Table 4. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized insertion of yi and classifiers in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Year of data Written (1988) Written (2010) Category Yi + 個 + abstract nouns 19(0.36) 9(0.22)

+ concrete nouns 11(0.21) 6(0.15)

Yi + 種 + abstract nouns 9(0.17) 4 (0.10)

+ concrete nouns 1(0.02) 0

Yi + other classifiers + abstract nouns 5(0.09) 3(0.07)

+ concrete nouns 7(0.13) 3(0.07)

Total 52(0.99) 25(0.61)

Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

Different from our expectation, Table 4 reveals that the frequency of total

Englishized uses of yi and classifier is higher in 1988 data than in 2010 data; the comparison of the frequency of each variant between the data of two years also shows the same tendency. Therefore, the Englishized form of ‗yi + classifiers‘ has been commonly used since the late 1980s.

For the use of classifiers following yi, as Wang‘s (1947) observation, 個 ge is the dominant classifier for concrete nouns, (see (72)). However, different from the literature, the most frequently used classifier for abstract nouns is not 種 zhong but

個 ge, as in (73). Besides, compared with the written data in 2010, the use of 63

classifiers is more various in 1988; that is, the frequency of ‗yi + other classifiers‘ is

0.22‰ in 1988 data but only 0.14‰ in 2010 data. The results again suggest that the

‗yi + classifier‘ structure has been commonly used in 1988.

The generalization of classifiers may be influenced by English, since in English the uses of classifiers are not as various and frequent as in Mandarin. Moreover, it is proposed that the general classifier, ge, can co-occur with practically any noun (Biq,

2004). In other words, it appears as a general measure used with nouns of many different semantic categories (Norman, 1988). In addition, the Chinese ‗numeral + classifier + noun‘ construction is most frequently realized as ‗yi + ge + noun‘, and through repeated uses in the daily usage this construction is remembered and retrieved as a unit (Biq, 2004). Thus, there is a tendency of further generalization of classifiers here.

3.1.4 Passive Structure Bei

According to the previously defined Englishized passive structure, the passive bei sentences with any of the following charateristics are Englishized: those with non-negative meanings, those with inanimate subject, those without agent and those with non-past tense. The examples of each feature in our data are realized in the following:

a. Non-negative: (78) > 自由 與 隱私 權 被 西方 社會 視 為 基本 人權 Ziyou yu yinsi quan bei xifang shehui shi wei jiben renquan Freedom and privacy right BEI west society see as basis human right 之一 Zhiyi of one ‗Freedom and privacy are considered as one of the basic human rights in western society.‘ (2010)

64

b. Inanimate subject: (79) 機場 保安 系統 的 漏洞 連番 被 揭發 Jichang bauan sitong de loudong lianfan bei jiefa Airport security system DE flaw consecutively BEI disclose ‗The flaw of the airport security system is disclosed again and again.‘ (2010) c. Without agent: (80) > 而且 與 該 案 有關 的 軍方 人員 全 被 搜查 Erqie yu gai an youguan de junfang renyuan quan bei soucha And with this case relate DE military people all BEI search 及 逮捕。 ji daibu and arrest ‗And all military personnels that related to the case were searched and arrested.‘ (2010)

d. Non-past tense: (81) > 他們 將 會 被 要求 在 機器 掃描 及 人工 Tamen jiang hui bei yaoqiu zai jiqi saomiao ji rengong They will can BEI ask at machine sacn and artificial 搜身 之間 擇 一 soushen zhijian ze yi body-search between choose one ‗They will be asked to choose between the scan machine and manual search.‘ (2010)

As shown in (78), the sentence is with more than one Englishized feature: non-negative meaning, inanimate subject and non-past tense, and thus the four features are not mutually exclusive. Therefore, we probe into the different combinations of these features, and the results are presented in Table 5.

According to Table 5, the frequency of Englishized bei structure is significantly higher in the 1988 data (1.25 v.s. 0.61 per 1000 morphemes). This suggests as in most of the Englishized structures discussed above, that the Englishized uses of passive bei structure have already been localized to the Chinese grammar since as early as 1988, and the process of Englishization continues to the present day.

65

Table 5. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized passive bei structure in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Year of data Written (1988) Written (2010) Category Feature 1 (Non-negative) 4(0.08) 1(0.02) Feature 2 (Inanimate subject) 3(0.06) 1(0.02)

Feature 3 (W/o agent) 14(0.27) 7(0.17) Feature 4 (Non-past) 4(0.08) 0 1+2 3(0.06) 0 1+3 1(0.02) 1(0.02)

1+4 0 1(0.02)

2+3 10(0.19) 4(0.10) 2+4 2(0.04) 0 3+4 2(0.04) 2(0.05)

1+2+3 6(0.11) 2(0.05) 1+2+4 2(0.04) 1(0.02) 2+3+4 7(0.13) 0 1+3+4 2(0.04) 3(0.07)

1+2+3+4 6(0.11) 2(0.05)

Total of Englishized uses 66 (1.25) 25(0.61) Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

As for the frequency of each Englishized feature, Table 5 shows that the agentless passive constitutes the majority of bei structure in the data of two years. In fact, this feature is common in English as well; an agent is omitted when it is introduced before or recoverable from the context (Chafe and Danielwicz, 1987).

However, in traditional Chinese, the agent is still expressed overtly even if it is clear enough or not the focus of the attention. Take a sentence from ‗Dream of the Red

66

Chamber‘ as an example, the agent 人 ren in 我們被人欺負了. Women bei ren qifu le.

‗We were bullied by people‘ is unimportant and unnecessary information and thus omittable, while such usage is commonly seen in the novel. On the other hand, in the present data, there is no such item found.

Besides, the high frequency of deletion of agents may be also attributed to the lexicalization of certain ‗bei + verb‘ expressions, for example, 被逼 beibi ‗be forced‘.

In such expressions, the agents are usually omitted, especially frequently found in

1988 data, as in (82). In addition, the agentless passive serves to shift the attention from the agent to the patient and is suggestive of a tone of detachment, or negative involvement (Chafe, 1990).

(82) 尤其 十一 月 二十二 日 當 梁肅戎 被 逼 上台 時， Youqi shiyi yue ershier ri dang liangsurong bei bi shangtai shi Especially Novermber month 22 day when PN BEI force up stage ‗Especially on Novermber 22th when Liang Surong was forced to stand on the stage,‘ (1988)

In short, due to English influence, lexicalization of certain bei phrases and avoidance of redundant agents, the use of bei structure without agent is with the highest frequency in our written data.

3.1.5 Lexical Verbal Nominalization

Yu (2006) suggested that in modern Mandarin the verb of an event or action is nominalized to serve as a subject due to the influence of English. The nominalized units can exist in the subject position, e.g., (83) and (84), and also the object position, see (85) and (86). It is proposed that from a grammatical point of view nominalization allows the addition of modifiers and qualifiers, and thus it permits the concentration of information and the construction of an argument (Banks, 2005). As in (83), the nominalization of 採用 caiyong ‗adoption‘ permits the concentration of a clause 採

67

用全身影像掃瞄機 caiyong quanshen yingxiang saomiaoji ‗adopting whole body image scan machine‘ into a noun phrase, increasing the density of information.

Furthermore, it is suggested that nominalization is associated with the detachment feature which is commonly used in the more detached styles of writing

(Chafe, 1990). That is, by using nominalizations, the readers are forced to abstract away from ordinary and dynamic experiences.

a. Nominalized subject: (83) > 這 一 次 全身 影像 掃描 機 的 採用， 更是 Zhe yi ci quanshen yingxiang saomiao ji de , gengshi This one time all body image scan machine NM adopt, even 非同小可。 feitongxiaoke pivotal ‗This time, the adoption of whole body image scanner is not something unimportant.‘ (2010) (84) 蘇貞昌 的 算計 可以 說 是 司馬昭 之 心 Suzhenchang de suanji keyi shuo shi simazhao zhi xin Suzhenchang NM count can say C/F PN of heart ‗Su Zheg-chang‘s plot can be said as ―Sima Zhao‘s evil intent.‖‘ (2010)

b. Nominalized object: (85) 然後 用 化學 藥物 檢查 是否 有 與 爆炸 Ranhou yong huaxue yaowu jiancha shifou you yu baozha Then use chemical drug examine whether have with explode > 物質 有關 的 殘留 wuzhi youguan de canliu substance relate NM residue ‗Then using chemical substances to examine wherther there are residues related to explosive substances or not.‘ (2010) (86) >可以 想 見，最 大 的 爭議 在 隱私權 的 侵犯。 Keyi xiang jian, zui da de zhengyi zai yinsiquan de qinfan Can think see, most big DE controversy at privacy NM invade ‗It can be imagined that the biggest controversy is the invasion of privacy.‘ (2010)

Another type of Englishized verbal nominalization proposed by Yu (2006) is

‗verb + abstract noun‘. The nominalized process of this pattern is as the following: (1) the original verbs are nominalized as abstract nouns, and (2) a weak or an ‗empty‘ 68

verb with a general and broad meaning occupies the verb position. Take (87) as example, 規劃 guihua originally serves as a verb; however, due to the direct translation of English phrase ‗make a plan‘, 規劃 guihua is nominalized to be abstract nouns, and the verb position is occupied by the weak verb 做 zuo ‗make‘. Yu

(2006) observed that zuo 做 ‗do; make‘ is the most frequently used weak verb, which can be associated with the English translation of ‗make; do‘. In short, this type of

Englishization is greatly influenced by the English weak verb, such as zuo 做 ‗do; make‘ and jinxing 進行 ‗undergo‘.

c. Weak verb + abstract noun (87) 據說 黨 中央 目前 也 是 朝 三月 底 Jushuo dang zhongyang muqian ye shi chao sanyue di According to party center at present also C/F toward March end > 以前 定 輸 贏 做 規畫 yiqian ding shu ying zuo guihua before make lose win do plan ‗It is said that currently the Central Committee make plans of deciding the winner before the end of March‘ (2010)

Table 6. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of lexical verbal nominalization in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Category Year of data Written (1988) written (2010) Nominalized subject 27(0.51) 24(0.59)

Nominalized object 115(2.18) 120 (2.94)

Weak verb + abstract noun 50(0.95) 26(0.64)

Total 192(3.64) 170(4.16)

Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

The results of 1988 and 2010 data show that the frequency of lexical verbal nominalization increases, which corresponds to our expectation. In other words, the

Englishization of this feature is an ongoing development.

69

In terms of the results of each subcategory, it is found that the frequency of nominalized object is higher than that of nominalized subject in both 1988 and 2010 data. It corresponds to the results of long pre-modifiers and can be explained by the same reasons of the more frequent use of long pre-modifiers in the object position than the subject position. That is, the information in the head position should not be too heavy, or it may hinder people‘s understandings (see 3.1.2). It also accounts for the higher frequency of the category ‗weak verb + abstract noun‘ than the nominalized subject, as the former causes the lengthening of object position instead of the subject position.

3.1.6 Concessive Clauses in the Final Position

There is no example of this construction in the present data. This result can be associated with the study of the adverbial clauses in Chinese speaking and writing by

Wang (2006). The written data in her study are also from magazines (Commonwealth and UNITAS), containing 141,800 morphemes in total. With this large corpus, the frequency of concessive clauses in the final position is only 2.08 % (three tokens out of 106), and thus the lack of example in our data accords with the distribution observed by Wang (2006).

3.1.7 Other Englishized Patterns

According to previous researches, there are some other new Englishized patterns: other prepositions (i.e.有關 youguan, 對於 duiyu), the use of zhiyi ‗one of‘ and the pattern qianzhe…houzhe ‗the former…the latter‘. To further confirm that they are Englishized expressions without any existence before modern Chinese, we examined ‗Dream of the Red Chamber‘ (published in mid-17th century) and found that none of these patterns occurred in ‗Dream of the Red Chamber‘. Therefore, these structures are treated as Englishized patterns. Below each structure is discussed in 70

turn.

3.1.7.1 Other Prepositions

The phrases 有關 youguan ‗about; related to‘, 對於 duiyu ‗as for‘, and 由於 youyu ‗because of‘ are translated from English phrases ‗about‘, ‗concerning‘ (Wang,

1947; Yu, 2006). Hsu (1994) observed that such usage is used widely in news reports and also formal registers.

The examples of these prepositions in our written data reveal that 有關 youguan,

對於 duiyu and 針對 jendui serve the same purpose, namely, introducing or discussing a topic (Chao, 1968). 由於 youyu means ‗because‘, so its usage and position is the same as the phrase 因為 yinwei ‗because‘, placed in the beginning of the clause. On the other hand, 有關 youguan is commonly used in the final position and co-occurs with the conjunction 和 han, 跟 gen or 與 yu. It may or may not be followed by noun phrases, as shown in (88) and (89) respectively:

(88) 第二 方面 是 說 包括 彭鳳至 任 官 都 跟 Di er fangmian shi shuo baokuo pengfengzhi ren guan dou gen Second aspect C/F say include PN do official all with > 馬英九 有點 知 恩 圖 報 有關 mayingjiu youdian zhi en tu bao youguan PN a bit know favor want return relate ‗The second aspect is that including the inauguration of Peng Feng-zhi, it is related with Ma Ying- jiu‘s gratitude.‘ (2010) (89) 然後 用 化學 藥物 檢查 是否 有 與 爆炸 Ranhou yong huaxue yaowu jiancha shifou you yu baozha Then use chemical drug examine whether have with explode > 物質 有關 的 殘留 wuzhi youguan de canliu substancce relate NM residue ‗Then using chemical substances to examine wherther there are residues related to explosive substances or not.‘ (2010)

Another two Englishized prepositions are 針對 jendui and 對於 duiyu. They can

71

be placed in the beginning of the clause, as in (90) or follow the subject, as in (91).

(90) >對於 蔡國強 先生 國 內 媒體 曾 有 的 Duiyu caiguoqiang xiansheng guo nei meiti ceng you de Toward PN mr. nation inside media ever have NM 報導 也 轉化 成 一 幅 作品 baodao ye zhuanhua cheng yi fu zuopin report also transfer beome one CL work ‗Concerning the domestic media reports for Mr. Cai Guo-qiang, they had also been transformed into a piece of work.‘ (2010) (91) >兩黨 對於 五 都 選戰 布局 的 戰略 思考 也 Liang dang duiyu wu du xuanzhan buju de zhanlue sikao ye Two party toward five all election arrange DE strategy thoughts also 逐漸 明朗化 zhujian minglanghua gradual clearization ‗The two parties‘ strategic thoughts toward the layout of five capitals election also become gradually clear.‘ (2010)

Table 7 summarizes the results of the Englishized prepositions in the 1988 and

2010 data. It can be seen that except for the use of 對於 duiyu, all the other prepositions have higher occurrence in the 1988 data, a distribution resembling our observation of other Englishized structures presented above.

Table 7. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of other prepositions in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Year of data Written (1988) Written(2010) Category 有關 (相關) 20(0.38) 12(0.29) 對於 9(0.17) 12(0.29) 針對 2(0.04) 6(0.15) 由於 24(0.46) 9(0.22) Total 55(1.04) 39(0.95) Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

72

3.1.7.2 之一 Zhiyi ‘one of’

之一 zhiyi is directly translated from ‗one of‘ in English, and Wang (1947) claimed that there was no such construction in traditional Chinese. From the examples

(92) and (93) we can observe that zhiyi can be omitted without influencing the contexts.

(92) 自由 與 隱私 權 被 西方 社會 視 為 基本 人權 之一 Ziyou yu yinsi quan bei xifang shehui shi wei jiben renquan zhiyi Freedom and privacy right BEI west society see as basis human right of one ‗Freedom and privacy are considered as one of the basic human rights in western society.‘ (2010) (93) >台灣 經濟 回 春 的 動力 之一 是 各國 Taiwan jingji hui chun de dongli zhiyi shi ge guo Taiwan economic back spring DE power of one C/F each nation 政府 為 金融 與 企業 紓 困 所 採取 的 擴大 zhengfu wei jinrong yu qiye shu kun suo caiqu de kuoda government for finance and business ease hard SUO adopt NM expand 財政 支出。 caizheng zhichu finance expenditure ‗One of the driving forces for Taiwan‘s economic rejuvenation is that all governments over the world expand the financial expenditure for the finance and corporation bailout‘ (2010)

In our data, there are six and nine items of zhiyi in 1988 and 2010 respectively, see Table 8. Thus, there is a tendency of increasing use of zhiyi.

Table 8. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of zhiyi in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Year of data Written (1988) Written (2010) Category 之一 Zhiyi 6 (0.11) 9 (0.22) Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

3.1.7.3 前者…後者 Qianzhe…houzhe ‘the former… the latter’

The phrase qianzhe…houzhe is directly translated from English pattern ‗the 73

former… the latter‘ (Wang, 1947; Hsu, 1994). Such an expression is not commonly

used in daily speech or writing, even its English counterpart is largely confined to

rather formal noun phrases reference (Quirk et al., 1985). Thus, only one example

exists in 2010 data as shown below, and none in 1988.

(94) >前者 是 為 任何 有 目的 之 社會 意圖 設 下 規矩， Qianzhe shi wei renhe you mudi zhi shehui yitu she xia guiju, Former C/F for any have purpose of society intention set down rule 後者 則 是 為 這 些 意圖 指引 方向。 houzhe ze shi wei zhe xie yitu zhiyin fangxiang latter LK C/F for these intention guide direction ‗The former is setting the rules for any intentional purpose in the society; the latter is intending to guide the direction of these purposes.‘

Table 9. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of qianzhe…houzhe in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Year of data Written (1988) Written (2010) Category 前者…後者 qianzhe…houzhe 0 1(0.02) Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

3.1.8 Summary and Discussion

The number and frequency of seven Englishized structures in both 1988 and 2010 written data are summarized in Table 10.

To sum up, the seven Englishized structures investigated in the present study all support the previous finding; that is, the Englishized structures are accepted as part of

Chinese grammar if not frequently used in modern Mandarin. Besides, it is found that basically the Englishized structures have been localized to Chinese grammar since late

1980s, as shown in the 1988 data. Therefore, the comparison between the written data of two years show very similar tendency of the uses of Englishized structures.

74

Table 10. Comparison of the number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of each Englishized pattern in the written data in 1988 and 2010 Year of data Written (1988) Written (2010) Englishized patterns 1.Pronouns Increasing use of subject 103(1.95) 45(1.10) Increasing use of object and possessive 59(1.12) 23(0.44) Inanimate third person pronouns 45(0.85) 7(0.17) 2. Long pre-modifiers 416(7.89) 284(6.95) 3.Insertion of yi and classifiers 52(0.99) 25(0.61) 4.Passive structure bei 66(1.25) 25(0.61) 5.Lexical verbal nominalization 192(3.64) 170(4.16) 6.Concessive clauses in the final position 0 0 7.Other Englishized Other prepositions 55(1.04) 39(0.95) patterns Zhiyi ‗one of‘ 6(0.11) 9(0.22) Qianzhe…houzhe ‗the former… 0 1(0.02) the latter‘ Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848

The current finding is at odds with our expectation since not all Englishized uses

are with higher frequency in 2010 data than in 1988 data. Instead, only two categories

reveal an increase of use in 2010: lexical verbal nominalization and 之一 zhiyi ‗one

of‘.

Overall, however, the similar distributions revealed in 1988 and 2010 data show

that the influence of English had been widespread in Taiwan before 1988. Therefore,

no significant difference can be observed in the last twenty years.

3.2 The Results of the Oral Data in 2010

Another major contribution of this thesis is that our investigation of

Englishization in contemporary oral speech, which has never been studied before. The

oral data collected by Hsu (1994) are from radio news reports rather than natural

speech. Most importantly, Hsu does not present the results of her oral data or provide

any examples from oral speech. Therefore, the current study will be among the first 75

studies to provide a detailed analysis and discussion of Englishized structures in oral

Mandarin. From the results of Section 3.1, since these Englishized patterns have been

localized in Chinese grammar as early as 1988, it is predicted that they are applied to

oral Taiwan Mandarin as well.

3.2.1 Pronouns

Just as introduced in section 3.1.1, the definition of Englishized pronouns in

speaking is the same as in writing, and the discussion is presented orderly as

increasing use of subject and increasing use of object and possessive.

3.2.1.1 Increasing use of subject

The criteria of deciding Englishized pronominal subjects are as illustrated in

section 3.1.1.1: the omittable pronouns and inanimate third person pronouns. To

observe the use of Englishized pronouns clearly, in the following, we divided them

into referential and non-referential pronouns as shown in 3.2.1.1.1 and 3.2.1.1.2.

3.2.1.1.1 Referential subject pronouns

With regard to the referential subject pronouns, in the oral data the use of first

person singular 我 wo ‗I‘ is the most common one (6.01‰), and followed by third

person singular 它/他/她 ta ‗it/he/she‘ (5.82‰), second person singular 你 ni ‗you‘

(4.47‰), first person plural 我們 women ‗we‘ (2.58‰), third person plural 他們

tamen ‗they‘ (0.76‰) and second person plural 你們 nemen ‗you‘ (0.31‰). The

examples of the above pronouns are illustrated in turn as below.

a. First person singular (6.01‰) (95) >然後 呢 我 就 想 想 越 想 越 不對 我 就 打 電話 76

Ranhou ne wo jiu xiang xiang yue xiang yue budui wo jiu da dianhua Then PT I LK think think more think more not right I LK call phone 過去 guoqu pass ‗then, I thought, and thought and felt not right then I called her‘ (96) >我 說 實在的 她 事 後 問 我 的時候 Wo shuo shizaide ta shi hou wen wo deshihou I say really she thing after ask I when ‗(I) Telling the truth, when she asked me afterwards‘

As mentioned in 3.1.1, ‗I‘ is commonly used to express subjective, personalized views and affective attitudes (Chang, 2011). Since the speakers in the talk show mainly share their own experiences and opinions, the high frequency of first person singular is predictable. In addition, according to Chafe and Danielwicz (1987) and

Biber et al. (1999), first person pronouns are frequent in conversations. The use of first person pronouns can be associated with both personal involvement and solidarity, which can build connections with the readers/audience (Levorato, 2009; Hines, 2004).

That explains why first person pronouns are frequent in the oral data.

Third person singular (5.82‰) is the second highest pronoun in the oral data, functioning as illustrating the situation (i.e. (97)) and addressing the referent (i.e. (98)).

Since in the talk shows there is a great portion of story telling and situation recapitulating, the frequent use of third person singular is due to the need of narration and reports.

b. Third person singular (5.82‰) (97) 然後 我 打 他 手機 他 也 沒 接 Ranhou wo da ta shouji ta ye mei jie Then I call he cellphone he also NEG receive ‗Then I called him, he didn‘t pick up‘ (98) 孟飛 哥 這麼樣 的 大俠 他 需要 撒 什麼 謊 嗎 Mengfei ge zhemeyang de daxia ta xuyao sa sheme huang ma PN brother such DE chevalier he need spread what lie PT ‗Such chevalier as Mengfei, what kind of lies does he need to tell?‘

77

The use of inanimate third person singular ta (1.85‰) also contributes to the high frequency of third person singular. This result shows that the neuter ta is totally

Englishized, since traditionally ta only occurs in the object position but not other places. However, in the present study, its usage is the same as other animate pronouns, such as (99).

(99) 它 可以 買 下 捷克 跟 斯洛伐克 Ta keyi mai xia jieke gen siluofake It can buy down Republic and Slovakia ‗It can buy the Czech Republic and Slovakia.‘

In terms of the high frequency of second person singular (4.47‰), which is not found in the 2010 written data, its popularity in speaking may be due to the effect of engaging the readers/audience. As in (100), without ni the question would sound too remote and detached during the conversation. Moreover, due to the interactive feature of the spoken language, second person pronouns are commonly repeated to address the hearer, see (101), which is also the main usage of second person pronouns in the oral data. c. Second person singular (4.47‰) (100) 聽說 區 老師 你 被 黑函 攻擊 過 嗎 Tingshou qu laushi ni bei heihan gongji guo ma Hear say PN teacher you BEI blackmail attack EXP PT ‗I‘ve heard that Ms. Qu you have been attacked by blackmail ‘ (101) >你 說 出來 讓 大家 聽 看看 是 不是 冤枉 Ni shuo chulai rang dajia ting kankan shi bushi yuanwang You say out let everyone hear see yes no misunderstand 的 感覺 de ganjue NM feel ‗Tell us and let‘s see whether it sounds innocent.‘

The first person plural can be divided into exclusive we and inclusive we (Myers,

1992; Pennycook, 1994), and the examples of exclusive we, referring to the speaker or

78

the related people, are as shown in (102) and (103). Besides, we can serve as a politeness marker or a hedge to reduce the ‗face-threat‘ possibility (Thompson, 2001), as in (102). That is, the writer/speaker can shift the attention from himself and make the assertion sound more impersonal (Biber et al. 1999).

d. First person plural (2.58‰) (102) >因為 當時 我們 在 做 記者 的時候 薪水 的確 是 比 現在 Yinwei dangshi women zai zuo jizhe deshihou xinshui dique shi bi xianzai Because when we at do reporter when salary exactly C/F than now 高 gao high ‗Because when we were reporters, the salary was indeed higher than now.‘ (103) 我們 今天 請到 了 六 位 來賓 Women jintain qingdao le liu wei laibin We today invite PF six CL guest ‗Today we invited six guests to be here‘

Levorato (2009) maintains that first- and second- person pronouns set up a dialogic relationship of persuader (author) /persuade (reader), In McCarthy (1998) and Biber et al. (1999), it is also found that the uses of ‗I‘ and ‗you‘ occur significantly more frequent in the spoken data than in the written data, corresponding to the results of the present study. In other words, the frequent use of first and second person pronouns in the oral data may be a universal tendency.

For the frequency of the remaining pronouns, third person plural (0.76‰) and second person plural (0.31‰) are relatively low in frequency, especially compared with their singular counterparts. Biber et al. (1999) also obtained the same result; that is, singular pronouns are generally with higher frequency than the plural forms. Below are the examples of tamen and nimen. e. Third person plural (0.76‰) (104) 然後 他們 會 就是 他們 聯誼 一下

79

Ranhou tamen hui jiushi tamen lianyi yixia Then they will LK tamen date a while ‗Then they will … they have a date‘ f. Second person plural (0.31‰) (105) 你們 不要 再 逼 他 了 Nimen buyao zai bi ta le You NEG again force he PF ‗You don‘t force him again.‘

There are four possible accounts for the lower frequency of tamen and nimen; firstly, the addressing between the speakers and hearers is commonly one to one in each turn-speaking, so wo (the speaker) and ni (the hearer) would be frequently adpoted.

Another reason is because singular form can be used to replace plural form during conversation, while the reverse situation is relatively uncommon, as exemplified in

(106). In (106), the underlined ta refers to ‗many young people‘; however, the singular form is adopted rather than the plural form tamen.

(106) 那 很多 年輕 人 現在 他們 還 很 喜歡 一種 方式 就是 Na henduo nianqing ren xianzai tamen hai hen xihuan yizhong fangshi jiushi Then many young men now they still very like one CL method LK 一 房 一 廳 yi fang yi ting one house one room ‗Then now many young people they still like a method a lot, that is, one house one room ‘ > 他 可以 有 一 個 等於 說 自己 的 小 工作 室 Ta keyi you yi ge dengyu shuo ziji de xiao gongzuo shi He can have one CL equate say self DE small working room ‗He can have a just as his own working room.‘

In addition, Biber et al. (1999) proposed that singular nouns are overall significantly more frequent than plural nouns in all registers, and thus affecting the selection of correspondent pronouns. The last explanation is provided by Brown and Levinson

(1987: 200), they asserted that plurality as a marker of respect pervades the whole pronominal paradigm.

As for inanimate third person plural tamen, its frequency is 0.18‰. Since there 80

was no use of neuter tamen before, its occurrence in the oral data also supports

Englishization of inanimate third person pronouns in modern Chinese. For example:

(107) 我們 剛剛 講 了 好 幾個 站 對 不對 Women ganggang jiang le hau jige zhan dui budui We just say PF good several station right NEG right ‗We just talked several stations, right‘ >他們 現現在 鐵路 全部 高架化 tamen xianxianzai tielu chuanbu gaojiahua They now railway all elevate ‗now they railway are all elevated.‘

Table 11.1 summarizes the ranking of the frequency of each referential subject pronoun in the oral data. It is found that Englishized pronouns are frequently used in the spoken data, and its frequency is significantly higher than the written data (cf.

Table 2.2). As for the distribution of each pronoun, it is greatly influenced by the pragmatic factors and universal tendency.

Table 11.1. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized referential subject pronouns in 2010 oral data (from high to low) Data Oral (2010) Person and number 1st singular 我 wo 370 (6.01) 3rd singular 他/她/它 ta 358 (5.82) 2nd singular 你 ni 275 (4.47) 1st plural 我們 women 159 (2.58) 3rd plural 他們 tamen 47 (0.76) 2nd plural 你們 nimen 19 (0.31) Total 1228(19.96) Total of morphemes 61,517

3.2.1.1.2 Non-referential subject pronouns

Regarding the non-referential use, second person singular (3.43‰) is the most frequently used in the oral data, as that in the written data, and then followed by third

81

person singular (0.50‰), first person plural (0.34‰), first person singular (0.24‰), third person plural (0.11‰) and second person plural (0.08‰). Below are the examples of these pronouns.

Just as the results in the written data, the highest frequency of non-referential pronoun is second person singular, i.e. (108) and (109).

a. Second person singular (3.43‰) (108) >就是 說 當 一 個 國家 它 它 弄 偽 鈔 的時候， 你 要 Jiushi shuo dang yi ge guojia ta ta nong wei chao deshihou, ni yao Just say when one CL nation it it do fake note when you want 辨識 真的是 不 容易，更何況 那 我 曾經 問過 bianshi zhendeshi bu rongyi, genghekuang na wo cengjing wenguo tell really NEG easy needless to say that I ever ask 美國 人，因為 你 要 知道 你 要 知道 那 種 墨綠 meiguo ren, yinwei ni yao zhidao ni yao zhidao na zhong molu U.S man because you need know you need know that CL blackgreen 能 仿造 的 國家 不 多 neng fangzao de guojia bu duo can forge DE naton not many ‗That is, when a country counterfeits the bills, it is really uneasy to identify. Let alone that I have ever asked the Americans, because you know you know that not many countries can forge that kind of dark green color.‘ (109) >你 如果 是 四點四 兆 台幣 的 這個 數字，你 可以 Ni ruguo shi sidiansi zhao taibi de zhege shu zi, ni keyi You if C/F four point four trillion NT dollars DE this number ,you can 辦 三 次 的 北京 奧運， 你 是 相當 於 紐西蘭 一 ban san ci de beijing aoyun, ni shi xiangdang yu niuxilan yi hold three times Beijing Olympics,you C/F quite at New Zealand one 年 的 國民 生產 毛額 nian de guomin shengchan maoe year DE citizen produce amount ‗If it is 4.4 trillion NT dollars this number, you can hold Beijing Olympics three Times, and it is equivalent to one year‘s gross national product in New Zealand.‘

Noticeably, at odds with the literature and the written data, the frequency of third person singular (0.50‰) is even higher than first person plural (0.34‰). It may be due to the fact that third person singular is frequently adopted to elaborate the general arguments and illustrate indefinite situation. As in (110), the use of ta does not refer

82

to a particular referent but a non-specific student.

b. Third person singular (0.50‰) (110) 第一個 其實 要 讓 學生 放鬆 Di yi ge qishi yao rang xuesheng fangsong First actually want let student relax ‗Firstly, in fact, let students relax‘ 當 他 肌肉 是 緊張 的 狀態 之下 Dang ta jirou shi jinzhang de zhuangtai zhixia When he muscle C/F nervous DE state under ‗When his muscle is under the state of nervousness,‘ >他 沒有 辦法 學 會 任何 東西 Ta meiyou banfa xue hui renhe dongxi He NEG method learn able any thing ‗he can‘t learn anything well‘

In addition, the inanimate use of non-referential ta (0.34‰) also contributes the high frequency of third person singular, as in (111) ta refers to an indefinite number. Again, it supports the Englishized use of inanimate third person singular; that is, the neuter ta is not limited to the object position.

(111) 數字 出來 然後 你 就 會 知道 它 跟 市場 行情 Shuzi chulai ranhou ni jiu hui zhidau ta gen shichang hangching Number come out then you LK will know it and maket value 差 多少 Cha duoshao differentiate more less ‗After knowing the number, you will know how much it is different from the market value‘

The non-referential first person plural women as inclusive ‗we‘ is a common use in speaking, representing a more overt interaction with the audience and including the addressee as a member of a discourse community. Take (112) and (113) as examples, women is used in an impersonal and hearer-inclusive sense. c. First person plural (0.34‰) (112) >我們 現在 人 跟 人 之間 生活 當中 我們 Women xianzai ren gen ren zhijian shenghuo dangzhong women 83

We now men and men between life within we 越 來 越 少 聽 自己 說話 yue lai yue shao ting ziji shuohua more come more few listen self talk ‗In the modern life, we listen to our own talks less and less.‘ (113) 因為 我們 都 知道 火車 的 等級 分 四 五 種 Yinwei women dou zhidao huoche de dengji fen si wu zhong Because we all know train DE grade divide four five kind ‗Because we all know that the class of trains can be divided into four to five kinds.‘

As for self-mention ‗I‘, it can be used as an impersonal pronoun to refer to general truth, and mostly in a hypothetical context (Chang, 2011). As in (114), the speaker offers himself as a role model to exemplify. d. First person singular (0.24‰) (114) >那 我 如果 加入 銀行 那個 會 的話， na wo roguo jiaru yinhang nage hui dehua, that I if join bank that organization DE word 我 等於 已經 被 銀行 篩選 過 了 wo dengyu yijing bei yinhang shaixuan guo le I equal already BEI bank select EXP PF ‗Then if I joined the association of the bank, it means that I have already been selected by the bank.‘

The occurrences of the remaining two pronouns, third person plural (0.11‰) and second person plural (0.08‰), are very few. From the examples, it is found that they mostly occur in the hypothetical context to refer to indefinite or generic referents (see

(115) and (116)). e. Third person plural (0.11‰) (115) >男人 連 小 謊 都 說 那 大 謊 他們 當然 更 因為 Nanren lian xiao huang dou shuo na da huang tamen dangran geng yinwei Men even small lie all say then big lie they sure more because 他們 口風 緊 tamen koufeng jin they mouth tight ‗Men even tell small lies then they tell big lies for sure, because they are tight-lipped.‘

84

f. Second person plural (0.08‰) (116) >然後 你 就 問 他 說 ㄟ你們 有 沒有 做 那邊 那個 區 Ranhou ni jiu wen ta shuo nimen you meiyou zuo nabian nage qu Then you LK ask he say you with NEG do that that area ‗Then you asked him did you go to that area?‘

In the oral data, the pronouns of non-referential use are not only expressed by second person singular but also other person and number as well. On the other hand, in the written data the non-referential pronouns are limited to ni ‗you‘ and women

‗we‘. The major reason of the various pronouns for non-referential use in the oral data can be associated with the overall high frequency of pronouns in speaking.

The ranking of the frequency of non-referential pronouns in the oral data is presented in Table 11.2.

Table 11.2. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized non-referential subject pronouns in 2010 oral data (from high to low) Data Oral (2010) Person and number 2nd singular 211 (3.34) 3rd singular 31 (0.50) 1st plural 21 (0.34) 1st singular 15 (0.24) 3rd plural 7 (0.11) 2nd plural 5 (0.08) Total 290 (4.71) Total of morphemes 61,517

Generally speaking, the frequency of pronominal subjects in the oral data is significantly higher than that in the written data (2010 oral: 24.68‰; 2010 written:

1.10‰). It may be due to the fact that conversation is spontaneous, so redundancy is unavoidable. Besides, for the benefit of the hearers, pronouns are more commonly repeated during conversation. Similar finding can be obtained from the study of

English; the spoken language is with more personal pronouns (Poole and Field, 1976; 85

Biber, 1988; Biber et al., 1999). On the other hand, personal pronouns are generally rare in academic writing due to the request of objectivity and neutrality (Biber et al.,

1999). The same is true to magazine articles.

Moreover, not only the frequency is higher but also the types of the person and number of pronouns are more various in the oral data. The higher frequency of pronouns in conversation is due to processing load. Formal writing is dense in its content. New information is provided in each sentence, unlike speaking which contains little information in one clause or information unit. The results of the oral data support the proposal that modern Chinese moves from a topic-comment sentence structure to a subject-predicate (Wang, 1947; Hsu, 1994). It also reveals that the occurrence of Englishized syntact pattern is not restricted in the written language.

Aside from the influence of English, it is found that in speaking other pragmatic and discourse factors greatly affect the appearance and distribution of different pronouns.

3.2.1.2 Increasing use of object pronouns

The discussions of Englishized object pronouns are also mainly based on the referentiality, as illustrated in 3.2.1.2.1 and 3.2.1.2.2.

3.2.1.2.1 Referential object pronouns

With regard to the distribution of referential pronouns, third person singular is the most common pronoun in the object position (0.67‰), and the ranking of remaining pronouns is shown in Table 11.3.

86

Table 11.3. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized referential object pronouns in 2010 oral data (from high to low) Data Oral (2010) Person and number 3rd singular 41 (0.67) 2nd singular 15 (0.24) 1st singular 15 (0.24) 1st plural 10 (0.16) 3rd plural 6 (0.10) 2nd plural 2 (0.03) Total 89 (1.45) Total of morphemes 61,517

The highest frequency of third person singular may be due to the fact that it helps to illustrate things, and since it usually refers to remote referents (physical or relational), the repetition of pronouns can benefit the hearers. For example, in (117) ta refers to the speaker‘s ex-wife, and the speaker was recalling the past at the time of speaking.

This may account for the lower frequency of first person singular and second person singular, since mostly the referents of first- and second- person singular are on the spot and it is clear enough.

(117) 當年 娶 她 的時候， 對 外 都 說， 那 是 我 女兒 Dangnian qu ta deshihou dui wai dou shou na shi wo nuer That year marry she when, to outside all say that C/F I daughter ‗At thst time when I married her, I always said that is my daughter to the public.‘

3.2.1.2.2 Non-referential object pronouns

In terms of the non-referential use, as the subject position, it is mainly expressed by second person singular in the oral data (0.20‰). The ranking of other pronouns are summarized in Table 11.4.

87

Table 11.4. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized non-referential object pronouns in 2010 oral data (from high to low) Data Oral (2010) Person and number 2nd singular 12 (0.20) 3rd singular 3 (0.05) 1st plural 3 (0.05) 1st singular 2 (0.03) 3rd plural 2 (0.03) 2nd plural 0 Total 22 (0.38) Total of morphemes 61,517

Corresponding to the literature, non-referential use is frequently expressed by second person singular (Wang, 1947). For example.

(118) 有人 讚美 你 總 比 有人 罵 你 好 Youren zanmei ni zong bi youren ma ni hou Have men praise you always more have men scold you good ‗Someone praises you is better than someone critize you.‘

In short, comparing Table 11.2 and Table 11.4, it can be seen that the distribution of non-referential pronouns as subject and object are the same in the oral data.

Considering the Englishized pronouns in the object position, it reveals that their frequency in the oral data is 1.80‰, which is significantly higher than that in the 2010 written data (0.17‰), corresponding to Biber et al. (1999).

Comparing with the results of pronominal subjects in the oral data, it is found that the frequency of Englishized pronouns as subject (24.68‰) is significantly higher than object position (1.80‰). Biber et al. (1999) suggested that subjects are more likely than objects used to express introduced or given information, in accordance with the information principle. Thus, in English subjects are also often realized by pronouns, while objects are realized by full noun phrases. This may be a universal

88

tendency, so in Mandarin the same distribution is found.

3.2.1.3 Increasing use of possessive pronouns

Following the discussions of subject pronouns and object pronouns, the

Englishized possessive pronouns are explicated in terms of the referentiality, as shown in 3.2.1.3.1 and 3.2.1.3.2.

3.2.1.3.1 Referential possessive pronouns

For the distribution of referential possessive pronouns, just as the object position, third person singular is with the highest frequency (1.27‰), and followed by second person singular (0.60‰), first person singular (0.50‰), first person plural (0.29‰), third person plural (0.16‰) and second person plural (0.13‰).

As for the use of inanimate third person pronouns, the frequency of inanimate ta and tamen in the possessive position (0.53‰) is higher than the traditional object position (0.44‰), see (119). Therefore, again the Englishization of the neuter ta and tamen is supported.

(119) >蘆洲 目前 來 看 的 話 它 的 生活 機能 是 沒有 那麼 Luzhou muqian lai kan de hua ta de shenghuo jineng shi meiyou name 好 hau ‗So far Luzhou its vital function is not that good‘

It is found that in the oral data no matter which position, for referential use the plural forms of pronouns are less frequent than their singular counterparts. The reasons are as provided in 3.2.1.1.1: the one-to-one interactive nature, the replacement of plural form by singular form and the sense of respect and indirectness. Besides, comparing the results of the object and possessive position, the ranking of referential

89

pronouns in the oral data is the same in these two positions. Similar tendency can be obtained from the results of non-referential pronouns, as shown in 3.2.1.3.2.

3.2.1.3.2 Non-referential possessive pronouns

The most frequent non-referential pronoun in the oral data is second person singular (0.59‰) and followed by third person singular (0.18‰), first person plural

(0.05‰), first person singular (0.03‰), and third person plural (0.02‰).

As in other two positions, second person singular is the most frequently used pronoun for non-referential use, as in (120) and (121). Given the above discussion, regardless of the language modes and the positions, for non-referential use the frequency of second person singular is the highest.

(120) 你 要 打開 你 的 耳朵 Ni yao dakai ni de erduo You want open you DE ear ‗You have to open up your ears.‘ (121) 你 要 聽 你 的 對手 在 講 什麼 Ni yao ting ni de duishou zai jiang sheme You want hear you DE rival at speak what ‗You have to listen to what your rival said.‘

The second highest pronoun for non-referential use is third person singular. The high frequency of third person singular can be associated with the nature of talk shows: the explication of events and arguments with indefinite referents, as in (122), where ta is used in a hypothetical context to refer to indefinite person.

(122) >有的 連 外面 有 孩子 都 沒 說 元配 在 他 的 那個 Youde lian waimian you haizi dou mei shuo yuanpei zai ta de nage Someone even outside have child all NEG say wife in he DE that 有沒有 靈堂 上 才 發現 youmeiyou lingtang shang cai faxian whether funeral up only find ‗Some even didn‘t say that he has an illegimate child, the wife just found it in his funeral‘

90

Overall, the above discussion shows that non-referential use of pronouns is not only significantly more frequent but also more various in the oral data than in the written data. Generally, just as Englishized subject and object pronouns, regardless of referentiality, the frequency of Englishized pronouns in the possessive position is significantly higher in the oral data (3.82‰) than in the 2010 written data (0.39‰).

To sum up, with regard to the distribution of non-referential pronuns in the oral data, its distribution is the same in all positions; the top three pronouns are: second person singular, third person singular and first person plural. The frequent use of second person singular and first person plural corresponds to the observation of the literature; these two types of pronouns can be used to engage the audience. The high frequency of non-referential third person singular may be attributed to the significantly more common use of third person singular in general, since the total frequency of third person singular (8.57‰) is only lower than second person singular

(9.53‰).

As for the distribution of each referential pronoun, in the oral data regardless of positions all singular forms are more frequent than the plural forms due to the one-to-one interactive nature and the sense of respect and indirectness. For the ranking of the top three pronouns, in the subject position it is first person singular, third person singular and second person singular. However, in the object and possessive position, it is third person singular and then second person singular and first person singular. The reason why first person singular is significantly higher in the subject position is due to the fact that in the talk shows there are great opportunities of delivering personal opinions and attitudes, and self-mention ‗I‘ occurs in the subject position to express the subjective viewpoints.

To observe the distribution of each pronoun in speaking clearly, the results are summarized in Table 11.5. 91

Table 11.5. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized pronouns in 2010 oral data Database Oral Referentaility Referential Non-referential Total Person

1st singular 416(6.76) 19(0.31) 435 (7.07) 1st plural 187(3.04) 27(0.44) 214(3.48) 2nd singular 327(5.32) 259(4.21) 586(9.53) 2nd plural 29(0.47) 5(0.08) 34(0.55) 3rd singular 477(7.75) 45(0.73) 522(8.49) 3rd plural 63(1.02) 10(0.16) 73(1.19) Total 1499(24.37) 366(5.95) 1865(30.32) Total of morphemes 61,517 61,517

In general, Table 11.5 shows that the high frequency of Englishized use demonstrates the pervasive influence of pronouns in oral Chinese. The widespread use of subject pronouns also suggests that Chinese may have moved from a topic-comment language to a subject-predicate language. Further studies are required, however, to investigate the changing typological feature of Chinese.

In addition, the results also indicate that no matter in which position or which person the pronoun occurs, the frequency of pronouns carrying the features of

[+referential, +animate] is significantly higher than others. Since the main function of pronouns is for reference, and the subjects of sentences are usually animate, it follows that the pronouns with the features of [+referential, +animate] are the most frequently used.

Compared with the 2010 written data, the frequency of Englishized pronouns in the oral data (30.32‰) is significantly higher than the written data (1.69‰). This result is mainly due to different properties of writing and speaking, as observed in the literature. Most importantly, the widespread use of Englishized pronouns in the oral speech reveals that the Englishized usage of pronouns is indeed accepted as part of

92

daily use, and not merely limited in writing.

3.2.2 Long Pre-modifiers

The examples of long pre-modifiers in each subcategory from the spoken data are illustrated as below:

a. One clause or more, in the subject position (123) >但是 這 兩位 柏林 派 來 的 這個 間諜 要求 說 Danshi zhe liangwei bolin pai lai de zhege jiandie yaoqiu shou But this two CL PN send come DE this spy ask say 請 你 再 送 往 你們 的 金檢 中心 做 第 二 次 Ching ni zai song wang nimen de jinjian zhongxin zuo di er ci please you again send to you DE financial center do the second 確認 queren confirm ‗But these two spies sent from Berlin asked that please send it to your financial center for the second confirmation.‘ b. One clause or more, in the object position (124) >它 就是 全 世界 第四 個 擁有 美國 公債 最 高 Ta jiushi quan shijie disi ge yongyou meiguo gongzhai zui gao It LK whole world forth CL own America bond most high 的 一個 單位 de yi ge danwei DE one CL unit ‗It would be a unit which owns American government bond the fourth highest in the world.‘ c. Two phrases or more, in the subject position (125) >所有 大 台北 地區 的 資產 股 都 在 那 條 台一線 上 Suoyou da Taipei diqu de zichan gu dou zai na tiao taiyixian shang All big Taipei area DE assests stock all at that line Taiyixian up ‗All assests stocks in Taipei area are along Taiwan provincial road, route 1. d. Two phrases or more, in the object position (126) >當然 我 覺得 你 是 一個 比較 前衛 的 思想 Dangran wo juede ni shi yi ge bijiao qianwei de sixiang Certainly I feel you C/F one CL more avant-garde DE thoughts 教法 的 老師 Jiaofa de laoshi teaching method DE teacher ‗Certainly I feel that you are a teacher with more avant-garde thoughts and

93

teaching methods.‘

Table 12. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of long pre-modifiers in 2010 oral data Data Oral Number of phrases or clauses One clause or more Subject 13(0.21) Object 20(0.33) Two phrases or more Subject 7(0.11) Object 34(0.55) Total 74(1.20) Total of morphemes 61,517

Table 12 shows that the frequency of long pre-modifiers in the oral data is

(1.20‰), which is significantly lower than the written data (6.95‰), since it is difficult to utter and also parse long sentences during the speech. It is suggested that under normal conditions a speaker cannot focus attention on more information than six words due to the limitation of short-term memory (cf. Pawley and Syder, 1976). In general, information is much less-tightly packed in conversation, and thus clauses tend to be shorter and less complex than the written registers (Biber et al., 1999). In other words, the syntax of a sentence should be kept fairly simple, or it would cause trouble to listeners and also speakers. However, for writing the readers can review the sentences at will, so the length of each sentence tends to be longer. Chafe and

Danielwicz (1987) found that the number of the words per sentence is 6.2 in the conversation, 7.3 in the lectures, 8.4 in the letters and 9.3 in the academic papers. The language type in our oral data is closer to conversation than lectures, while the style of our written data is closer to academic papers than letters. Furthermore, Biber et al.

(1999) also found that premodifiers are more frequent in the news than in conversation, and longer pre-modifier sequences are more common in the news texts, corresponding to the present study. 94

In terms of the position of long pre-modifiers, the result in the spoken data is the same as the written data, namely, long pre-modifiers are more frequent in the object position than in the subject position. As for the types of long pre-modifiers, in the written data, the occurrences of one clause or more outnumber the tokens of two phrases or more; however, the distribution in the oral data is the opposite. Biber et al.

(1999) also found that the conversation texts contain significantly more non-clausal word forms, while the news texts are the opposite. In addition, in the conversation text, there are shorter clauses and a lower degree of embedding. Therefore, the results of the present study correspond to the findings of Biber et al (1999).

3.2.3.2 Insertion of yi and classifiers

The insertion of yi and classifiers is significantly higher in the oral data (2.58‰) than the 2010 written data (0.61‰), and it is found that the tendency of generalization of classifiers is more significant in the oral data. The majority of classifiers used is ge, and only twelve tokens out of 159 items of classifiers are not ge, as exemplified below.

Table 13. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized insertion of yi and classifiers in 2010 oral data Category Data Oral Yi + 個 + abstract nouns 92(1.50) + concrete nouns 55(0.89) Yi + 種 + abstract nouns 9(0.15) + concrete nouns 0 Yi + other classifiers + abstract nouns 0 + concrete nouns 3(0.05)

Total 159(2.58) Total of morphemes 61,517

95

a. Yi + ge + abstract nouns (127) 那個 對 美國 來 講 是 多 大 的 一 個 衝擊 nage dui meiguo lai jiang shi duo da de yi ge chongji That to U.S come speak C/F many big NM one CL impact ‗For the U.S, what a huge impact it is.

b. Yi + ge + concrete nouns (128) 你 怎麼 會 在 一 個 工人 所 坐 的 車廂 裡面 Ni zenme hui zai yi ge gongren suo zuo de chexiang limian You how can at one CL worker SUO sit DE car inside ‗How would you sit in a compartment for blue-collars?‘

The higher frequency of ‗yi + ge + abstract/concrete noun‘ in the oral data may be due to the fact that in writing the authors can always delete and edit unnecessary words whereas in speech, yige seems to provide the speaker with processing time before s/he thinks of a proper noun for the predication. Besides, it is suggested that through repeated uses in the daily usage, the construction ‗yi + ge + noun‘ is memorized and retrieved as a unit (Biq, 2004). As a result, in the real-time speech, such a ready phrase is more commonly adopted.

3.2.4 Passive Structure Bei

Just as the analysis of writing, we examined the four Englishized features in the passive bei sentences in speaking. As in (129), the bei sentence is with all Englishized features: non-negative, inanimate subject, without agent and non-past tense.

(129) 雖然 剛剛 講 說 刺激 這些 東西 是 要 被 打開 的 Suiran ganggang jiang shuo ciji zhexie dongxi shi yao bei dakai de Though just speak say stimulate these thing C/F want BEI open NM ‗Though we just said that stimuli these things should be opened up.‘

The frequency of Englishized bei structure is higher in the written data (0.61‰) than the oral data (0.23‰) (cf. Table 14). In the oral data, 14 tokens out of 31 bei sentences are Englishized; while in the written data, the frequency is even up to 25 96

tokens out of 27 items. The results reveal that the use of Englishized bei structure is widely adopted in modern Chinese, especially in writing. Similarly, in English the passives are relatively infrequent in the spoken language, except for the lexicalized phrases like ‗I got hit.‘ (Chafe, 1990). Chafe and Danielwicz (1987) found that there were only three passives in conversations, but 22 occurrences in academic writing. In fact, plenty of studies of English speaking and writing reveal that the passives occur more frequently in writing (O‘Donnell, 1974; Blass and Siegman, 1975; Bennett,

1977; Biber et al., 1999).

As for the frequency of each Englishized feature, the distribution is relatively even among four Englishized features in the oral data. That is, unlike the significantly higher frequency of agentless passives in the written data, while in speaking the number of agentless passives is close to that of other features. It may be associated with the spontaneous feature of spoken language, leading to more redundant use of words. Take (130) as an example, the agent renjia is unimportant and omissible information; however, it is expressed overtly in the spoken data due to the real-time feature of speaking. On the other hand, as mentioned in 3.1.4, no similar example is found in our written data, since it can be deleted in writing.

(130) 那邊 萬一 等一下 被 人家 拿走 或 幹嘛 Nabian wanyi dengyixia bei renjia nazou huo ganma That in case wait a minute BEI people take away or what ‗What if later it was taken away by people‘

97

Table 14. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of Englishized passive bei structure in 2010 oral data Category Data Oral (2010) Non-negative (feature 1) 1(0.02) Inanimate subject (feature 2) 2(0.03) w/o agent (feature 3) 0 non-past (feature 4) 1(0.02) 1+2 0 1+3 0 1+4 3(0.05) 2+3 3(0.05) 2+4 1(0.02) 3+4 1(0.02) 1+2+3 0 1+2+4 0 2+3+4 0 1+3+4 1(0.02) 1+2+3+4 1(0.02) Total of Englishized uses 14(0.23) Total of morphemes 61,517

3.2.5 Lexical Verbal Nominalization

The examples of each subcategory of lexical nominalization in the oral data are illustrated below: a. Nominalized subject (131) 問卷 調查 都 做 好 了 Wenjuan diaozha dou zuo hao le Questionnaire survey all do good PT ‗Questionnaire surveys are all finished.‘ b. Nominalized object (132) 之後 她 就 隨著 工程 的 進行 她 會 一直 跟 你 98

Zhihou ta jiu suizhe gongcheng de jinxing ta hui yizhi gen ni After she LK with engineer NM process she can always with you ‗Afterward following the proceeding of construction she kept tagging along after you.‘ (133) 他 說 有 2 3 秒 的 遲延 所以 剛剛 122 是 對 的 Ta shou you 2 3 miao de chiyan suoyi ganggang 122 shi dui de He say have 23 second NM delay so just 122 C/F right NM ‗He said that there is two to three seconds delay so the number 122 was right.‘ c. Weak verb + abstract noun (134) 如果 我們 給 它 做 設計 之後 Ruguo women gei ta zuo sheji zhihou If we give it do design after ‗If after we make a design for it‘ (135) 去 做 這樣 的 一 個 交換 qu zuo zheyang de yi ge jiaohuan Go do such NM one CL exchange ‗to do this kind of exchange‘

Table 15. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of lexical verbal nominalization in 2010 oral data Category Data Oral Nominalized subject 4(0.07)

Nominalized object 12(0.20) Weak verb + abstract noun 15(0.24)

Total 31(0.50) Total of morphemes 61,517

Compared with the written data, the frequency of lexical verbal nominalization is lower in the oral data (4.16 v.s. 0.50 per 1000 words), which can be associated with the result of long pre-modifiers. Chafe and Danielwicz (1987) also found that the occurrences of nominalizations per thousand words are up to 92 in academic writing, but only 27 cases in conversations. The result of the present study corresponds to their findings. As discussed in 3.1.5, nominalization permits the concentration of information and the construction of an argument (Banks, 2005), while in the speech information should not be too dense, or it would increase the processing load of the 99

hearers. Besides, nominalization is associated with detachment feature (Chafe, 1990); however, in the talk shows the speakers basically aim at engaging the audience.

As for the frequency of each subcategory, another similarity between the result of long pre-modifiers and lexical verbal nominalization is the frequency of lengthening objects is higher than lengthening subjects in both written and oral data.

Noticeably, in the spoken data, the occurrence of ‗weak verb + abstract noun‘ is the highest due to the fact that the use of weak verb 做 zuo occurs much more frequently in speaking, as shown in (133) and (134). As it is a rather colloquial usage, the frequency is much lower in writing. Besides, it is found that in conversation participants tend to repeatedly use some common verbs (mostly weak verbs, i.e. get, make, take, etc.), which may be due to the fact that time limitation leads speakers to rely heavily on those common verbs while the writers have more time to select different lexical items (Biber et al., 1999).

3.2.6 Concessive Clauses in the Final Position

There is no such example in the present data. Just as suggested in section 3.1.6, it may be due to the general infrequent use of concessive clauses in Chinese.

3.2.7 Other Englishized Patterns

Other Englishized patterns are new expressions translated from English, and originally their English counterparts are mainly used in formal writing or speech, for example, ‗concerning‘, ‗with respect to‘, ‗one of‘, and ‗the former… the latter‘.

Therefore, it is expected that these Englishized patterns would be less frequent in the oral data, as illustrated below.

100

3.2.7.1 Other Prepositions Table 16. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of other prepositions in 2010 oral data Data Oral Category 有關(相關) youguan/xiangguan 5(0.08) 對於 duiyu 6(0.10) 針對 zhendui 0 由於 youyu 0 Total 11(0.18) Total of morphemes 61,517

In congruence with our expectation, the frequency of this usage is significantly higher in the written data (1.04‰) than the oral data (0.18‰), corresponding to Hsu‘s observation that they are used exactly and extensively in the news reports and professional registers. Besides, it also fits into the study of Chafe and Danielwicz

(1987); that is, the occurrences of the prepositional phrases per thousand words in academic writing are higher in number than those in conversation. Most importantly, just as suggested above, the English counterparts of these Englishized prepositions are also more commonly used in the formal registers. Thus, it is normal that its frequency is low in our conversation database.

3.2.7.2 之一 Zhiyi ‘one of’

There are only three items in the oral data, as in (135). As a more formal use, it is rarely used during the speech. In addition, in all three examples, zhiyi occurs in the end of the sentence, while in the written data the positions of zhiyi are more various.

(136) 這個 美國 的 公債 絕對 是 他 的 選項 之一 Zhege meiguo de gongzhai juedui shi ta de xuanxiang zhiyi This US DE bond absolutely C/F he DE option of one 101

‗This American bond is absolutely one of his options.‘

3.2.7.3 前者…後者 Qianzhe…houzhe ‘the former… the latter’

It is suggested that the use of the former and the latter are generally rare and restricted to the expository written registers in English (Biber et al., 1999: 283). Thus, even in the written data there is only one example and none in the spoken data.

What‘s more, it is almost impossible to occur in conversation, because it means that the hearers have to remember what the former and the latter refers to respectively, which is very likely to exceed the attention limitation of short-term memory; namely, six words (Pawley and Syder, 1976). Therefore, as expected none examples are found in the oral data.

3.2.8 Summary and Discussion Table 17. The number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of each Englishized pattern in the oral data Data Oral (2010) Englishized patterns 1.Pronouns Increasing use of subject 1541(25.05) Increasing use of object and possessive 335(5.45) Inanimate third person pronouns 184(2.99) 2.Long pre-modifiers 74(1.20) 3.Insertion of yi and classifiers 159(2.58) 4.Passive structure bei 14(0.23) 5.Lexical verbal nominalization 31 (0.50) 6.Concessive clauses in the final position 0 7. Other Other prepositions 11(0.18) Englishized Zhiyi ‗one of‘ 3(0.05) patterns Qianzhe…houzhe ‗the former… the latter‘ 0 Total of morphemes 61,517

Generally speaking, the results correspond to our prediction; that is, the

Englishized patterns are also employed in oral Mandarin. The overall results of the

102

oral data are summarized in Table 17.

From Table 17, it can be seen that the use of pronouns and insertion of yi and classifiers are significantly more frequent than other Englishized patterns in speaking.

These structures can be associated with the spontaneous feature of spoken language, leading to more redundant words in the sentence. For example, insertion of yi and classifiers may be deleted in writing after reviewing but it is not allowed to do so in speaking. Besides, it can be generalized that the structures predominant in speaking belong to function words category, which correponds to Biber et al.‘s study of the distribution of lexical words and functiond words in conversation and news texts.

Biber et al. (1999) found that function words are more frequent in conversation while lexical words are predominant in the news text. The result is due to the fact that news texts are written to provide information, while in conversation the informational aspect is less distinct.

3.3 General Summary and Discussion

This chapter analyzes and discusses the Englishized structures in Taiwan

Mandarin from diachronic and synchronic perspectives. The diachronic study is the comparison between the writing in 1988 and in 2010. The synchronic research is the analysis of the oral data in 2010.

Table 18 is the summary of the number and frequency of Englishized constructions in our three databanks.

As shown in Table 18, the general tendency of Englishization in 1988 and 2010 writing is similar. That is, the popularity of each Englishized structure in the two years of written data displays similar pattern.

103

Table 18. Comparison of the number and normalized frequency (per 1000 morphemes) of each Englishized pattern in all the data Year of data Written Written Oral (2010) Englishized patterns (1988) (2010) 1.Pronouns Increasing use of subject 103(1.95) 45(1.10) 1541(25.05) Increasing use of object and possessive 59(1.12) 23(0.44) 335(5.45) Inanimate third person pronouns 45(0.85) 7(0.17) 184(2.99) 2. Long pre-modifiers 416(7.89) 284(6.95) 74(1.20) 3.Insertion of yi and classifiers 25(0.61) 52(0.99) 159(2.58) 4.Passive structure bei 66(1.25) 25(0.61) 14(0.23) 5.Lexical verbal nominalization 192(3.64) 170(4.16) 31 (0.50) 6.Concessive clauses in the final position 0 0 0 7. Other Other prepositions 39(0.95) 55(1.04) 11(0.18) Englishized patterns Zhiyi ‗one of‘ 9(0.22) 6(0.11) 3(0.05) Qianzhe…houzhe ‗the former…the 1(0.02) 0 0 latter‘ Total of morphemes 52,704 40,848 61,517

This result implies that these Englishized uses have already been widely adopted

at least as early as in 1988, so it is difficult to observe significant differences of

Englishization between 1988‘s writing and the present writing. That also explains why

almost all Englishized categories have similar tendency in the two written data. This

proposal is supported by Hsu (1994), which studied different writing materials

ranging from 1989 to 1994. Hsu (1994) found that many Englishized structures are

widely adopted at that time, and even some of them are so prevalent that no one

knows its foreign origins. In short, the Englishized structures examined in the present

study have been localized in Taiwan Mandarin at least since twenty years ago.

The extension of Englishization can be supported by the results of the oral data

in our study as well. Although it is argued that Englishized syntactic patterns are

mainly confined to the written mode (Wang, 1947; Hsu, 1994), the Englishized

patterns adopted in the oral speech are generally higher in number than in the written

104

mode. The results of comparison of each structure in the oral data and the written data are summarized and discussed in the following.

For the use of Englishized pronouns, it is significantly higher in the oral data for the benefit of the hearers; that is, the repetition of pronouns can avoid the possible confusion of the referents. Moreover, the distribution of pronouns is different in two language modes. First person and second person pronouns are significantly more frequent in speaking to involve the addressee and attract their attention. As for the written data, third person singular outnumbers other pronouns due to the objective and narrative features of magazines.

In terms of the use of long pre-modifiers, its frequency is significantly higher in the written data because of the limit of short-term memory. Regarding the position of long pre-modifiers, the frequency of long pre-modifiers in the object position is higher than the subject position in both writing and speaking for ease of information processing (cf. information principle and the principle of end-weight).

Regarding the uses of insertion of yi and classifiers, they are more frequent in the oral data, as they are omittable words which can be deleted in writing. It is found that in the oral data the tendency of generalization is more significant than the written data.

On the other hand, the frequency of Englishized bei structre is significantly higher in the written data than in the oral data. Since it is regarded as a detachment device, and even in English the passives occur more frequent in writing.

The frequency of lexical verbal nominalization is also significantly higher in the written data; as long-premodifier it is one of the lengthening devices. Besides, nominalization is associated with the detachment feature and thus it is commonly used in the more detached style of writing. Noticeably, in the speaking, the freqeuncy of

‗weak verb + abstract nouns‘ is higher than nominalized subject and object. It may be 105

due to the fact that such a use is a rather colloquial expression.

There are no examples of concessive clauses in the final position, so no claim can be made here.

The last category is patterns translated from English, such as other prepositions

(i.e. 有關 youguan, 對於 duiyu), the use of zhiyi ‗one of‘ and the pattern qianzhe…houzhe ‗the former…the latter‘. Except for the lack of examples of the last pattern in 2010 data, all the other expressions are all more frequent in the written data than in the oral data. It may be mainly due to the fact that the English counterparts of these patterns are more commonly used in the formal registers, and thus it is predictable that their frequency is low in our oral database.

In short, the structures with higher frequency in the written data can be regarded as lengthening devices (Chafe and Danielwicz, 1987). Chafe and Danielwicz (1987) explicated that the length of a sentence is longer in writing than speaking, and those lengthening devices occur more in writing as well. The results of the present study correspond to Chafe and Danielwicz‘s findings and discussion.

As for the more frequent used Englishized structures in speaking, they are associated with the spontaneous and real-time features of conversation; that is, the utterences cannot be edited afterward. Besides, it is found that the Englishized structures dominant in speaking fall into the functional category (Biber et al., 1999), and thus the deletion of them would not affect the meanings.

To sum up, the results of seven Englishized structures examined in the present study correspond to observations in previous findings; that is, the Englishized structures are frequently used in modern Mandarin and accepted as part of Chinese grammar. The results of the oral data also suggest that the Englishized syntactic structures are not merely limited to writing due to translation or imitation of English writing. Most of them are widely used in daily conversation. Therefore, we may 106

suggest that Englishization of Mandarin still continues in writing and further develops in speaking.

With regard to the comparison between the written and spoken data, the present study again supports the claim that the written language and spoken language are different in nature. The distribution of these Englishized features shows discrepancy between the two modes. Most importantly, the results of the present study are basically in line with the English counterparts, which also provide indirect support for the assertion of these structures as Englishized ones.

As for the debates of whether the syntactic structures can be borrowed between different language families, the present study may not be able to draw a conclusion here. Since except for the direct translation of certain expressions (i.e. qianzhe…houzhe), other Englishized syntactic structures may either have existed before but just rarely occurred in traditional Chinese, or there are other similar constructions or uses. Therefore, the possibility of structural borrowing between different language families is not excluded here while it is not confirmed, either.

107

Chapter 4 Conclusion

4.1 General Summary and Implications

The present study attempts to investigate the frequency and distribution of

Englishization of Taiwan Mandarin in writing and speaking. The results reveal that the

Englishized structures suggested in the literature have already localized as part of

Chinese grammar at least early since twenty years ago. Thus, the comparison between the writing in 1988 and the writing in 2010 does not show significant difference.

As for the frequency and distribution of Englishized structures in terms of oral

Taiwan Mandarin, it is found that different from the previous researchers‘ prediction

(Wang, 1947; Hsu, 1994) nowadays they are popular in speaking, implying that the degree of Englishization is even more widespread than before. Besides, it also reveals that the use of Englishized structures is not limited to translation or writing but extends to the speech as common expressions.

Compared with the written data, there is significant difference of the distribution of

Englishized structures between the two language modes. It is found that the Englishized structures occurring more frequent in writing are associated with the lengthening device, such as long pre-modifiers, lexical verbal nominalization, passive bei structure, and other new Englishized patterns. The English counterparts of these structures are also more frequently used in academic writing or news texts, and thus the formality of the modes also influences their frequency.

On the other hand, pronouns and insertion of yi and classifiers are more frequent in speaking due to the real-time and interactive features of spoken language. That is, it is difficult to edit the words beforehand and afterward during the speech, and thus there are more redundant words. Besides, the interactive feature of speaking causes the increase of these structures as well, for example, the involvement of the audience (i.e. the use of first and second person pronouns). 108

In short, the results in the oral data and written data reveal that these two modes

of languages are indeed with significant different linguistic features. Moreover, the

results of examined Englishized structures in the two language modes correspond to

the literature in written and spoken English, giving supports to the proposal of these

structures as Englishized ones. However, from the above discussion, it can be found

that English is not the only influence on the use of Englishized patterns; other

pragmatic factors and universal features (i.e. the frequent use of first person and

second person in speaking, information principle, etc.) also involve in determining the

usage and distribution of these patterns.

The present study supports the proposal that contact induced language through

translation is possible, even on the syntactic aspect, However, it may be too fast to

draw a conclusion here in terms of the possibility of syntactic borrowing between

different language families.

4.2 Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research

The present study aims at investigating the Englishization of spoken and written

Taiwan Mandarin, while there are several limitations of the present study and also issues remain to be explored. For the limitations of the study, first of all, the lack of oral data from the past prevents us from observing the development of Englishization in speaking.

Besides, the year of the written data selected to compare with the present writing is not early enough, and thus there is no significant difference between the two years of written data. The progress of Englishization may be more evident if we examine the writing from earlier time and then compare it with the present writing. Last, the corpus of the written data and oral data may not be large enough, so some structures are with few or even without examples, and it also makes the topics of selected articles influence the results. 109

In the future, it is suggested that if possible, the diachronic research of

Englishization in the speech can be conducted. Also, it will be interesting to study this topic from the social or psychological perspective, such as the age, gender, and education factors. Last but not the least, it is worthwhile to investigate Englishization in different generes/registers of speaking and writing, such as academic writing or daily conversation.

110

References: Baik, Martin J. 1992. Language shift and identity in Korea. Journal of Asia Pacific Communication, 3(1): 15-31. Baik, Martin J. 1994. Syntactic features of Englishization in Korean. World Englishes, 3(2): 155-166. Banks, David. 2005. On the historical origins of nominalized process in scientific text. English for Specific Purposes. 24, 347-357. Bauer, Wolfgang. 1964. Western literature and translation work in Communist China. Alfred Metzner Verlag. Frankfurt/Main. Baugh, Albert C.and Cable, Thomas. 2002. A History of the English Language. Prentice Hall. 5th edition. Baumgarten, Nicole and Ȍzҫetin, Demet. 2008. Linguistic variation through language contact in translation. In Perter Siemund and Noemi Kintana. (Eds.). Language Contact and Contact Languages. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Co, pp. 293-316. Bennett, TL. 1977. An extended view of verb voice in written and spoken personal narratives. In Keenan, EO. and Bennett, TL. (Eds.) Discourse Across Time and Space. (pp 43-49). California: University of Southern California. Biber, Douglas. 1988. Variation across speech and writing. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. Biber, Douglas; Johansson, Stig; Leech, Geoffery; Conrad, Susan & Finegan, Edward. 1999. Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English. London: Longman. Biber, Douglas. 2006. Stance in spoken and written university registers. Journal of English for Academic Purposes, 5: 97-106. Bickerton, Derek. 1981. Roots of Language. Ann Arbor, MI: Karoma. Biq, Yung-O. 2004. Construction, reanalysis, and stance: ‗V yi ge N‘ and variations in Mandarin Chinese. Journal of Pragmatics, 36: 1655-1672. Blass, Thomas and Siegman, Aron W. 1975. A psycholinguistic comparison of speech, dictation and writing. Language and Speech, 18(1): 20-34. Brown, Penelope and Levinson, Stephen C. 1987. Politeness: Some universals in language usage. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. Chafe, Wallace. 1990. Sources of Difficulty in the Processing of Written Language. Center for the Learning and Teaching of Literature. Report Series 4.3. Chafe, Wallace.1994. Discourse, Consciousness, and Time. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Chafe, Wallace and Danielwicz, Jane. 1987. Properties of Spoken and Written Language. Technical Report No. 5. Center for the study of writing. Chafe, Wallace and Tannen, Deborah. 1987. The relation between written and spoken 111

language. Annual Reviews Inc., 16: 383-407. Chang, Jie. 2011. An Investigation of the Origin and Evolvement of the Adverb Zai (在) in Mandarin. Language teaching and research, 1: 76-81. Chang, Ying-ling. 2011. A Functional Analysis of Personal Pronoun Use in Argumentation. Unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation. National Chengchi University. Chao, Yuen-Ren. 1961. What is correct Chinese? Journal of the American Oriental Society, 81(3): 171-177. Chao, Yuen-Ren. 1968. A Grammar of Spoken Chinese. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Chao, Hong and Shao, Chi-Hong. 2002. Reference function of the 3rd person pronouns: An English and Chinese contrastive study. Foreign Language Teaching and Research, 34 (3):174-179. Choon, Ban Kah; Pakir, Anne and Koing, Tong Chee. 2004. Imaging Singapore, Singapore; New York: Eastern University Press. Chu, Chaun-Cey and Chi, Tsung-Jen. 1999. A cognitive-functional grammar of Mandarin Chinese. Taipei: Crane Publishing Co. Danchev, Andrei. 1984. Translation and syntactic change. In Jacek Fisiak. (Eds.), Histroical Syntax, 47-60. The Hague: Mouton. Dench, Alan. 1998. Yingkarta. Munich: LINCOM Europa. DeVito, Joseph A. 1967. Linguistic analysis of spoken and written language. Central States Speech Journal, 18(2): 81-85 Diao, Yen-Bin. 1999. 初期現代漢語語法研究. Taiwan, Taipei: Hong-Yeh Publishing Co. Dong, Xiu-Fang. 2004. Chinese Lexicon and Morphology. Beijing: Beijing University Publishing Co. Feng Xue-dong. 2006. Research for zai in Wiping Out Monsters. XiHua Normal University Journal, 5: 7-9. Fujii, N. 1988. Factors which influence the explicit/implicit of manifestation subjects. In Lowenberg, P.H. (Ed.), Language Spread and Language Policy Issues, Implication and Case Studies. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, pp.112-137. Gernsbacher, Morton Ann and Jescheniak, JȌrg.D. 1995. Cataphoric Devices in Spoken Discourse. Cognitive Psychology, 29: 24-58. Givon, Talmy. 1979. Prolegomena to any sane creology. In Ian Hancock (Ed.), Readings in Creole Studies. Ghent, pp. 3-35. Gopinathan, S., Pakir, Anne; Kam, Ho Wah and Saravanan, Vanithamani (Eds.). 1998. Language, society, and education in Singapore: issues and trends. Singapore: Times Academic Press, 2nd ed.

112

Haugen, Einer. 1950. The analysis of linguistic borrowing. Language, 26: 210-231. He, Ye. 2004. The Influence of English upon Chinese Grammar since Opening to the Outside World. Journal of SiChuan International Studies Univresity, 3:129-133. Hines, E. 2004. High quality and low quality college-level academic writing: Its discursive features. Unpublished Dissertation, University of Colorado at Boulder, Colorado. How, R. 2010. An Overview of Taiwan‘s Book Publishing Industry. Publishing Research Quartely, 26(3):183-186. Hsu, Jia-Ling. 1994. Language Contact and Convergence: Englishization of Mandarin Chinese in Taiwan. Unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Huang, Zun-Sheng. 1963. Zhongguo wenzizhi Ouhua wenti [The Europeanized writing of Chinese]. Guomin Yinwu Youxiangongsi. Penang. Kachru, B. Braj. 1994. Englishization and contact linguitics. World Englishes, 13(2): 135-154. Kennison, Shelia M., Fernandez, Elaine C. and Bowers, J Michael. 2009. Processing differences for anapgoric and cataphoric pronouns: Implications for theories of discourse processing. Discourse Processes, 46: 25-45. Kubler, Cornelius. C. 1985a. A study of Europeanized grammar in Modern Written Chinese. Taipei, Taiwan: Student Book Co. Kubler, Cornelius. C. 1985b. The Development of Mandarin in Taiwan: A Case Study of Language Contact. Taipei, Taiwan: Student Book Co. Kuo, Sai-hua. 2009. Multilingualism, multiculturalism, and multiple identities: Analyzing linguistic hybridization in Taiwanese newspaper headlines. Journal of Asian Pacific Communication (John Benjamins Publishing Co.) 19.2: 239-258. Lehiste, Ilse. 1988. Lectures on Language Contact. Cambridge: MIT Press. Lian, Shuneng. 1993. Contrastive Studies of English and Chinese. Beijin: High Education Publishing Co. Liu, Li-Jin. 1997. The contrastive studies of cataphora and anaphora in English and Chinese. Journal of Shanghai Foreign Languages University, 6: 40-44. Liu, Mao-Tsai. 1964. Deutsch-Chineseche Syntax (German-Chinese Syntax). Walter de Gruyther & Co. Berlin. Li, Charles N. and Thompson, Sandar A. 1981. Mandarin Chinese: A Functional Reference Grammar. The Crane Publishing Co, LTD. Li, Ying-Che. 2004. Aspects of Historical-Comparative Syntax: Functions of Prepositions in Taiwanese and Mandarin. In Chappell, Hilary (Ed.), Chinese Grammar: Synchronic and Diachronic Perspectives (pp. 340-368). Oxford:

113

Oxford University Press. Levorato, Alessandra. 2009. Be steady then, my countrymen, be firm, united and determined. Journal of Historical Pragmatics. 10:1, 132-157. Ma, Bei-Jia. 2002. Jindai Hanyu Jieci [The Early Chinese Prepositions]. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Co. McCarthy, Michael. 1998. Spoken Language and Applied Linguistics. Cambridge University Press. McMahon, April M.S. 1994. Understanding Language Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Myers, G. 1992. ‗In this paper we report…‘: Speech acts and scientific facts. Journal of Pragmatics, 17(4), 295-313. Norman, Jerry. 1988. Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. O‘Donnell.R C. 1974. Syntactic differences between speech and writing. American Speech, 49:102-110. Pan, Wen-Guo. 1997. 漢語對比綱要 [The outline of the contrast of Chinese]. Beijing: 北京語言文化大學出版社. Pawley, A. and F.Syder. 1976. Sentence formulation in spontaneous speech: the one clause at-a-time hypothesis. Paper read at the first annual congress of the linguistic society of New Zealand, Auckland. Pennycook, A. 1994. The politics of pronouns. ELT Journal, 48(2), 173-178. Peyraube, Alain. 1998. On the modal auxiliaries of possibility in Classical Chinese. Selected Papers from the 5th International Conference on Chinese Linguistics. Taipei: Crane Publishing Company, 27-52. Peyraube, Alain. 1999. Historical change in Chinese Grammar. Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale, Vol. 28, 177-226. Peyraube, Alain. 2004. On the Modal Auxiliaries of Volition in Classical Chinese. In Chappell, Hilary (Ed.), Chinese Grammar: Synchronic and Diachronic Perspectives (pp. 172-188). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Poole, Millicent E. and Field, T. W. 1976. A comparison of oral and written code elaboration. Lanuageg and Speech, 19(4): 305-312. Quirk, R.; Sidney, S.; Geoffrey, L.; and Jan S. 1985. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman. Radovanovic, Milorad. 2001. On nominal and verbal style: cultures or languages in contact? International Journal of the Sociology of Language. 151: 41-48. Shi, Dingxu and Zhu, Zhiyu. 2000. English Influence on Hong Kong written Chinese. Foreign Language Teaching and Research, 3: 200-206. Shi, Dingxu, Zhu, Zhiyuand Wang, Canlong. 2003. Syntactic Shift in Hong Kong Written Chinese. Foreign Language Teaching and Research, 1: 4-12.

114

Shih, Y. and Soong, M. 1998. Code-mixing of Taiwanese in Mandarin newspapers headlines: A socio-pragmatic perspective. Selected Papers from ISOLIT-II (505-527). Taipei: Crane. Shim, Rosa Jin Young. 1994. Englishized Korean: structure, status, and attitudes. World Englishes, 13(2): 155-166. Steiner, Erich. 2008. Empricial studies of translations as a mode of language contact. In Perter Siemund and Noemi Kintana (Eds.), Language Contact and Contact Languages, 317-345. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Co. Stockwell, R. P., P. Schachter, and B. H. Partee. 1973. The Major Syntactic Structures of English. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Tan, Charlene. 2005. English or Singlish? The Syntactic Influences of Chinese and Malay on the Learning of English in Singapore. Journal of Language and Learning, 3, No.1 Thomason, Sarah G. and Kaufman, Terrence. 1988. Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. Thomason, Sarah G. 2001. Language Contact: An Introduction. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. Thompson, G. 2001. Interaction in academic writing: Learning to argue with the reader. Applied Linguistics, 22(1), 58-78. Tsao, Feng-Fu. 1978. Anglishization of Chinese morphology and syntax in the past two hundred years. Studies in English Literature and Linguistics, (April), 41-54. Tsien, Tsuen-Hsuin. 1954. Western impact on China through translation. The Far Eastern Quarterly, 13(3): 305-327. Wang, Ke Fei. 2002. Contemporary translation influences Chinese. Foreign Language Teaching and Research, (6), 458-463. Wang, Li. 1947. Zhongguo xiandai yufa (Modern Chinese grammar). Shanghai: Shangwu Yinshuguan. Wang, Wei. (2009). 論在的語法化 (Grammaticalization of zai). Journal of Xi’an International Studies University, 17(3), 27-31. Wang, Y. F. 2006. The Information Structure of Adverbial clauses in Chinese Discourse. Taiwan Journal of Linguistics, 4(1), 49-88. Wang, Zong-Yan. 1994. Can English pronouns he / she refer to the following nouns? Foreign Language Teaching and Research, Vol. 4. Wei, Jian. 1953. Yuwen zatan: Ouhua wenti shi jiang [Ten fatures of Europeanized styles]. Hong Kong: Shanghai Shuju. Wei, Hong-Hua. 2005. An analysis of Europeanized grammar in contemporary written Chinese. M.A. thesis.

115

Weinreich, Uriel. 1974. Language in contact: Findings and Problems. The Hague: Mouton. Yu, Guang Zhong. 2006. Yuwen dashi ru shi shou—zhong he xi [The language masters said that-between western and eastern]. Shanghai: Shangwu Yinshuguan. Yuan, Wei Hua. 2008. On Personal Pronouns in Xi Xiang Ji. Journal of Ningbo Institute of Education, 10(6), 41-45.

116