DOCSLIB.ORG

Iohannes Damascenus – Expositio Fidei an Exact Exposition of The

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Iohannes Damascenus – Expositio Fidei an Exact Exposition of The 0675-0749 – Iohannes Damascenus – Expositio fidei An Exact Exposition of the Orthodox Faith this file has been downloaded from http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf209.html NPNF2-09. Hilary of Poitiers, John of Damascus Philip Schaff ib JOHN OF DAMASCUS. EXPOSITION OF THE ORTHODOX FAITH. Translated by THE REV. S. D. F. SALMOND, D.D., F.E.I.S., PRINCIPAL OF THE FREE CHURCH COLLEGE, ABERDEEN. Note. iib ———————————— In the difficult task of translating the De Fide Orthodoxa—a task made the more difficult at times by the condition of the text,—I am indebted for much to my son, James L. Salmond, M.A., M.B., formerly of Balliol College, Oxford. There still remain passages of doubtful interpretation. It was intended to furnish a larger body of Notes and also an account of John and his writings. It has been found advisable, however, to complete the volume without these. S. D. F. Salmond. Aberdeen, 1 Sept. 1898. viib Prologue. From the Latin of the Edition of Michael Lequien, as Given in Migne’s Patrology. ———————————— 490 NPNF2-09. Hilary of Poitiers, John of Damascus Philip Schaff After the rules of Christian dialectic and the review of the errors of ancient heresies comes at last the book “Concerning the Orthodox Faith.” In this book, John of Damascus retains the same order as was adopted by Theodoret in his “Epitome of Divine Dogmas,” but takes a different method. For the former, by the sheer weight of his own genius, framed various kinds of arguments against heretics, adducing the testimony of the sacred page, and thus he composed a concise treatise of Theology. Our author, however, did not confine himself to Scripture, but gathered together also the opinions of the holy Fathers, and produced a work marked with equal perspicuity and brevity, and forming an unexhausted storehouse of tradition in which nothing is to be found that has not been either sanctioned by the œcumenical synods or accepted by the approved leaders of the Church. He followed, indeed, chiefly Gregory of Nazianzus, who, from the great accuracy of his erudition in divine matters, earned the title “The Theologian,” and who has left scarcely any chapter of Christian learning untouched in his surviving works, and is free from any taint or suspicion of the slightest error. John had read his books with such assiduity that he seemed to hold them all in the embrace of his faithful memory. Wherefore throughout this work you may hear not so much John of Damascus as Gregory the Theologian expounding the mysteries of the orthodox faith. John further made use of Basil the great, of Gregory of Nyssa, and especially of Nemesius, bishop of Emesa in Syria, the most beloved of all; likewise of Cyril of Alexandria, Leo the Great, Leontius of Byzantium, the martyr Maximus: also of Athanasius, Chrysostom, Epiphanius, and, not to mention others, that writer who took the name of Dionysius the Areopagite. Out of all these he culled on every hand the flower of their opinions, and concocted most sweet honey of soundest doctrine. For his aim was, not to strike out views of his own or anything novel, but rather to collect into one single theological work the opinions of the ancients which were scattered through various volumes. And, indeed, in order that the reader may more readily perceive the method of this most careful teacher, we shall carefully note in the margin the names of the authors and of the books from which he copied each separate opinion. To John of Damascus, therefore, belongs the merit of being the first to compose a volume packed with the sentences of catholic teachers. Accordingly his authority among theologians was always weighty, not only in the East but even in the West and with the Latins: all the more so after the translation into Latin of his book “Concerning the Orthodox Faith,” by Burgundio, a citizen of Pisa, during the Pontificate of Eugenius the Third. Further it was this translation that was used by that master of sentences, St. Thomas, and other later theologians, down till the time when at the beginning of the 16th century Jacobus Faber Stapulensis attempted to produce a more perfect translation than was the old one with its uncouth and barbarous diction. But as this one, too, had many faults, Jacobus Billius, in the course of the same century, completed a version of greater elegance but yet lacking in carefulness and brevity. For, as Combefis remarked, “in translating the Damascene Billius shewed the rawness of a recruit.” Combefis himself, however, considered the translation of Billy of no little worth; for when he was toiling at a new edition of the works of John of Damascus, he did not think it necessary to make a new translation once more, but was quite content to emend the earlier one. For he was rightly aware that all the most learned interpreters of 491 NPNF2-09. Hilary of Poitiers, John of Damascus Philip Schaff lengthy tomes slip into many errors, and that it is much easier to improve on the errors of others than to detect one’s own. Thus our translation will represent that of Billius purged of its blemishes and restored to a more concise style. but in order that our edition should go forth in a more accurate shape than the rest, besides using the older translations and various copies to the number of twenty or more codices, collated by my own hand, I have moreover revised the Greek phraseology and diction in those places of the Greek Fathers which the Damascene has massed together. Nay, further, omitting both the shorter commentaries of Faber on each chapter and also the longer ones of Judocus Clictoveus of Neoportua, neither of whom contributes much, if anything, to the intelligent viiib understanding of the Greek Fathers, I have attempted by fuller annotations to place before the eyes of all a specimen of eastern theology, drawn alike from those teachers whom the Damascene copied and from Greeks of later date whom I had the privilege of consulting. The customary division among the Latins of the work “Concerning the Orthodox Faith” into four books is found in no Greek codex, nor in the Greek edition of Verona. And, further, that division is not met with in the old manuscripts of the original Latin translation, except as a chance note written in ink by a second and later hand on the margins of some of them. Hence Marcus Hopperus appears to be mistaken in ascribing in the dedicatory epistle of the Græco-Latin edition of Basil the division into four books to the Latin translator: that is, unless I am mistaken, to Faber, whose edition he published. Traces of this, however, exist in the books of St. Thomas Aquinas. I therefore hold that this mode of division was devised and introduced by the Latins in imitation of the four books of “Sentences” of Peter Lombard. Codex Regius n. 3445, and that is a very late one, alone seems to divide the “De Fide Orthodoxa” into two parts, the first, or περὶ τῆς Θεολογίας, dealing indeed with the one triune God, the Creator and Provider, and the second, περὶ τῆς οἰκονομίας, with God Incarnate, the Redeemer and Rewarder. But an objection to this division is the clear connection between chapter 43, in which the Incarnation, or “Œconomia Divina,” is discussed, and the words which immediately precede it in the end of chapter 42, which is entitled “On Prædestination,” making either chapter part of one continuous discussion. This fault cannot be taken to the other division into four parts. But in order not to startle the reader accustomed to the former division with too much novelty, I have, following Hopperus, assigned indeed to the Greek chapters the same numbers as were marked in the Greek codices, but I have not hesitated to divide the Latin translation into four books. I have come across no edition of the old Latin translation; but the version of Jacobius Faber was issued in Paris by Judocus Clictoveus from the press of Henry Stephen in the year 1512, along with commentaries. Next, in the year 1535, Henry Pet, the printer of Basle, published the existing works of St. John of Damascus, and amongst them the four books “Concerning the Orthodox Faith, as translated by Jacobus Faber of Stapula,” but without any commentary. After some years the same Henry in a second edition added the shorter commentaries of Clictoveus, and again in the edition published in the year 1537. In the preface to these editions there occurs among others the following sentence, “Now for the first time are added the annotations explaining all the difficulties and the hard and lofty passages.” For a truth I know no older edition in which those explanations, 492 NPNF2-09. Hilary of Poitiers, John of Damascus Philip Schaff such as they are, are given. Further, the author of these is asserted by Henricus Gravius, of the order of Preachers, in his own Latin edition of the works of holy John of Damascus, which he brought out at Cologne from the press of Peter Quentel, in the year 1546, to have been Jacobus Faber, and of a surety indeed in certain places, and in especial where the most holy mystery of the Eucharist is under discussion, the annotations are somewhat frigid in character and do not express with sufficient fulness the catholic faith. And this cannot be said without pain, for the sake of a man whom otherwise I should look up to as worthy of veneration, as almost one of my own house, had he not proved himself a traitor to his ancestral religion or at least somewhat too partial to innovators.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Chalcedonian Christology of St John Damascene : Philosophical Terminology and Theological Arguments
    Durham E-Theses The Chalcedonian Christology of St John Damascene : philosophical terminology and theological arguments Metallidis, George How to cite: Metallidis, George (2003) The Chalcedonian Christology of St John Damascene : philosophical terminology and theological arguments, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1085/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM DEPARTMENT OF THEOLOGY GEORGE METALLIDIS The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consentand information derived from it should be acknowledged. The Chalcedonian Christology of St John Damascene: Philosophical Terminology and Theological Arguments PhD Thesis/FourthYear Supervisor: Prof. ANDREW LOUTH 0-I OCT2003 Durham 2003 The ChalcedonianChristology of St John Damascene To my Mother Despoina The ChalcedonianChristology of St John Damascene CONTENTS Page ABBREVIATIONS 7 ACKNOWLEDGMENT 12 INTRODUCTION 14 CHAPTER ONE TheLife of St John Damascene 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Alexandrian and the Cappadocian Fathers of the Church in the Writings of Thomas Aquinas
    The Alexandrian and the Cappadocian Fathers of the Church in the writings of Thomas Aquinas Los Padres alejandrinos y capadocios en los escritos de Tomás de Aquino Leo J. Elders s.v.d. Pontifical Academy of St. Thomas Aquinas Resumen: Santo Tomás considera que los escritos de los Padres están directamente relacionados con las Escrituras ya que fueron escritos bajo la influencia rectora del mismo Espíritu Santo. Existe, pues, una continuidad de pensamiento entre los Padres como re- presentantes de la autoridad de los Apóstoles y la Biblia. Por este motivo, sería bueno re- conocer cuán profundamente santo Tomás se inspira en el pensamiento de los Padres. En esta contribución presentaremos los temas principales dentro de los escritos de los Padres Alejandrinos y Capadocios que han influido en el propio pensamiento de santo Tomás. Palabras clave: Atanasio de Alejandría, Cirilo de Alejandría, Basilio Magno, Gre- gorio Nacianceno, Gregorio de Nisa, Tomás de Aquino. Abstract: St. Thomas considers the writings of the Fathers as directly related to Scrip- ture since these were composed under the guiding influence of the same Holy Spirit. There exists therefore a continuity of thought between the Fathers as representatives of the au- thority of the Apostles and the Bible.1 For this reason, one would do well to recognize how deeply St. Thomas draw upon the thought of the Fathers. In this contribution we will present the main themes within the writings of the Alexandrian and Cappadocian Fathers that have influenced St. Thomas’s own thought.2 Key words: Athanasius of Alexandria, Cyril of Alexandria, Basil the Great, Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, Thomas Aquinas.
    [Show full text]
  • Providence in the Summa Halensis an Innovative Reworking of Past Masters
    Simon Maria Kopf Providenceinthe Summa Halensis: Between Authority and Innovation Abstract: The doctrine of divine providence features prominentlyinthe 13th-century earlyFranciscan Summa Halensis. This chapter argues that the account of providence presented in the Summa is an innovative reworking of past authorities and maythus be counted among the examples of earlyFranciscan innovations.For instance,while John of Damascus claimed thatprovidence is part of God’swill and Peter Lombard took providence to be aspecific form of divine knowledge,the Summa Halensis ap- plies the Boethian notion of the ratio of providence to harmonize the two authorities, termingthe corresponding executio ‘government’.Thus the distinction between prov- identia and gubernatio,socentral to Thomas Aquinas’ doctrine of providence,isto be found initiallyinthe Summa Halensis. Introduction In his historical studyofAlbert the Great’streatise on providenceand fate, which shows the dependence of Albert’streatise in the Summa theologiae sive de mirabili scientia Dei on the Summa Halensis,¹ JosefGeorgenargues thatthe rise to promi- nence of the topic of divine providence in the 13th century,inparticular,atthe Uni- versityofParis, is, apart from its intrinsic importance and value for theologygener- ally, largely afunctionofthe theological and philosophical circumstances of the mid-13th century.Inparticular, Georgen suggests that the Parisian controversy be- tween Christian and Averroistic Aristotelians goes along waytowards explaining the increased interest in the doctrine of providence,not least because it was at- tacked, in various forms, by Latin Averroists,such as SigerofBrabant,and conse- quentlyalso dealt with in some of the articles of the condemnations of 1270 and 1277.² Pierre Mandonnet,Antonin Sertillanges, and Martin Grabmann, to name just On the question of the dependnceofAlbert the Great on the Summa Halensis,see also Parthenius Minges, ‘Abhängigkeitsverhältnis zwischen Alexander vonHales und Albert dem Grossen,’ Franziska- nische Studien 2(1915), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • John of Damascus and the Consolidation of Classical Christian Demonology
    Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Dissertations (1934 -) Projects Imagining Demons in Post-Byzantine Jerusalem: John of Damascus and the Consolidation of Classical Christian Demonology Nathaniel Ogden Kidd Marquette University Follow this and additional works at: https://epublications.marquette.edu/dissertations_mu Part of the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Kidd, Nathaniel Ogden, "Imagining Demons in Post-Byzantine Jerusalem: John of Damascus and the Consolidation of Classical Christian Demonology" (2018). Dissertations (1934 -). 839. https://epublications.marquette.edu/dissertations_mu/839 IMAGINING DEMONS IN POST-BYZANTINE JERUSALEM: JOHN OF DAMASCUS AND THE CONSOLIDATION OF CLASSICAL CHRISTIAN DEMONOLOGY by The Rev. Nathaniel Ogden Kidd, B.A., M.Div A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Milwaukee, Wisconsin December, 2018 ABSTRACT IMAGINING DEMONS IN POST-BYZANTINE JERUSALEM: JOHN OF DAMASCUS AND THE CONSOLIDATION OF CLASSICAL CHRISTIAN DEMONOLOGY The Rev. Nathaniel Ogden Kidd, B.A., M.Div Marquette University, 2018 This dissertation traces the consolidation of a classical Christian framework for demonology in the theological corpus of John of Damascus (c. 675 – c. 750), an eighth century Greek theologian writing in Jerusalem. When the Damascene sat down to write, I argue, there was a great variety of demonological options available to him, both in the depth of the Christian tradition, and in the ambient local imagination. John’s genius lies first in what he chose not to include, but second in his ability to synthesize a minimalistic demonology out of a complex body of material and integrate it into a broader theological system.
    [Show full text]
  • John of Damascus and Christian Discourse: the Dialectica Viewed As a Neopatristic Metastructure in Light of Florovsky, Gadamer, and Ricoeur
    International Journal of Orthodox Theology 7:3 (2016) 25 urn:nbn:de:0276-2016-3046 Joshua Schooping John of Damascus and Christian Discourse: The Dialectica Viewed as a NeoPatristic Metastructure in Light of Florovsky, Gadamer, and Ricoeur Abstract The present article is a discussion of the philosophical-theological mode in which Christian orthodoxy could critically engage with non-Christian modes of thought in a manner intentionally consistent with native metaphysical and epistemological presuppositions and commitments. Hermeneutics will be more or less the platform on which the notion of “Tradition,” informed by Gadamer and Father Joshua Schooping Florovsky, is raised so as to articulate is a Russian Orthodox how Christian tradition - for the Priest (ROCOR) serving at Saint Sophia's in Kissim- present study largely derived from mee, Florida. He gradua- the philosophical work of John of ted from Saint Vladimir's Damascus - informs a hermeneutic Orthodox Theological Se- mode of discourse, analysis, and minary with Masters worldview, what elsewhere has been Degrees in both Divinity called a hermeneutic of tradition. In and Theology. 26 Joshua Schooping short, this hermeneutic of tradition relative to historic orthodoxy refers in the first place to the intentional act of understanding according to the Scriptural, Apostolic, Patristic, and Conciliar norms as embodied and expressed by the particular Fathers and Ecumenical Councils of the historic, undivided Church, and the application of these norms, the regula fidei, or, perhaps yet more boldly, the “hermeneutic canons,” to contemporary problematics. The argument, then, seeks to show in light of Ricoeur’s interpretation theory how John of Damascus' Dialectica fittingly provides a foundation for Christian discourse, which is to say a foundational conceptual apparatus integrating Christian epistemology and metaphysics into a coherent system of thought which provides tools for engaging contemporary philosophical discourse from within a consistently orthodox perspective.
    [Show full text]
  • Dossiê Religião: Artes E Vozes
    DOSSIÊ RELIGIÃO: ARTES E VOZES organizado por Jorge Luis Gutiérrez 1 PROVIDENCE IN ST. ALBERT THE GREAT David Torrijos Castrillejo Associated profesor at Universidad Eclesiástica San Dámaso. E-mail: [email protected] Providence in St. Albert the Great ABSTRACT In these pages, we expose the main traits of St. Albert the Great’s doctrine of providence and fate, considered by Palazzo the keystone of his philoso- phical system. To describe it we examine his systematic works, primarily his Summa of Theology. His discussion follows clearly the guidelines of the Summa of Alexander of Hales, in order to delve into the set of proble- ms faced over the centuries by theological tradition. Albert also restates the reflections of different authors like Boethius or Saint John of Damascus but, in his Summa he incorporates to his reflections also the noteworthy book of Nemesius of Emesa, De natura hominis, which includes some pages on providence. Albert gives his personal solution to the complex questions of providence, destiny and contingency of the world. His con- ception of providence is developed in the frame of the creative power of the almighty God. God’s knowledge is necessary and inerrant and his pro- vidential purposes are infallible, but that does not mean that every event is necessary. He does not communicate His own proprieties to the creatures. In order to understand this problem, Albert recalls the notion of hypothe- tical necessity coined by Boethius in an Aristotelian framework and the difference between necessitas consequentis and necessitas consequentiae proposed by Alexander of Hales. He also develops his account of providen- ce, closely linked to the topic of fate.
    [Show full text]
  • Cultural Anatomies of the Heart in Aristotle, Augustine, Aquinas, Calvin, and Harvey Giotto Di Bondone
    Cultural Anatomies of the Heart in Aristotle, Augustine, Aquinas, Calvin, and Harvey Giotto di Bondone. Charity. Scrovegni Chapel, Padua. Courtesy of: ART Collection / Alamy Stock Photo Marjorie O’Rourke Boyle Cultural Anatomies of the Heart in Aristotle, Augustine, Aquinas, Calvin, and Harvey Marjorie O’Rourke Boyle Centre for Medieval Studies University of Toronto Toronto, ON, Canada ISBN 978-3-319-93652-9 ISBN 978-3-319-93653-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-93653-6 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018951591 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2018 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made.
    [Show full text]
  • Biographical Sketches & Short Descriptions of Select Anonymous
    Biographical Sketches & Short Descriptions of Select Anonymous Works This listing is cumulative, including all the authors and works cited in this series to date. Abraham of Nathpar (fl. sixth-seventh to Origen. However, trinitarian terminology, century). Monk of the Eastern Church who coupled with references to Methodius and allu- flourished during the monastic revival of the sions to the fourth-century Constantinian era sixth to seventh century. Among his works is bring this attribution into question. a treatise on prayer and silence that speaks of Adamnan (c. 624-704). Abbot of Iona, Ireland, the importance of prayer becoming embodied and author of the life of St. Columba. He was through action in the one who prays. His work influential in the process of assimilating the has also been associated with John of Apamea Celtic church into Roman liturgy and church or Philoxenus of Mabbug. order. He also wrote On the Holy Sites, which Acacius of Beroea (c. 340-c. 436). Syrian monk influenced Bede. known for his ascetic life. He became bishop Alexander of Alexandria (fl. 312-328). Bishop of Beroea in 378, participatedSAMPLE—DO in the council of of Alexandria NOT and predecessor COPY of Athanasius, Constantinople in 381, and played an important on whom he exerted considerable theological role in mediating between Cyril of Alexandria influence during the rise of Arianism. Alexander and John of Antioch; however, he did not take excommunicated Arius, whom he had appointed part in the clash between Cyril and Nestorius. to the parish of Baucalis, in 319. His teach- Acacius of Caesarea (d.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reception of John of Damascus in the Summa Halensis
    RichardCross The Reception of John of Damascus in the Summa Halensis Abstract: John of Damascus was perhaps the most important Christian encyclopedist of late antiquity.His influencecrops up in two distinct ways in the Summa. He is an authority to be cited in support of positions adopted in the Summa,and sometimes the inspiration of thoseteachings;and he is an authority whose apparentlydeviant positions need to be givenacceptable interpretations. Of the times that John is men- tioned, his name crops up in association with some very distinctive issues: on the positive side, the will and passions (and action theory more generally), and the ac- counts of providence, faith, and images; and on the negative side, divine simplicity and associated epistemic and semantic questions, the Trinity,and the prelapsarian human condition. This chapter,accordingly, divides the material up in twoways: first,examining cases in which John clearlyinfluenced the authors of the Summa, albeit not always unproblematically; and,secondly, examining those problematic cases in which John presents aposition apparentlyinconflict with thatadopted by the authorsofthe Summa. John of Damascus (d. c. 750) wasperhapsthe most important Christian encyclopedist of late antiquity.¹ He summarized, through extensive quotation, almostthe whole of the dogmatic heritageofthe Greek-speakingtheologians from the Cappadocians to Maximus the Confessor,and wasthe chief sourcefor knowledge of these theolo- gians’ thinking in the medievalwest.Asweshall see, texts from Gregory of Nazian- zus, Nemesius of Emesa, and Maximus, mediated through John, turn out to be par- ticularlysignificant for the Summa Halensis,asdoJohn’sown contributions to the Iconoclast controversy.John’s De fide orthodoxa or Expositio fidei,the Summa’s source, exists in two Latin translations: areasonablyaccurate one by Burgundio of Pisa, probablydating from 1153 to 1154,and an incompleteone (cc.
    [Show full text]
  • 1$720< $1' 3+<6,2/2*< ,1 7+( :25. 2) 1(0(6,86 2) (0(6$ ´21 7+( 1$785( 2) 0$1Μ
    Pregledni rad Acta med-hist Adriat 2013; 11(2);319-328 Review article UDK: 611:612(38)(091) $1$720<$1'3+<6,2/2*<,1 7+(:25.2)1(0(6,862)(0(6$ ´217+(1$785(2)0$1µ ANATOMIJA I FIZIOLOGIJA U DJELU NEMEZIJA EMEŠKOG "O LJUDSKOJ NARAVI" *HRUJLRV 3DQWHOHDNRV #(IILH3RXODNRX5HEHODNRX $ 0LFKDHO.RXWVLOLHULV S%&&'() This study summarises the original medical information contained in the treatise On the Nature of Man by the Byzantine scholar Nemesius, Bishop of Emesa (4th century), written in ancient Greek. Nemesius’ work had a strong impact on later Byzantine scholarship, as witnessed by a number of treatises on human body that followed under a similar or identical title. This review introduces and summarises some of the basic views of Nemesius and com- pares them with those of Galen, one of the major contributors to medical knowledge of an- tiquity, in order to see how Galen’s theories on anatomy and physiology in"uenced Nemesius. We conclude that the medical information in the work of Nemesius re"ects the high level of Byzantine medicine of the time, as well as deep in"uences from ancient Greek intelligentsia and Galen in particular. .H\ZRUGV Byzantine medicine; Nemesius of Emesa; Galen; anatomy; physiology # Department of Experimental Physiology, Medical School, National & Kapodistrian University, Goudi ##+$-, Athens, Greece $ Department of History of Medicine, Medical School, National & Kapodistrian University, Goudi ##+$-, Athens, Greece Correspondence to: Georgios Panteleakos, Department of Experimental Physiology, Medical School, National & Kapodistrian University, -+ Mikras Asias, Goudi ##+$-, Athens, Greece. E-mail: [email protected]. I01(23%41520 The Byzantine scholar Nemesius, Bishop of Emesa in Syria (today Homs), who lived around the end of the 4 th century AD ( c.
    [Show full text]
  • Maximus the Confessor and John of Damascus on Gnomic Will (Γνώμη) in Christ: Clarity and Ambiguity Paul M
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Columbia University Academic Commons 44 Maximus the Confessor and John of Damascus on Gnomic Will (γνώμη) in Christ: Clarity and Ambiguity Paul M. Blowers Emmanuel Christian Seminary Johnson City, Tennessee For years I have been perplexed as to why Maximus the Confessor, in his articulate christological formulations in the seventh century, ultimately decided that Jesus Christ, as fully human, had only a natural human will (θέλημα φυσική), and so forcefully ruled against the possibility that he also had a “gnomic” (or “deliberative”) will (γνώμη) in the manner of fallen human beings. In the words of Maximus’ own beloved predecessor, Gregory Nazianzen, “what is not assumed is not healed.”1 Though not alone in this concern, I’ve made a regular pest of myself broaching this issue in numerous patristics conferences (most recently the 2011 Oxford Patristics Conference) anytime an essay on Maximus would even remotely touch on the matter. The answer I get represents a fairly hardened scholarly consensus. Accordingly, Maximus, in working out his understanding of the Chalcedonian definition, still required a certain asymmetry in the composite hypostasis of Christ, since it is the divine hypostasis of the Son who united with and divinized the humanity of Jesus. In this case only a “natural” human will could be truly deified, not a gnomic will prone to vacillation. I agree with this consensus in general, and it has been strengthened all the more in an excellent recent study by Ian McFarland comparing Maximus’ doctrine of the will with that of Augustine.
    [Show full text]
  • Self-Portrait in Ree Colors
    Self-Portrait in !ree Colors Gregory of Nazianzus’s Epistolary Autobiography Bradley K. Storin UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS University of California Press Oakland, California © "#$% by Bradley K. Storin Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Storin, Bradley K., author. Title: Self-portrait in three colors : Gregory of Nazianzus’s epistolary autobiography / Bradley K. Storin. Description: Oakland, California : University of California Press, ["#$%] | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Identi&ers: '(() "#$%##*"*+ (print) | '(() "#$%##%%$+ (ebook) | ,-.) %/+#0"#%/"%1# () | ,-.) %/+#0"#*#1$*# (cloth : alk. paper) Subjects: '(-2: Gregory, of Nazianzus, Saint. Correspondence. | Gregory, of Nazianzus, Saint—Criticism and interpretation. Classi&cation: '(( 34*%%+.5/* (ebook) | '(( 34*%%+.5/* -/6 "#$% (print) | 77( ++6/.#$—dc"* LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/"#$%##*"*+ Manufactured in the United States of America "+ "/ "6 "0 "1 "* "" "$ "# $% $# % + / 6 0 1 * " $ '()*+)*, Acknowledgments vii Note on Translations ix !. An Epistolary Autobiography ! ". #e Architecture of the Letter Collection "# $. “#e Most Eloquent Gregory” !$! %. “Father of Philosophers” !"! &. “Basilist” !%& Epilogue !'( Abbreviations !)! Notes !)# Works Cited ""' Index of Gregory’s Epistulae "%# Index of Subjects "(( )*+,-./01230,45 !is book has been in the making for a decade now and has taken several forms. It began as a dissertation that includes not only a full-length critical analysis of Gre- gory of Nazianzus’s epistolary discourse and late antique epistolary culture writ large but also a translation of all the letters in Gregory’s collection. I came to realize near its completion, however, that I had not discussed in any detail the construction of the collection as a cohesive and coherent autobiographical text; indeed, this line of inquiry has been largely untapped in scholarship more broadly.
    [Show full text]