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Medieval Western Philosophy: the European Emergence
Cultural Heritage and Contemporary Change Series I, Culture and Values, Volume 9 History of Western Philosophy by George F. McLean and Patrick J. Aspell Medieval Western Philosophy: The European Emergence By Patrick J. Aspell The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy 1 Copyright © 1999 by The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy Gibbons Hall B-20 620 Michigan Avenue, NE Washington, D.C. 20064 All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Aspell, Patrick, J. Medieval western philosophy: the European emergence / Patrick J. Aspell. p.cm. — (Cultural heritage and contemporary change. Series I. Culture and values ; vol. 9) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Philosophy, Medieval. I. Title. III. Series. B721.A87 1997 97-20069 320.9171’7’090495—dc21 CIP ISBN 1-56518-094-1 (pbk.) 2 Table of Contents Chronology of Events and Persons Significant in and beyond the History of Medieval Europe Preface xiii Part One: The Origins of Medieval Philosophy 1 Chapter I. Augustine: The Lover of Truth 5 Chapter II. Universals According to Boethius, Peter Abelard, and Other Dialecticians 57 Chapter III. Christian Neoplatoists: John Scotus Erigena and Anselm of Canterbury 73 Part Two: The Maturity of Medieval Philosophy Chronology 97 Chapter IV. Bonaventure: Philosopher of the Exemplar 101 Chapter V. Thomas Aquinas: Philosopher of the Existential Act 155 Part Three: Critical Reflection And Reconstruction 237 Chapter VI. John Duns Scotus: Metaphysician of Essence 243 Chapter -
God and Moral Humans in Leviathan, Book
God and the moral beings –A contextual study of Thomas Hobbes’s third book in Leviathan Samuel Andersson Extended Essay C, Spring Term 2007 Department of History of Science and Ideas Uppsala University Abstract Samuel Andersson, God and the moral beings –A contextual study of Thomas Hobbes’s third book in Leviathan. Uppsala University: Department of History of Science and Ideas, Extended Essay C, Spring Term, 2007. The question this essay sets out to answer is what role God plays in Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan, in the book “Of a Christian Common-wealth”, in relationship to humans as moral beings. The question is relevant as the religious aspects of Hobbes’s thinking cannot be ignored, although Hobbes most likely had rather secular and sceptical philosophical views. In order to answer the research question Leviathan’s “Of a Christian Common-wealth” will be compared and contrasted with two contextual works: the canonical theological document of the Anglican Church, the Thirty-Nine Articles (1571), and Presbyterian-Anglican document the Westminster Confession (1648). Also, recent scholarly works on Hobbes and more general reference works will be employed and discussed. Hobbes’s views provide a seemingly unsolvable paradox. On the one hand, God is either portrayed, or becomes by consequence of his sceptical and secular state thinking, a distant God in relationship to moral humans in “Of a Christian Common-wealth”. Also, the freedom humans seem to have in making their own moral decisions, whether based on natural and divine, or positive laws, appears to obscure God’s almightiness. On the other hand, when placing Hobbes in context, Hobbes appears to have espoused Calvinist views, with beliefs in predestination and that God is the cause of everything. -
This Electronic Thesis Or Dissertation Has Been Downloaded from Explore Bristol Research
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from Explore Bristol Research, http://research-information.bristol.ac.uk Author: Jenkins, Clare Helen Elizabeth Title: Jansenism as literature : a study into the influence of Augustinian theology on seventeenth-century French literature General rights Access to the thesis is subject to the Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International Public License. A copy of this may be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This license sets out your rights and the restrictions that apply to your access to the thesis so it is important you read this before proceeding. Take down policy Some pages of this thesis may have been removed for copyright restrictions prior to having it been deposited in Explore Bristol Research. However, if you have discovered material within the thesis that you consider to be unlawful e.g. breaches of copyright (either yours or that of a third party) or any other law, including but not limited to those relating to patent, trademark, confidentiality, data protection, obscenity, defamation, libel, then please contact [email protected] and include the following information in your message: •Your contact details •Bibliographic details for the item, including a URL •An outline nature of the complaint Your claim will be investigated and, where appropriate, the item in question will be removed from public view as soon as possible. Jansenism as Literature: A Study into the Influence of Augustinian Theology on Seventeenth-Century French Literature Clare Helen Elizabeth Jenkins A Dissertation submitted to the University of Bristol in accordance with the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts. -
FAITH and REASON in the THOUGHT of GREGORY of RIMINI (C
FAITH AND REASON IN THE THOUGHT OF GREGORY OF RIMINI (c. 1300-1358) BY GORDON LEFF, B.A., PH.D. LECTURER IN HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER F any one trait may be said to characterize fourteenth- I century thought it is the progressive withdrawal of faith from the arena of philosophy and rational knowledge. Perhaps the greatest driving force in the development of medieval thought during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries had been the confidence that the truths of faith were accessible to human understanding and rational demonstration. It had nurtured a diversity of summae and systems, designed to incorporate the conclusions derived from the accumulating wealth of natural, mainly Aristotelian, knowledge into a Christian framework; it also led to some of the greatest works of Christian apologetics, including St. Thomas Aquinas's Summa contra gentiles, with the purpose of convincing the unbeliever and the infidel. With Henry of Ghent, Duns Scotus, and, even more with William of Ockham, however, the growing doubts over such a union were given full and lasting expression. Although not the first to do so, they reverted to a conception of theology as an indepen dent pursuit which was marked off from natural knowledge in the strict sense. Theology, they held, was a self-contained corpus with its own tenets and principles. It could not be regarded as just one more science governed by laws which were applicable to all knowledge, for, as founded on revealed truth, it was dependent on faith, not natural experience. These thinkers, moreover, were so obsessed by the contingent nature of all creation that they refused to countenance the possibility of arriving at a knowledge of God through creation. -
THE INVESTIGATION INTO WILLIAM of OCKHAM in the Early 1320S
CHAPTER FIVE THE INVESTIGATION INTO WILLIAM OF OCKHAM In the early 1320s, William of Ockham found himself in diffi culty over his writings. He was investigated by his own order, and subsequently summoned to Avignon so that his writings could be examined for errors. While Ockham’s confl ict with the papacy is an important event in the history of medieval religion, much of it took place outside the confi nes of Oxford and England in general, and are therefore outside the general scope of this book. As a result, only the earliest develop- ments will be examined in detail here. William of Ockham and John Lutterell Ockham was born at Ockham in Surrey around 1287.1 He was received into the Franciscan order quite young, before he was 14, and most likely received his basic philosophical education at the Franciscan house at London. He was probably ordained as a subdeacon in Southwark in 1306, and was licensed to hear confessions by the bishop of Lincoln in 1318.2 Th ere is some possibility, but no evidence, that he studied briefl y at Paris; eventually he was sent to Oxford, where he lectured on the Sentences of Lombard from 1317 to 1319 (although it is possible that he lectured fi rst at London and then at Oxford in that period).3 He would have lectured on the Bible for a year starting in 1319. In 1321, he was appointed lecturer in philosophy at one of the Franciscan schools, most likely the London house. As a ‘formed bachelor’, he was waiting for his order to assign him the opportunity to proceed to the doctorate, but because the number of positions was limited and the waiting list substantial, as events turned out he never received that opportunity; consequently he was nicknamed ‘the 1 William Courtenay, “Ockham, William (c.1287–1347)”, in ODNB, 41:422–28; William Courtenay, Ockham and Ockhamism: Studies in the Dissemination and Impact of His Th ought, (Leiden, 2008), pp. -
Apologetics Study Guide Week 5 Week 5: WHAT to DO with HELL?
Apologetics Study Guide Week 5 Week 5: WHAT TO DO WITH HELL? Opening Question: What have you heard about hell from sermons, if anything? What are some depictions of hell that you are familiar with (e.g. art, pop culture, etc.?) What questions come up in your mind when you think about hell? We will engage the topic of hell by asking a few questions: 1. Is hell real? 2. Why is there a hell? Who goes there? 3. What is all this about predestination? Oftentimes, we think of hell like this: God gives humans time to choose God, but if they do not, then he casts them into hell; and even if those people beg for mercy, God says, “Nope! You had your chance!” Thankfully, that is not the biblical depiction of hell or of how God relates to people.1 Every human has a sinful, fallen nature. No one is free from sin, and we cannot freely turn back to God on our own. We are all deserving of death, of hell, eternal separation from God. If we were left to ourselves, we would never choose God—we would not know to choose God, because we are so mired in self and sin. It is only by the work of the Holy Spirit that we are drawn to God in Jesus Christ where we find salvation and restoration of our relationship to God. God makes the first move and chooses and saves people.2 God chooses people so that they may tell others about God and God’s grace. -
Alexander of Hales'stheology in His Authentic Texts (Commentary On
chapter 13 Alexander of Hales’s Theology in His Authentic Texts (Commentary on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, Various Disputed Questions) Hubert Philipp Weber As the first teacher at the University of Paris to become a Franciscan friar, Alexander of Hales has an honoured place in the history of the order. The greater part of his theological work was already completed while he was a secular master. It is therefore more correct to call him an important theolo- gian who influenced Franciscan theology. However, it is not easy to distinguish what makes him a ‘Franciscan theologian’. I will begin by offering some his- torical remarks on his life and his authentic writings, most of which were discovered in the twentieth century. Then I will continue by giving an impres- sion of his thought with a few examples from his writings. The final sec- tion contains a very short outline of the Summa Universae Theologiae (also known as the Summa fratris Alexandri or Summa Halensis) connected with his name. 1 Historical Remarks: Alexander’s Life and Work We do not know very much about Alexander’s early life.1 His surname indicates his origin, Hales in Shropshire, England, where he was born around 1185. He stayed in contact with England all his life. In the first years of the thirteenth century he arrived at the University of Paris, where he studied and taught artes liberales. From about 1220 he lectured at the theological faculty. During the conflict between the university and the bishop of Paris in 1229/31 he went into exile. -
St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas on the Mind, Body, and Life After Death
The University of Akron IdeaExchange@UAkron Williams Honors College, Honors Research The Dr. Gary B. and Pamela S. Williams Honors Projects College Spring 2020 St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas on the Mind, Body, and Life After Death Christopher Choma [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/honors_research_projects Part of the Christianity Commons, Epistemology Commons, European History Commons, History of Philosophy Commons, History of Religion Commons, Metaphysics Commons, Philosophy of Mind Commons, and the Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons Please take a moment to share how this work helps you through this survey. Your feedback will be important as we plan further development of our repository. Recommended Citation Choma, Christopher, "St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas on the Mind, Body, and Life After Death" (2020). Williams Honors College, Honors Research Projects. 1048. https://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/honors_research_projects/1048 This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by The Dr. Gary B. and Pamela S. Williams Honors College at IdeaExchange@UAkron, the institutional repository of The University of Akron in Akron, Ohio, USA. It has been accepted for inclusion in Williams Honors College, Honors Research Projects by an authorized administrator of IdeaExchange@UAkron. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. 1 St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas on the Mind, Body, and Life After Death By: Christopher Choma Sponsored by: Dr. Joseph Li Vecchi Readers: Dr. Howard Ducharme Dr. Nathan Blackerby 2 Table of Contents Introduction p. 4 Section One: Three General Views of Human Nature p. -
Life with Augustine
Life with Augustine ...a course in his spirit and guidance for daily living By Edmond A. Maher ii Life with Augustine © 2002 Augustinian Press Australia Sydney, Australia. Acknowledgements: The author wishes to acknowledge and thank the following people: ► the Augustinian Province of Our Mother of Good Counsel, Australia, for support- ing this project, with special mention of Pat Fahey osa, Kevin Burman osa, Pat Codd osa and Peter Jones osa ► Laurence Mooney osa for assistance in editing ► Michael Morahan osa for formatting this 2nd Edition ► John Coles, Peter Gagan, Dr. Frank McGrath fms (Brisbane CEO), Benet Fonck ofm, Peter Keogh sfo for sharing their vast experience in adult education ► John Rotelle osa, for granting us permission to use his English translation of Tarcisius van Bavel’s work Augustine (full bibliography within) and for his scholarly advice Megan Atkins for her formatting suggestions in the 1st Edition, that have carried over into this the 2nd ► those generous people who have completed the 1st Edition and suggested valuable improvements, especially Kath Neehouse and friends at Villanova College, Brisbane Foreword 1 Dear Participant Saint Augustine of Hippo is a figure in our history who has appealed to the curiosity and imagination of many generations. He is well known for being both sinner and saint, for being a bishop yet also a fellow pilgrim on the journey to God. One of the most popular and attractive persons across many centuries, his influence on the church has continued to our current day. He is also renowned for his influ- ence in philosophy and psychology and even (in an indirect way) art, music and architecture. -
Human Souls and the Triad of Intellectual Operations
chapter 6 Human Souls and the Triad of Intellectual Operations As we have seen, all animals are superior to plants in that they have not only vegetative powers but also sensory, that is, cognitive powers. The possession of cognition is what establishes a psychological continuity between nonhuman and human animals. However, there is also a crucial discontinuity and it is this discontinuity that brings us closer to theories of animal rationality. In short, the discontinuity between humans and other animals consists in the fact that only the former have rational or intellectual souls. Consequently, humans are not simply animals but a very peculiar kind of animals, namely, ‘rational animals’ (animalia rationalia).1 They are, so to speak, ‘animals plus x’ with ‘x’ being the faculties of intellect and reason. Nonhuman animals are, in turn, ‘animals without x’. This lack of intellect and reason is why they were often called ‘ irrational animals’ (animalia irrationalia) or ‘brute animals’ (animalia bruta), as mentioned before. The possession of a rational soul thus establishes what modern scholars usually call an anthropological difference because it sets humans apart from all other animals. Medieval philosophers stressed this point. In his commentary on De ani- malibus, Peter of Spain, for instance, states that ‘humans excel any other ani- mal by the nobility of intellect and reason’ (homo enim excellit quodlibet animal nobilitate intellectus et rationis).2 In his Sentences commentary, Peter of John Olivi defines human beings as ‘intellectual animals or animals having intellect’ (bestiae intellectuales seu intellectum habentes).3 On the one hand, this shows that the animal nature of human beings was not denied. -
© in This Web Service Cambridge University
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-89754-9 - An Introduction to Medieval Theology Rik Van Nieuwenhove Index More information Index Abelard, Peter, 82, 84, 99–111, 116, 120 beatific vision, 41, 62, 191 Alain of Lille, 71 beatitude, 172, 195–96 Albert the Great, 171, 264 Beatrijs van Nazareth, 170 Alexander of Hales, 147, 211, 227 beguine movement, 170 allegory, 15, 43, 45, 47, 177 Benedict XII, Pope, 265 Amaury of Bène, 71 Benedict, St., 28–29, 42 Ambrose, 7, 10, 149 Berengar of Tours, 60, 83, 129, 160, see also amor ipse notitia est 51, 117, see love and knowledge Eucharist anagogy, 47 Bernard of Clairvaux, 79, 82, 100, 104, 110, 112–15, analogy, see univocity 147, 251 analogy in Aquinas, 182–85, 234, 235 critique of Abelard, 110–11 Anselm of Canterbury, 16, 30, 71, 78, 81, 83–98, on loving God, 112–14 204, 236 Boccaccio, Giovanni, 251 Anselm of Laon, 72, 99 Boethius, 29–33, 125, 137 Anthony, St., 27 Bonaventure, 34, 47, 123, 141, 146, 148, 170, 173, apophaticism, 8, 34, 271 176, 179, 211–24, 227, 228, 230, 232, 242, 243, Aquinas, 182–83 245, 254 Aquinas, 22, 24, 34, 47, 51, 72, 87, 89, 90, 133, 146, Boniface, Pope, 249 148, 151, 154, 164, 169, 171–210, 214, 225, 227, 230, 235, 236, 237, 238, 240, 241, 244, 246, Calvin, 14 254, 255, 257, 266 Carabine, Deirdre, 65 Arianism, 20, 21 Carthusians, 79 Aristotle, 9, 20, 29, 78, 84, 179, 181, 192, 195, 212, Cassian, John, 27–29, 47 213, 216, 223, 225, 226, 227, 229, 237, 254, Cassidorius, 124 267, 268 cathedral schools, 82, 169 Arts, 124, 222 Catherine of Siena, 251 and pedagogy (Hugh), 124–28 -
The Passions of the Will and the Passion of Christ in Franciscantheologyfromthe Summa Halensis to Duns Scotus
Andrew V. Rosato The Passions of the Will and the Passion of Christ in FranciscanTheologyfromthe Summa Halensis to Duns Scotus Abstract: This chapter examines how the Summa Halensis’ analysis of Christ’ssorrow was adopted and modified by later Franciscan theologians.Accordingtothe teach- ing of Jerome, which Peter Lombardmade available to medieval theologians,Christ’s sorrow arose from an involuntary reaction to his physical suffering. In order to ex- pand upon Jerome’saccount,the Summa Halensis develops an elaborate map of Christ’ssoul by drawing on psychological principles found in Augustine and John Damascene. 13th century theologians debated whether Christ could experience sor- row over his ownsuffering not justasanatural and instinctual reaction, but also as the result of freelywillingthat he not suffer.Anobstacle to asserting this would be anyimplication that Christ did not will by his human willwhat God willed him to will. Richard of Middleton, Matthew of Aquasparta, and Duns Scotus do af- firm that Christ in some wayfreelynilled his own suffering, and experiencedsorrow over it because of that.Indifferent ways they employ the account of Christ’ssoul out- lined in the Summa Halensis to avoid anyimplication that Christ fell into sin by freely nilling his ownsuffering. The GospelofMatthew reports that Jesus experienced sorrow in the Garden of Geth- semane (26:37–38): ‘he began to be sorrowful [coepit contristari]and troubled. Then he said to them, “My soul is sorrowful [tristis]tothe point of death.”’ Jerome offered an influential interpretation of this passagewhen he statedthatChrist experienced the propassion of sorrow rather than afull-fledgedform of thatpassion. One differ- ence between apropassion and afull-fledgedpassion is that apropassion does not overwhelm one’sability to use reason.