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Alexander of Hales'stheology in His Authentic Texts (Commentary On
chapter 13 Alexander of Hales’s Theology in His Authentic Texts (Commentary on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, Various Disputed Questions) Hubert Philipp Weber As the first teacher at the University of Paris to become a Franciscan friar, Alexander of Hales has an honoured place in the history of the order. The greater part of his theological work was already completed while he was a secular master. It is therefore more correct to call him an important theolo- gian who influenced Franciscan theology. However, it is not easy to distinguish what makes him a ‘Franciscan theologian’. I will begin by offering some his- torical remarks on his life and his authentic writings, most of which were discovered in the twentieth century. Then I will continue by giving an impres- sion of his thought with a few examples from his writings. The final sec- tion contains a very short outline of the Summa Universae Theologiae (also known as the Summa fratris Alexandri or Summa Halensis) connected with his name. 1 Historical Remarks: Alexander’s Life and Work We do not know very much about Alexander’s early life.1 His surname indicates his origin, Hales in Shropshire, England, where he was born around 1185. He stayed in contact with England all his life. In the first years of the thirteenth century he arrived at the University of Paris, where he studied and taught artes liberales. From about 1220 he lectured at the theological faculty. During the conflict between the university and the bishop of Paris in 1229/31 he went into exile. -
The Passions of the Will and the Passion of Christ in Franciscantheologyfromthe Summa Halensis to Duns Scotus
Andrew V. Rosato The Passions of the Will and the Passion of Christ in FranciscanTheologyfromthe Summa Halensis to Duns Scotus Abstract: This chapter examines how the Summa Halensis’ analysis of Christ’ssorrow was adopted and modified by later Franciscan theologians.Accordingtothe teach- ing of Jerome, which Peter Lombardmade available to medieval theologians,Christ’s sorrow arose from an involuntary reaction to his physical suffering. In order to ex- pand upon Jerome’saccount,the Summa Halensis develops an elaborate map of Christ’ssoul by drawing on psychological principles found in Augustine and John Damascene. 13th century theologians debated whether Christ could experience sor- row over his ownsuffering not justasanatural and instinctual reaction, but also as the result of freelywillingthat he not suffer.Anobstacle to asserting this would be anyimplication that Christ did not will by his human willwhat God willed him to will. Richard of Middleton, Matthew of Aquasparta, and Duns Scotus do af- firm that Christ in some wayfreelynilled his own suffering, and experiencedsorrow over it because of that.Indifferent ways they employ the account of Christ’ssoul out- lined in the Summa Halensis to avoid anyimplication that Christ fell into sin by freely nilling his ownsuffering. The GospelofMatthew reports that Jesus experienced sorrow in the Garden of Geth- semane (26:37–38): ‘he began to be sorrowful [coepit contristari]and troubled. Then he said to them, “My soul is sorrowful [tristis]tothe point of death.”’ Jerome offered an influential interpretation of this passagewhen he statedthatChrist experienced the propassion of sorrow rather than afull-fledgedform of thatpassion. One differ- ence between apropassion and afull-fledgedpassion is that apropassion does not overwhelm one’sability to use reason. -
Divine Providence from Alexander of Hales to Thomas Aquinas
chapter 2 Divine Providence from Alexander of Hales to Thomas Aquinas 1 Accidental Causality, Free Choice and Evil Divine causality was discussed by the medieval theologians under the rub- ric of several independent doctrines. All the authors studied in this work held that providence worked through an order of secondary natural causes. This sets the theology of providence apart from the theology of salvation, for example. The salvation or damnation of any given individual was based solely on divine causality.The realization of the providential order, on the other hand, was founded on the co-operation between divine and created causality. While this order was certainly based on divine disposition, its practical implementa- tion was carried out by the total order of causes (connexio causarum). In this sense, divine providence was conceptualized in a natural philosophical frame- work. One of the foundational themes of Aristotelian natural philosophy, the notion of causality was crucial to the medieval discussions concerning divine providence. According to Aristotle, causes come in four distinct types: mater- ial, formal, efficient and final.1 From the perspective of this study, efficient and final causality are of greater importance than material and formal caus- ality. As shown in the previous chapter, Boethius’s Consolatio philosophiae was of crucial importance for the medieval theories of divine providence. Boethius’s understanding of providence contained elements of both efficient and final causality.2 Meanwhile in Averroes’s influential interpretation of Aris- totle, divine providence was seen exclusively as a final cause, whereas the effi- cient causality of God was not considered to be of direct relevance for the topic. -
The Friendships of St. Thomas
THE FRIENDSHIPS OF ST. THOMAS BRO. CYRIL DORE, 0 . P. T . Thomas Aquinas is a perfect type of that harmonious un ion of sanctity and learning which characterizes the great Doctors of the Church. A tender affection and a sympathetic understanding, which unites hearts entirely devoted to God, can be observed in all his friendships. While bearing himself affably towards all, the Angelic Doctor had but few intimate friends and these were persons of singular learning and holiness. From a consideration of these few, we can see the great influence for good which he exerted, the wide extent of his knowledge, and the deep penetration of his in tellectual prowess. They not only give us an insight into the reaction of personality on personality and the interplay of mind on mind, but in a very special manner, they exhibit the practical aspect of his writ ings. From the investigations of his biographers, the friendships of St. Thomas can be considered under four headings; namely, within his own Order, in the religious world, in the academic world, and in the political world. Amongst the members of the Dominican Order, the first friend mentioned is John of St. Julian. He is referred to as the old adviser and dear familiar friend of St. Thomas.1 This celebrated preacher directed the footsteps of the young Aquinas during the three years previous to his entrance into the Dominican Order. As a student at the University of Naples, the mind and imagination of Aquinas were captivated by the sanctity, the learning and the marvellous activ ity of the Dominicans. -
Salvation in Christ.Qxp 4/29/2005 4:09 PM Page 365
Salvation in Christ.qxp 4/29/2005 4:09 PM Page 365 Index Aaronic Priesthood. See priesthood Amos, 240, 316 Abelard, Peter, 109, 212 Anglicanism, 53–66 Abraham, 30, 137–38, 148, 316 Anglican Understanding of the Acts of the Apostles, 38–40 Church, The, 54 Adam, 13, 110, 130, 137–39, 151, Anselm of Canterbury, 75, 107–9, 162, 215 112–20, 212, 347 Adam and Eve, 256 Aquinas, Thomas, 109, 113–15, and rebirth, 8 118, 121, 320 call upon God, 148 Aristotle, 224 cast from Garden of Eden, Arminianism, 161, 183–202 143, 145 Arminius, Jacob, 183, 189–91, descendants of, 205 193, 310 Greek understanding of, Articles and Covenants, 276 248, 259 “Articles of Religion,” 57–58 Fall of (see Fall of Adam Ashton, Marvin J., 89 and Eve) Association of Evangelicals, 189 first sin, 338 Atonement. See Jesus Christ, Adorno, Theodor, 225 Atonement of Adversus Haereses, 111 Athanasian Creed, 339 agency, 12, 147, 162–63, 200, 249 Athanasius the Great, 173, 175, agnosticism, 301 255, 313 Aimilianos, Father, 250–251 Augustine, 113, 173, 175, 305, 308, Albert the Great, 310 314–15 Alexander of Aphrodisias, 224 Aulén, Gustaf, 111–12, 118, 212 Alexander of Hales, 309 Avis, Paul, 54 Alliance of Confessing Evangeli- cals, 186 Baker, Simon, 278 Althaus, Paul, 117 Bangs, Carl, 190 365 Salvation in Christ.qxp 4/29/2005 4:09 PM Page 366 Salvation in Christ baptism, 13–14, 90, 131, 214 Callister, Tad R., 169 by immersion, 16 Calvin, John, 327–28 for dead (see redemption of on Arminianism, 191, 196 the dead) on Crucifixion, 74 Barclay, Robert, 318 on election, 341 Barth, Karl, -
Rachel Fulton Brown Great Books of the Middle Ages;
Rachel Fulton Brown The University of Chicago Great Books of the Middle Ages; and How to Read Them What is a great book? You would think that I, at least, as a member of the faculty at the University of Chicago, would be able to answer this question. We are, after all, famous as the institution where Mortimer J. Adler did his work editing the Great Books of the Western World, the 54-volume set of 443 works by 74 white male authors published to great fanfare in 1952 and hailed by former president and chancellor of the University of Chicago Robert Maynard Hutchins as embodying “the faith of the West.” But contrary to common knowledge, Adler’s list of books had nothing to do with the Core curriculum of the undergraduate College at Chicago.1 Nor, as I hope to convince you, was it especially “great”—particularly if our goal is to understand, preserve, and build on what we now call Western civilization, but which I argue ought more properly to be called by its medieval term: “Christendom.” It is true that Adler had offices on campus on the fifth floor of the Social Sciences building where he and a team of 120 staffers burned through half of the project’s entire budget compiling an index of the 102 Great Ideas that Adler claimed ran through the 443 works the selection committee had chosen to represent the “Great Conversation of the Western World.” But Adler was not a member of the College 1 For the history of the project, see Alex Beam, A Great Idea at the Time: The Rise, Fall, and Curious Afterlife of the Great Books (New York: Public Affairs, 2008). -
2017 Newsletter, Issue Number 63
NEWSLETTER Number 63: 2017 1 2 3 1 Abbey 900 in Cirencester During 2017 Cirencester has been celebrating the 900th anniversary of the ‘King’s great work at Cirencester’ - thought to be the foundation of Cirencester Abbey in 1117. Via the Abbey 900 programme of events, many people have been attracted to the history of the Abbey of St Mary and discovered more about its buildings (virtually all now long gone), and the people who made up the abbey community of Canons and formed part of town life for over 400 years. This issue is devoted to one important part of that story, the role of the Canons in scholarship, the significance of the abbey library and the key personalities in that story. Alan Welsford has been studying this subject for many years and was responsible for the idea of bringing Alexander Neckham further into the spotlight. With museum staff he was instrumental in securing the loan of four precious manuscripts associated with Abbot Alexander Neckham, some of which once belonged to the abbey’s library, for a special display in the Corinium Museum from January-May 2017 as part of Abbey 900. This loan will certainly be remembered as one of the highlights of the Abbey 900 year of events. Alan’s text used here has been developed from his blog on the Corinium Museum website accompanying the exhibition, with additional input from Dr Andrew Dunning describing the significance of the books on display. Its publication by the Society as its Newsletter for 2017 creates a permanent record of an important part of the story of Cirencester Abbey. -
Augustinianism.Pdf
Augustinianism. This term is used to characterize philosophical, theological and political political ideas which were more or less close to those of S. Augustine of Hippo. The term came into use relatively recently, and can cover a spectrum of views: Augustinianism has never been a homogeneous movement. In particular, it is necessary to distinguish between a broad and a strict sense of the word, In the broad sense, the whole of Latin theology of the medieval and early modern period was strongly influenced by Augustine, as emerges very clearly from the Summae of the twelfth century and above all from Hugh of St Victor and from the authoritative Book of Sentences of Peter Lombard. The early generations of theologians of the mendicant orders – Hugh of St Cher, Alexander of Hales, Bonaventura of Bagnoregio – developed a close bond with Augustine, but they interpreted him in the light of neoplatonic or Aristotelian theories (for example, divine illumination of the intellect, the ‘agent intellect’, matter, rationes seminales [seminal principles]. In the strict sense one must distinguish between the following. #1. Augustinianism from the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century emerged - especially in the Franciscan School (William de la Mare) and among Augustinian Hermits (“the old Augustinian School according to Giles of Rome) - as a reaction to the widespread reception of Aristotle in the work of Thomas Aquinas, after the condemnations of 1277 at Paris and 1284 at Oxford. Consciously drawing on Augustinian on Augustinian ideas (illumination, the form of created things in the mind of God), Henry of Ghent [a member of the secular clergy] created a coherent new system of speculative theology which would provide a a basis for acute critical analysis and the new order introduced by John Duns Scotus, who substituted for illumination the idea of an intuitive grasp of the essence of things. -
The Glossa in Iv Libros Sententiarum by Alexander of Hales
THE GLOSSA IN IV LIBROS SENTENTIARUM BY ALEXANDER OF HALES Hubert Philipp Weber Alexander of Hales, an Englishman, master of theology at the Univer- sity in Paris, who at the height of his career entered the Franciscan order, is an important but little known fi gure of the thirteenth century. His commentary on the Sentences is an early example of this genre and an early expression of his theology. Its form and method are still fl uid. Aft er a short history of the scholarship and some historical remarks I will characterize Alexander’s commentary formally by describing the known manuscripts and attempting to establish its date. Th en I will discuss Alexander’s method and his approach to the Sentences, which he was the fi rst master to use for his ordinary lectures. Finally, a few texts on various theological questions will provide an insight into Alexander’s theology.1 History of Scholarship For seven centuries the search for Alexander of Hales’s commentary on the Sentences was unsuccessful. Nevertheless, there is an early tes- timony in the writings of Roger Bacon, who claimed that Alexander was the fi rst to give lectures on Peter Lombard’s textbook.2 Surely Alexander was not the fi rst to use theSentences with his students, but he gave the work a new importance in that he employed it as the one 1 In would like to thank Sandra Lang, who helped me with the English text of this chapter.—Alexander of Hales, Glossa in IV libros sententiarum Petri Lombardi, 4 vols., Bibliotheca Franciscana Scholastica Medii Aevi 12–15 (Quaracchi, 1951–1957), is cited as Glossa; idem, Summa theologica [seu ab origine dicta Summa fratris Alexandri], 4 vols. -
The Franciscan Intellectual Tradition
1 The Franciscan Intellectual Tradition In one way the Franciscan intellectual tradition began in the late 1230s. The Franciscans first gathered in 1209, in the Umbrian commune of Assisi. They spread rapidly and were in Paris by the early 1220s, on the outskirts of the city. From there they soon moved into the city, close to where the learning was going on. A well-known and ecclesiastically busy English churchman and theologian in Paris, Alexander of Hales, started teaching in the Franciscan house in Paris and ended up becoming a friar himself. That was in 1236. Alexander, in his early 50s, was a magister regens. A professor with tenure, let us say. He held onto the position as a friar and, as the rules allowed, passed his chair to a fellow friar. So the Franciscans ended up with a chair of theology of their own. Out of the small group of scholars around Alexander came a Summa theologica, impor- tant in Franciscan study, but just what part Alexander authored, what part John of La Rochelle authored, and what came from other colleagues is a moot question. One of Alexander’s early students was Bonaventure of Bagnoregio. He had high regard for Alexander, calling him his magister et pater. He studied under him and in 1243 became a friar himself. Alexander and John both died in 1245. Bonaventure continued his studies under Odo Rigaldi and William of Meliton. He did his exposition on the Sentences of Peter Lombard beween 1250 and 1252 and served as regent master from 1254 to 1257. -
9783110684827.Pdf
The Legacy of Early Franciscan Thought Veröffentlichungen des Grabmann-Institutes zur Erforschung der mittelalterlichen Theologie und Philosophie Münchener Universitätsschriften Katholisch-Theologische Fakultät Founded by Michael Schmaus †, Werner Dettloff † and Richard Heinzmann Continued in collaboration with Ulrich Horst Edited by Isabelle Mandrella and Martin Thurner Volume 67 The Legacy of Early Franciscan Thought Edited by Lydia Schumacher ISBN 978-3-11-068241-0 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-068482-7 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-068488-9 ISSN 0580-2091 DOI https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110684827 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. For details go to https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. Library of Congress Control Number: 2020944940 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2021 Lydia Schumacher, published by Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com Contents Acknowledgements IX LydiaSchumacher and Simon Maria Kopf AGuide to Citing the Summa Halensis XI Abbreviations XIII LydiaSchumacher Introduction 1 Part I: Philosophy and Theology Cecilia Trifogli The Creation of Matterinthe Summa Halensis 15 MagdalenaBieniak The Soul-Body Union in the Summa Halensis 37 Anna-KatharinaStrohschneider The Summa Halensis -
REBIRTH, REFORM and RESILIENCE Universities in Transition 1300-1700
REBIRTH, REFORM AND RESILIENCE Universities in Transition 1300-1700 Edited by James M. Kittelson and Pamela J. Transue $25.00 REBIRTH, REFORM, AND RESILIENCE Universities in Transition, 1300-1700 Edited by James M. Kittelson and Pamela]. Transue In his Introduction to this collection of original essays, Professor Kittelson notes that the university is one of the few institutions that medieval Latin Christendom contributed directly to modern Western civilization. An export wherever else it is found, it is unique to Western culture. All cultures, to be sure, have had their intellec tuals—those men and women whose task it has been to learn, to know, and to teach. But only in Latin Christendom were scholars—the company of masters and students—found gathered together into the universitas whose entire purpose was to develop and disseminate knowledge in a continu ous and systematic fashion with little regard for the consequences of their activities. The studies in this volume treat the history of the universities from the late Middle Ages through the Reformation; that is, from the time of their secure founding, through the period in which they were posed the challenges of humanism and con fessionalism, but before the explosion of knowl edge that marked the emergence of modern science and the advent of the Enlightenment. The essays and their authors are: "University and Society on the Threshold of Modern Times: The German Connection," by Heiko A. Ober man; "The Importance of the Reformation for the Universities: Culture and Confessions in the Criti cal Years," by Lewis W. Spitz; "Science and the Medieval University," by Edward Grant; "The Role of English Thought in the Transformation of University Education in the Late Middle Ages," by William J.