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Alexander of Hales'stheology in His Authentic Texts (Commentary On
chapter 13 Alexander of Hales’s Theology in His Authentic Texts (Commentary on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, Various Disputed Questions) Hubert Philipp Weber As the first teacher at the University of Paris to become a Franciscan friar, Alexander of Hales has an honoured place in the history of the order. The greater part of his theological work was already completed while he was a secular master. It is therefore more correct to call him an important theolo- gian who influenced Franciscan theology. However, it is not easy to distinguish what makes him a ‘Franciscan theologian’. I will begin by offering some his- torical remarks on his life and his authentic writings, most of which were discovered in the twentieth century. Then I will continue by giving an impres- sion of his thought with a few examples from his writings. The final sec- tion contains a very short outline of the Summa Universae Theologiae (also known as the Summa fratris Alexandri or Summa Halensis) connected with his name. 1 Historical Remarks: Alexander’s Life and Work We do not know very much about Alexander’s early life.1 His surname indicates his origin, Hales in Shropshire, England, where he was born around 1185. He stayed in contact with England all his life. In the first years of the thirteenth century he arrived at the University of Paris, where he studied and taught artes liberales. From about 1220 he lectured at the theological faculty. During the conflict between the university and the bishop of Paris in 1229/31 he went into exile. -
The Passions of the Will and the Passion of Christ in Franciscantheologyfromthe Summa Halensis to Duns Scotus
Andrew V. Rosato The Passions of the Will and the Passion of Christ in FranciscanTheologyfromthe Summa Halensis to Duns Scotus Abstract: This chapter examines how the Summa Halensis’ analysis of Christ’ssorrow was adopted and modified by later Franciscan theologians.Accordingtothe teach- ing of Jerome, which Peter Lombardmade available to medieval theologians,Christ’s sorrow arose from an involuntary reaction to his physical suffering. In order to ex- pand upon Jerome’saccount,the Summa Halensis develops an elaborate map of Christ’ssoul by drawing on psychological principles found in Augustine and John Damascene. 13th century theologians debated whether Christ could experience sor- row over his ownsuffering not justasanatural and instinctual reaction, but also as the result of freelywillingthat he not suffer.Anobstacle to asserting this would be anyimplication that Christ did not will by his human willwhat God willed him to will. Richard of Middleton, Matthew of Aquasparta, and Duns Scotus do af- firm that Christ in some wayfreelynilled his own suffering, and experiencedsorrow over it because of that.Indifferent ways they employ the account of Christ’ssoul out- lined in the Summa Halensis to avoid anyimplication that Christ fell into sin by freely nilling his ownsuffering. The GospelofMatthew reports that Jesus experienced sorrow in the Garden of Geth- semane (26:37–38): ‘he began to be sorrowful [coepit contristari]and troubled. Then he said to them, “My soul is sorrowful [tristis]tothe point of death.”’ Jerome offered an influential interpretation of this passagewhen he statedthatChrist experienced the propassion of sorrow rather than afull-fledgedform of thatpassion. One differ- ence between apropassion and afull-fledgedpassion is that apropassion does not overwhelm one’sability to use reason. -
Divine Providence from Alexander of Hales to Thomas Aquinas
chapter 2 Divine Providence from Alexander of Hales to Thomas Aquinas 1 Accidental Causality, Free Choice and Evil Divine causality was discussed by the medieval theologians under the rub- ric of several independent doctrines. All the authors studied in this work held that providence worked through an order of secondary natural causes. This sets the theology of providence apart from the theology of salvation, for example. The salvation or damnation of any given individual was based solely on divine causality.The realization of the providential order, on the other hand, was founded on the co-operation between divine and created causality. While this order was certainly based on divine disposition, its practical implementa- tion was carried out by the total order of causes (connexio causarum). In this sense, divine providence was conceptualized in a natural philosophical frame- work. One of the foundational themes of Aristotelian natural philosophy, the notion of causality was crucial to the medieval discussions concerning divine providence. According to Aristotle, causes come in four distinct types: mater- ial, formal, efficient and final.1 From the perspective of this study, efficient and final causality are of greater importance than material and formal caus- ality. As shown in the previous chapter, Boethius’s Consolatio philosophiae was of crucial importance for the medieval theories of divine providence. Boethius’s understanding of providence contained elements of both efficient and final causality.2 Meanwhile in Averroes’s influential interpretation of Aris- totle, divine providence was seen exclusively as a final cause, whereas the effi- cient causality of God was not considered to be of direct relevance for the topic. -
The Chalcedonian Christology of St John Damascene : Philosophical Terminology and Theological Arguments
Durham E-Theses The Chalcedonian Christology of St John Damascene : philosophical terminology and theological arguments Metallidis, George How to cite: Metallidis, George (2003) The Chalcedonian Christology of St John Damascene : philosophical terminology and theological arguments, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1085/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM DEPARTMENT OF THEOLOGY GEORGE METALLIDIS The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consentand information derived from it should be acknowledged. The Chalcedonian Christology of St John Damascene: Philosophical Terminology and Theological Arguments PhD Thesis/FourthYear Supervisor: Prof. ANDREW LOUTH 0-I OCT2003 Durham 2003 The ChalcedonianChristology of St John Damascene To my Mother Despoina The ChalcedonianChristology of St John Damascene CONTENTS Page ABBREVIATIONS 7 ACKNOWLEDGMENT 12 INTRODUCTION 14 CHAPTER ONE TheLife of St John Damascene 1. -
The Friendships of St. Thomas
THE FRIENDSHIPS OF ST. THOMAS BRO. CYRIL DORE, 0 . P. T . Thomas Aquinas is a perfect type of that harmonious un ion of sanctity and learning which characterizes the great Doctors of the Church. A tender affection and a sympathetic understanding, which unites hearts entirely devoted to God, can be observed in all his friendships. While bearing himself affably towards all, the Angelic Doctor had but few intimate friends and these were persons of singular learning and holiness. From a consideration of these few, we can see the great influence for good which he exerted, the wide extent of his knowledge, and the deep penetration of his in tellectual prowess. They not only give us an insight into the reaction of personality on personality and the interplay of mind on mind, but in a very special manner, they exhibit the practical aspect of his writ ings. From the investigations of his biographers, the friendships of St. Thomas can be considered under four headings; namely, within his own Order, in the religious world, in the academic world, and in the political world. Amongst the members of the Dominican Order, the first friend mentioned is John of St. Julian. He is referred to as the old adviser and dear familiar friend of St. Thomas.1 This celebrated preacher directed the footsteps of the young Aquinas during the three years previous to his entrance into the Dominican Order. As a student at the University of Naples, the mind and imagination of Aquinas were captivated by the sanctity, the learning and the marvellous activ ity of the Dominicans. -
Salvation in Christ.Qxp 4/29/2005 4:09 PM Page 365
Salvation in Christ.qxp 4/29/2005 4:09 PM Page 365 Index Aaronic Priesthood. See priesthood Amos, 240, 316 Abelard, Peter, 109, 212 Anglicanism, 53–66 Abraham, 30, 137–38, 148, 316 Anglican Understanding of the Acts of the Apostles, 38–40 Church, The, 54 Adam, 13, 110, 130, 137–39, 151, Anselm of Canterbury, 75, 107–9, 162, 215 112–20, 212, 347 Adam and Eve, 256 Aquinas, Thomas, 109, 113–15, and rebirth, 8 118, 121, 320 call upon God, 148 Aristotle, 224 cast from Garden of Eden, Arminianism, 161, 183–202 143, 145 Arminius, Jacob, 183, 189–91, descendants of, 205 193, 310 Greek understanding of, Articles and Covenants, 276 248, 259 “Articles of Religion,” 57–58 Fall of (see Fall of Adam Ashton, Marvin J., 89 and Eve) Association of Evangelicals, 189 first sin, 338 Atonement. See Jesus Christ, Adorno, Theodor, 225 Atonement of Adversus Haereses, 111 Athanasian Creed, 339 agency, 12, 147, 162–63, 200, 249 Athanasius the Great, 173, 175, agnosticism, 301 255, 313 Aimilianos, Father, 250–251 Augustine, 113, 173, 175, 305, 308, Albert the Great, 310 314–15 Alexander of Aphrodisias, 224 Aulén, Gustaf, 111–12, 118, 212 Alexander of Hales, 309 Avis, Paul, 54 Alliance of Confessing Evangeli- cals, 186 Baker, Simon, 278 Althaus, Paul, 117 Bangs, Carl, 190 365 Salvation in Christ.qxp 4/29/2005 4:09 PM Page 366 Salvation in Christ baptism, 13–14, 90, 131, 214 Callister, Tad R., 169 by immersion, 16 Calvin, John, 327–28 for dead (see redemption of on Arminianism, 191, 196 the dead) on Crucifixion, 74 Barclay, Robert, 318 on election, 341 Barth, Karl, -
Augustinianism.Pdf
Augustinianism. This term is used to characterize philosophical, theological and political political ideas which were more or less close to those of S. Augustine of Hippo. The term came into use relatively recently, and can cover a spectrum of views: Augustinianism has never been a homogeneous movement. In particular, it is necessary to distinguish between a broad and a strict sense of the word, In the broad sense, the whole of Latin theology of the medieval and early modern period was strongly influenced by Augustine, as emerges very clearly from the Summae of the twelfth century and above all from Hugh of St Victor and from the authoritative Book of Sentences of Peter Lombard. The early generations of theologians of the mendicant orders – Hugh of St Cher, Alexander of Hales, Bonaventura of Bagnoregio – developed a close bond with Augustine, but they interpreted him in the light of neoplatonic or Aristotelian theories (for example, divine illumination of the intellect, the ‘agent intellect’, matter, rationes seminales [seminal principles]. In the strict sense one must distinguish between the following. #1. Augustinianism from the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century emerged - especially in the Franciscan School (William de la Mare) and among Augustinian Hermits (“the old Augustinian School according to Giles of Rome) - as a reaction to the widespread reception of Aristotle in the work of Thomas Aquinas, after the condemnations of 1277 at Paris and 1284 at Oxford. Consciously drawing on Augustinian on Augustinian ideas (illumination, the form of created things in the mind of God), Henry of Ghent [a member of the secular clergy] created a coherent new system of speculative theology which would provide a a basis for acute critical analysis and the new order introduced by John Duns Scotus, who substituted for illumination the idea of an intuitive grasp of the essence of things. -
The Alexandrian and the Cappadocian Fathers of the Church in the Writings of Thomas Aquinas
The Alexandrian and the Cappadocian Fathers of the Church in the writings of Thomas Aquinas Los Padres alejandrinos y capadocios en los escritos de Tomás de Aquino Leo J. Elders s.v.d. Pontifical Academy of St. Thomas Aquinas Resumen: Santo Tomás considera que los escritos de los Padres están directamente relacionados con las Escrituras ya que fueron escritos bajo la influencia rectora del mismo Espíritu Santo. Existe, pues, una continuidad de pensamiento entre los Padres como re- presentantes de la autoridad de los Apóstoles y la Biblia. Por este motivo, sería bueno re- conocer cuán profundamente santo Tomás se inspira en el pensamiento de los Padres. En esta contribución presentaremos los temas principales dentro de los escritos de los Padres Alejandrinos y Capadocios que han influido en el propio pensamiento de santo Tomás. Palabras clave: Atanasio de Alejandría, Cirilo de Alejandría, Basilio Magno, Gre- gorio Nacianceno, Gregorio de Nisa, Tomás de Aquino. Abstract: St. Thomas considers the writings of the Fathers as directly related to Scrip- ture since these were composed under the guiding influence of the same Holy Spirit. There exists therefore a continuity of thought between the Fathers as representatives of the au- thority of the Apostles and the Bible.1 For this reason, one would do well to recognize how deeply St. Thomas draw upon the thought of the Fathers. In this contribution we will present the main themes within the writings of the Alexandrian and Cappadocian Fathers that have influenced St. Thomas’s own thought.2 Key words: Athanasius of Alexandria, Cyril of Alexandria, Basil the Great, Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, Thomas Aquinas. -
The Glossa in Iv Libros Sententiarum by Alexander of Hales
THE GLOSSA IN IV LIBROS SENTENTIARUM BY ALEXANDER OF HALES Hubert Philipp Weber Alexander of Hales, an Englishman, master of theology at the Univer- sity in Paris, who at the height of his career entered the Franciscan order, is an important but little known fi gure of the thirteenth century. His commentary on the Sentences is an early example of this genre and an early expression of his theology. Its form and method are still fl uid. Aft er a short history of the scholarship and some historical remarks I will characterize Alexander’s commentary formally by describing the known manuscripts and attempting to establish its date. Th en I will discuss Alexander’s method and his approach to the Sentences, which he was the fi rst master to use for his ordinary lectures. Finally, a few texts on various theological questions will provide an insight into Alexander’s theology.1 History of Scholarship For seven centuries the search for Alexander of Hales’s commentary on the Sentences was unsuccessful. Nevertheless, there is an early tes- timony in the writings of Roger Bacon, who claimed that Alexander was the fi rst to give lectures on Peter Lombard’s textbook.2 Surely Alexander was not the fi rst to use theSentences with his students, but he gave the work a new importance in that he employed it as the one 1 In would like to thank Sandra Lang, who helped me with the English text of this chapter.—Alexander of Hales, Glossa in IV libros sententiarum Petri Lombardi, 4 vols., Bibliotheca Franciscana Scholastica Medii Aevi 12–15 (Quaracchi, 1951–1957), is cited as Glossa; idem, Summa theologica [seu ab origine dicta Summa fratris Alexandri], 4 vols. -
The Franciscan Intellectual Tradition
1 The Franciscan Intellectual Tradition In one way the Franciscan intellectual tradition began in the late 1230s. The Franciscans first gathered in 1209, in the Umbrian commune of Assisi. They spread rapidly and were in Paris by the early 1220s, on the outskirts of the city. From there they soon moved into the city, close to where the learning was going on. A well-known and ecclesiastically busy English churchman and theologian in Paris, Alexander of Hales, started teaching in the Franciscan house in Paris and ended up becoming a friar himself. That was in 1236. Alexander, in his early 50s, was a magister regens. A professor with tenure, let us say. He held onto the position as a friar and, as the rules allowed, passed his chair to a fellow friar. So the Franciscans ended up with a chair of theology of their own. Out of the small group of scholars around Alexander came a Summa theologica, impor- tant in Franciscan study, but just what part Alexander authored, what part John of La Rochelle authored, and what came from other colleagues is a moot question. One of Alexander’s early students was Bonaventure of Bagnoregio. He had high regard for Alexander, calling him his magister et pater. He studied under him and in 1243 became a friar himself. Alexander and John both died in 1245. Bonaventure continued his studies under Odo Rigaldi and William of Meliton. He did his exposition on the Sentences of Peter Lombard beween 1250 and 1252 and served as regent master from 1254 to 1257. -
9783110684827.Pdf
The Legacy of Early Franciscan Thought Veröffentlichungen des Grabmann-Institutes zur Erforschung der mittelalterlichen Theologie und Philosophie Münchener Universitätsschriften Katholisch-Theologische Fakultät Founded by Michael Schmaus †, Werner Dettloff † and Richard Heinzmann Continued in collaboration with Ulrich Horst Edited by Isabelle Mandrella and Martin Thurner Volume 67 The Legacy of Early Franciscan Thought Edited by Lydia Schumacher ISBN 978-3-11-068241-0 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-068482-7 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-068488-9 ISSN 0580-2091 DOI https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110684827 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. For details go to https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. Library of Congress Control Number: 2020944940 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2021 Lydia Schumacher, published by Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com Contents Acknowledgements IX LydiaSchumacher and Simon Maria Kopf AGuide to Citing the Summa Halensis XI Abbreviations XIII LydiaSchumacher Introduction 1 Part I: Philosophy and Theology Cecilia Trifogli The Creation of Matterinthe Summa Halensis 15 MagdalenaBieniak The Soul-Body Union in the Summa Halensis 37 Anna-KatharinaStrohschneider The Summa Halensis -
Providence in the Summa Halensis an Innovative Reworking of Past Masters
Simon Maria Kopf Providenceinthe Summa Halensis: Between Authority and Innovation Abstract: The doctrine of divine providence features prominentlyinthe 13th-century earlyFranciscan Summa Halensis. This chapter argues that the account of providence presented in the Summa is an innovative reworking of past authorities and maythus be counted among the examples of earlyFranciscan innovations.For instance,while John of Damascus claimed thatprovidence is part of God’swill and Peter Lombard took providence to be aspecific form of divine knowledge,the Summa Halensis ap- plies the Boethian notion of the ratio of providence to harmonize the two authorities, termingthe corresponding executio ‘government’.Thus the distinction between prov- identia and gubernatio,socentral to Thomas Aquinas’ doctrine of providence,isto be found initiallyinthe Summa Halensis. Introduction In his historical studyofAlbert the Great’streatise on providenceand fate, which shows the dependence of Albert’streatise in the Summa theologiae sive de mirabili scientia Dei on the Summa Halensis,¹ JosefGeorgenargues thatthe rise to promi- nence of the topic of divine providence in the 13th century,inparticular,atthe Uni- versityofParis, is, apart from its intrinsic importance and value for theologygener- ally, largely afunctionofthe theological and philosophical circumstances of the mid-13th century.Inparticular, Georgen suggests that the Parisian controversy be- tween Christian and Averroistic Aristotelians goes along waytowards explaining the increased interest in the doctrine of providence,not least because it was at- tacked, in various forms, by Latin Averroists,such as SigerofBrabant,and conse- quentlyalso dealt with in some of the articles of the condemnations of 1270 and 1277.² Pierre Mandonnet,Antonin Sertillanges, and Martin Grabmann, to name just On the question of the dependnceofAlbert the Great on the Summa Halensis,see also Parthenius Minges, ‘Abhängigkeitsverhältnis zwischen Alexander vonHales und Albert dem Grossen,’ Franziska- nische Studien 2(1915), pp.