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RESEARCH ARTICLE

Romanian Beliefs and Rites of Pregnancy with Special Reference to Moldova

Adina Hulubas¸

Abstract Traditional beliefs and customs concerning pregnancy and childbirth are still numerous and vivid in Romania and among Romanian inhabitants in neighbouring countries. Fieldwork on this theme carried out over several decades has resulted in a large body of material showing the special position of a pregnant woman in traditional Romanian society. This paper deals specifically with Moldovan birth tradition and concentrates on society’s view of the pregnant woman and her unborn child as indicated by the large variety of beliefs and traditions aimed at protecting her and her child. It is evident from this material, that both the prospective mother and society are expected to be aware of, and to engage with, traditional precepts concerning the healthy development of the foetus and the achievement of an unblemished birth. It is also clear that the role and influence of the former untrained midwife in the magical protection of the mother and her child are still part of cultural memory in Moldova. The idea that a pregnant woman has the ability to bring rain in times of drought seems to emanate from a traditional perception of her as embodying fertility powers linked or analogous to the earth’s germinative capacity.

Introduction The main work on Romanian birth customs by Simeon Florea Marian was written almost one hundred and twenty years ago (Marian 1892). This book was based on information from different parts of Romania and neighbouring countries with Romanian inhabitants. Subsequent publications on this theme (Sulit¸eanu 1986; Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 Ca˘liman 1996; Berdan 1999; S¸tiuca˘ 2001; S¸erban 2002; Gaga 2004) were more limited in scope both as to content and geographical representation. These studies were based on the substantial fieldwork on birth beliefs and customs carried out in Romania over a number of decades. From these studies and also from the archival data, it is evident that pregnancy beliefs and rituals have remained remarkably similar to those collected at the end of nineteenth century, due, it would appear, to the conservative attitude of women towards this rite of passage. The existential transition involved in pregnancy and confinement is a complex one as it involves radical physiological changes for the woman over a relatively extended period of time, without her yet being a mother. Her condition reflects that of the foetus which is forming and developing in her womb, but since it is as yet unborn it has not been accepted into the traditional community. Many scholars have suggested that the uncertainty which surrounds pregnancy has influenced people around the world to believe that external evil and contagious forces are at work during that period of transition, resulting in “ ... a great deal of concern for ISSN 0015-587X print; 1469-8315 online/11/030264-19; Routledge Journals; Taylor & Francis q 2011 The Folklore Society http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0015587X.2011.608264 Romanian Beliefs and Rites of Pregnancy 265

safeguarding the mother and the child from the dangers of inauspiciousness” (Goodwin Raheja 1988, 93). Moreover, the perceived risk is regarded as having an internal dimension: “Being pregnant means losing one’s freedom of body and mind: every gesture, every word spoken, every moment of a pregnant woman also involves the child” (Ge´lis 1991, 66). This paper focuses on this ontological crisis and on a traditional worldview still powerful in many Romanian villages. The article is based on the results of a research project undertaken by the Romanian Academy, Ias¸i Section, during which traditional information on Romanian birth customs was collected throughout the country, using direct and indirect field investigation, over a period of forty years. The primary focus of the paper, however, is on the information on pregnancy beliefs and customs that was collected in villages from the eight administrative districts of the province of Moldova (Baca˘u, Botos¸ani, Galat¸i, Ias¸i, Neamt¸, Suceava, Vaslui, Vrancea) during the aforementioned period. [1] The results of this historical investigation, and of fieldwork conducted over the last five years in order to judge the current state of traditional birth beliefs in Moldova, have been lodged in The Folklore Archive of Moldova and Bukovina (founded in 1970). The aim of the project was to create a Moldovan birth-customs typology in accordance with Arnold van Gennep’s scheme of passage rites: separation, transition and aggregation (van Gennep 1996). Because of the huge amount of data which have been collected in this context, this article focuses only on the preliminary phase of the birth situation—that which is mainly concerned with ensuring the well-being of the mother and child before and after birth. Giving birth at home, with the assistance of a midwife lacking formal training, ended approximately fifty years ago, but magical beliefs concerning childbirth are still vivid in different parts of Romania. Field investigation carried out in 2009 showed that this was the case, and also that memories of the traditional midwife’s role in society have been preserved to a surprising extent. Thus all of the beliefs mentioned in this article are regarded as still persisting in Romanian culture, especially in Moldovan tradition, and while the situation may vary from district to district, with some areas being more retentive of traditional pregnancy beliefs and customs than others, it is evident that every village preserves, to some degree, traditional perceptions of pregnancy and childbirth. The various beliefs and practices surrounding childbirth in Moldovan tradition are divided into a

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 number of categories on the basis of the emphases in the sources available, but some overlapping between categories inevitably occurs.

Reaching Another Stage of Femininity In Romanian tradition, the birth of a child is regarded as a matter of fulfilment for a woman. Thus, saying to a woman that she is sterile is a great insult. A perceived bond between feminine fertility and nature’s generative capacity is also evident in Romanian childbirth beliefs and customs, and is reflected in various types of magical practices, as well as in narrative genres such as carols and fairytales. While the word “pregnant” is generally used in western society to describe the carrying of an unborn child in the womb, it is also used metaphorically to describe something that is laden with meaning or importance (Dundes 2003, 85). In traditional Moldovan society, however, it is more common to say that a woman is “heavy” or “thick,” meaning that she is with child, for the words “pregnant” or 266 Adina Hulubas¸

“gravid” are urban and unfamiliar. Respondents tend to use these terms only when they are talking to an outsider from the city. A variety of therapeutic and magical practices have been traditionally used to induce the much-desired state of pregnancy. Most of the information in this regard dates from 1971 when the responses to folkloric and ethnographical questionnaires were returned to Ion H. Ciubotaru, the founder of The Folklore Archive of Moldova and Bukovina. From these sources we learn that in numerous villages, tea made from plants such as Veronica spicata (spike speedwell), Gypsophila paniculata (baby’s breath), and Polygonum aviculare (knotgrass) was recommended to be drunk in order to stimulate pregnancy. The infusions made from some plants were even thought to influence the sex of the child. In Orbeni, Baca˘u, for example, it was believed that a tea made from Cerinthe minor (lesser honeywort)—if boiled when in blossom and drunk—may lead to the birth of a baby girl. In order to give birth to a boy, the woman should drink the tea made from the buds of this plant. A pregnant woman is thought to face many dangers and diseases in the course of her pregnancy.She is especially vulnerable to the influences of a supernatural being called Samca, who is said to devour unborn babies and to torment newborn children, even causing their death. Pregnant women wear “books” (small sheets of paper) in which all of the nineteen names of Samca are written by hand, as a form of protection against this supernatural influence (in Ungureni, Baca˘u and in T¸ipiles¸ti and Vla˘deni, Ias¸i). Another danger facing the pregnant women is called ma˘tricea (a folk name for the uterus), thought to give rise to a miscarriage, especially among women who have had many previous difficult pregnancies (Ciubotaru 2005, 181). Yet another danger the pregnant woman is said to face is called Lichitura (a regional pronunciation of “sticking”). This comes from the Romanian verb “to stick” and refers to the significance of “becoming stuck to,” that is, that a harmful magical force has succeeded in adhering to a vulnerable person, such as a pregnant woman. The symptoms arising from this situation consist of the pregnant woman experiencing sudden and inexplicable feelings of weakness, nausea, and also violent headaches. “The evil hour” (ceasul ra˘u) is another form of danger to which the pregnant woman is said to be susceptible. It is a partial synonym for lichitura˘, but involves greater emphasis being placed on the unlucky moment when the

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 menacing entity struck (for example, when the human being was alone at night, or in dangerous places such as in woods, at crossroads, or at a boundary). The person thought to have been affected by “the evil hour” suffers from headaches, chest and intercostal pain, shivering and muscle spasms (Ciubotaru 2005, 138). To protect the woman from these perceived dangers, or from the effects of sudden fright, and also in order to bring about pregnancy, she is administered otter heart (in Bijghir and Orbeni, Baca˘u), or stallion (in Lunca Rates¸, Ias¸i), lamb (in Va˘durele, Neamt¸) or rooster testicles (in Horodniceni, Suceava and in Va˘durele, Neamt¸). A variety of gestures—that is, actions in the realm of contagious magic thought to confer fertility on a woman, emanating either directly from a woman recently confined or from her newborn child—is also recorded in Moldovan tradition. The use of water in this context is striking. Three days after giving birth, the midwife bathes the new mother and she is joined in the bathing event by the childless woman (in Ureches¸ti, Baca˘u). At other times the midwife pours water on the new mother’s navel and the woman seeking to have a child drinks it, thus symbolically Romanian Beliefs and Rites of Pregnancy 267

assimilating the fertile energy of the woman who had newly given birth (in Ulma, Suceava). Here water can be seen not only as a perfect conductor for the magical seed of fertility, but also as constituting the specific environment of life: For Africans, man comes from the water and the child in the womb is often compared to a fish that swims. Water is therefore the indispensable principle for this new being and, naturally, the fertilising spirits come from the water (Bartoli 2007, 28). The day after the child is baptised, the godparents come to ritually wash him or her, and this is an occasion when another form of contagious magic is performed. The midwife rinses the face of a barren woman with water from the baptised child’s bath (in Conces¸ti, Botos¸ani), or, more often, makes her sit on the upturned vat in which the christened baby has had his/her first bath. This bathing water is then thrown at the roots of a fruit tree. Here the woman attempts to subsume the creative and fertile energies of the water by following magical patterns. Gilbert Durand has noticed that birth seems to be brought about by the aquatic element in numerous mythologies. The divine Mithra was born near a river, Moses had a rebirth in a river, and Christ was reborn in the river Jordan (Durand 1977, 279). Fire plays its part, too. When the cut umbilical cord dries out and detaches itself from the new-born’s body, the non-pregnant woman burns it, pours wine or brandy on the ashes, and drinks the liquid (in Conces¸ti, Botos¸ani and in Grivit¸a, Galat¸i). If Italians, according to traditional prescriptions, should avoid conception especially at the Feast of Annunciation (Malpezzi 1998, 61), Romanians also, according to folk tradition, should not conceive a child on any high feast day or on its eve, for fear that the progeny might be born in great pain or suffer from numerous afflictions. In June 2005, I was told in Cosmes¸ti Vale, Galat¸i, Moldova that a child conceived on one of the twelve sacred Fridays, or on Sunday, would grow up to be a drunkard if a boy, or sexually promiscuous if a girl. It is thus evident that the taboo on conception on particularly sacred calendrical occasions still persists in popular belief in parts of Romania. Once pregnant, a woman is subject to a large variety of traditional regulations concerning her everyday behaviour and that of the community, aimed at protecting both her and her unborn child. She is expected to tell everyone about

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 her condition, otherwise the child will be born mute. [2] The woman from Cosmes¸ti Vale, Galat¸i who provided this information also gave a time-limit for the announcement of her condition by the pregnant woman; that is, that she must do so before she experienced the first movement of the baby in her womb. From that stage onwards, the actions of the mother are thought to influence the health and character of the baby. It is still believed in most of the villages in which we carried out fieldwork, that the later she lets everyone know that she is pregnant, the later her child will speak. In fact, it is thought that the child will grow up taciturn or unintelligent because his mother kept her pregnancy secret for longer than was appropriate (in Pripones¸ti, Galat¸i; in Cozia and Izvoarele, Ias¸i; in Duda and Tanacu, Vaslui; and in Panaci and Straja, Suceava), or that he will speak with a stammer or with difficulty (in Parincea, Baca˘u and in Cuejdiu, Neamt¸). Some say that he will have a hearing impairment (in Gohor, Galat¸i and in Ca˘soi, Suceava), or, according to other informants, that he might even be born dead (in Buima˘ceni, Botos¸ani). In Topolit¸a, Neamt¸, villagers believe that the child will be a liar because 268 Adina Hulubas¸

his mother had initially lied about her condition. As Jacques Ge´lis noticed in the quotation given above, the connection between woman and foetus alters her condition radically, taking away profane freedom and giving the miracle of life in return (Ge´lis 1991, 66).

A Numinous State The main concern for the woman with child is to maintain a healthy pregnancy on physiological and magical levels. An idea found in many cultures is that she needs to eat what she desires; otherwise she is sure to have a miscarriage, or she could give birth to a greedy child (in Coroies¸ti, Vaslui). The person who denies her a requested meal is thought to commit a great sin, and mice will cause damage to his home and food supplies (in S¸endriceni, Botos¸ani; in Prisa˘cani, Ias¸i; and in Mihoveni, Suceava). If she cannot have the food she desires, and in order to avoid a miscarriage, she must lick her salted palm (in Mois¸a, Suceava) or lick it and wipe it on her posterior (in Silis¸tea, Suceava) as a symbolic gesture of giving up her wish. In Paˆrjol, Baca˘u, women used to wash the beads of their necklace and drink the water so that they would not suffer from an unsatisfied appetite. The same villagers believe that drinking water that has been poured on the edges of painted representations of Christian figures saves the pregnant woman from miscarriage. If it happened that she subsequently miscarried, people put the blame on evil forces. In Buda, Ias¸i, they say that she stepped “in a bad footmark.” The conviction that someone had cast a spell on her is more common, however. It is usually thought that the bewitcher intended to kill the pregnant woman in order to marry her husband. Thus, the pregnancy months, and also the forty days after giving birth, are critical, because during these periods the woman is considered to be particularly vulnerable to magical forces. The energy that enabled her to create a human life has no familiar source and this uncertainty is felt to expose her to the unpredictable influences of entities from the numinous world she has just entered. It is also thought that the foetus can suffer from fright arising from seeing different evil supernatural beings. In cases like this, the midwife counterbalances the effect of the fright with counter-spells, or other magical practices such as extinguishing a red-hot meat spit in water, splintering a chip from an icon or from

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 the corner of the house—presumably in order to diminish or break the power of the spell—or closing a padlock in “untouched water.” The closed padlock is intended to shut down the mouth that cast the spell, and thus annihilate its powers. “Untouched water” is fresh water brought from a fountain before sunrise, in complete silence and unnoticed by neighbours. This water is regarded as being extremely powerful and is used exclusively for magical purposes. These rites were noted in Motos¸eni, Baca˘u, Moldova in 1970. The pregnant woman can be understood to embody germinative powers and to have a direct connection to the cosmic rhythm or to the earth’s fertility. This is why villagers used to throw water unexpectedly on pregnant women in times of drought, a rite that continues on a frequent basis even today. Here the magical contagion is reversed; after subsuming all fertilising powers around her, the preg- nant woman becomes a radiating centre of creational energies. She is drenched with water on being called to the outside of the house, or when walking on the road, or when passing by a nearby fence, or when going to the well or, even more Romanian Beliefs and Rites of Pregnancy 269

significantly, when working in the field. Sometimes it is thought that the drenching rite is effective only if the pregnant woman gets upset and cries. In January 2009, many informants told me that it immediately starts to rain if somebody manages to steal a domestic object from a pregnant woman, such as the stirring stick for corn porridge, and hurls it into a fountain (in Tecuci, Na˘rtes¸ti and in Bra˘ha˘s¸es¸ti, Galat¸i). A spoon will also do if the “thief” is unable to find the stirring stick (in Bra˘ha˘s¸es¸ti, Galat¸i). Even her bucket can bring rain if it is snatched and cast into a water trough (in Bra˘ha˘s¸es¸ti, Galat¸i). The woman with child and her personal objects can thus be understood as having a holomorphic equivalence with the world itself, and by wetting her, or by stealing domestic objects from her and by throwing them in water, a similar macrocosmic reaction is provoked.

Effects of the World Around Her The process of creation is unstable throughout pregnancy and, in traditional belief, each encounter the woman has may affect her unborn child. Throughout Moldova it is believed that the future mother should avoid looking at physically-challenged or physically-unappealing people and animals. If she cannot prevent this happening, it is imperative that she remembers that she is pregnant and that she takes action to ward off possible adverse consequences for her unborn child. She thus touches her womb area while saying protective words, or she pinches it. Also, she crosses herself while she utters “God forbid!” The apotropaic formula traditionally recommended on such an occasion is usually a strong wish for the child’s safety, but in Mihoveni, Suceava, it gains cosmic dimensions, as in the wish: “Let my child be beautiful like the moon and the sun!” The magical power of bodily substances is also used for the protection of the foetus since the pregnant woman should spit either on her bosom, or behind her, to counteract the possibility of contagion from what she has observed. Saliva, like blood, is thought to hold the magical powers of the spirit and thus to have apotropaic implications: the inner vitality that it entails is emitted and annihilates destructive influences, as is made clear by different rites. In Romania, when somebody is suspected of having overlooked a person (a child or an adult), or a domestic animal, by focusing excessive attention on it, he is asked to spit over the object of his attention

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 in order to reverse the expected evil consequences of his action. During Orthodox baptism the Godfather is asked to spit gently three times over the baby. All these actions have a strong apotropaic meaning. Even broadcast images are thought to have the power to deform the unborn child, and the pregnant woman avoids watching television if it shows grotesque footage (in Ba˘lta˘ret¸, Galat¸i in April 2006). Such images could adversely affect her child’s appearance especially if she marvelled at them. In such circumstances, she must look at her little finger (in Conces¸ti, Botos¸ani), or her nails, and think that her child will be as clean as her finger nails (in Fra˘ta˘ut¸ii Noi, Straja, Stulpicani and Ciomaˆrtan, Suceava). If she stares at an animal, she might give birth to a child with features similar to those of the animal in question: thus looking at a rabbit may provoke harelip, or watching a snake could lead to the child being cross-eyed. [3] Deeply involved in the creational process according to many mythologies, the snake according to traditional beliefs, is also thought to be able to mould the developing child after its own appearance. 270 Adina Hulubas¸

In Moldovan tradition, the pregnant woman should not forget her unborn child while assisting at the slaughtering of a pig, otherwise her offspring might grunt after birth. Seeing a slaughtered cow could cause a red stain to appear on half of the child’s face, unless the mother keeps her pregnancy in mind and thus protects the foetus from the malign influence of what she has seen. Fowl, such as hens, if torn by birds of prey, should be kept from view, as otherwise the child might be born with birthmarks that resemble the deadly wounds of the fowl in question. In Slovenia, it is said that if a future mother plays an active role in animal slaughtering, the child in her womb will grow up to have criminal tendencies: the child will be bloodthirsty, a sadist, or even a murderer. In order to avoid this, the expectant mother must not kill chickens or catch the blood when pigs are slaughtered. She must not eat blood sausage, or meat which has not been completely drained of blood (Rozˇman 1999, 294). The killing of animals during pregnancy places two fundamental forces—death and life—in opposition; life and death cannot be experienced at the same time, and thus the latter should be avoided while the child is still unborn. In Slovenia, if a pregnant woman attends a slaughtering while the child is still in the womb, it is thought that the baby will learn the mechanism of death before birth, and that the child’s developing personality will be adversely affected by this situation. Many villagers are convinced that birthmarks appear on the child if the future mother hides objects in her bosom, at her waist, or in her lap, or if she places a flower over her ear (in Rotopa˘nes¸ti, Suceava). It is thought that when the object touches the skin of the mother its imprint is immediately transferred to the forming skin of the foetus, and that the child, when born, will bear the mark of the object on his skin for the rest of his life. Haemangiomas are believed to result from the pregnant woman watching a fire and covering her face in terror, according to informants in different parts of Moldova. The red marks are said to be located where the woman touches herself after seeing the fire. However, she can avoid the consequences of her behaviour if she remembers that she is pregnant and that she should not have engaged in such actions. Even baking is thought to induce blood vessel tumours (sometimes called “small fires”) in certain circumstances. This is especially the case if the pregnant woman, while carrying a boy, keeps her hands

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 over the fire while handling bread in the oven (in Lupcina, Suceava). Thefts during pregnancy are said to cause birthmarks that have the shape of the stolen object. Every informant I spoke to had a story and a personal example about how a child got a skin mark. Indeed, it appears that this very visible sign may even be the most common belief associated with childbirth in Moldova. This belief is also found in Turkey, where women, in the case of theft, try to touch their posterior on such occasions so that their clothes will hide any resulting sign on the child (Bartoli 2007, 95). The exact gesture involved in this was indicated to me in Bra˘ha˘s¸es¸ti, Galat¸i in January 2009. The idea that particular actions of the mother can cause marks to develop on the unborn child that are visible when the infant is born, reflects a perception of the foetus as a malleable, developing entity which can be affected by his/her mother’s deeds, even to the extent of these imprinting themselves on the child’s skin, or even on his/her temperament. A pregnant woman is also forbidden to keep a thread around her neck at any stage during pregnancy, especially while knitting. This belief was first collected in Romanian Beliefs and Rites of Pregnancy 271

1971 from various villages in Romania, but it was confirmed during fieldwork in Moldova in May 1989 (in Baˆrjoveni, Suceava) and again in April 2006 (in Ba˘lta˘ret¸, Galat¸i). [4] If the pregnant woman fails to obey this prohibition, the child may be born with umbilical cord torsion and may die (according to all our informants). [5] A tangled umbilical cord is thought to occur if a woman wears a string of beads during pregnancy (in Grint¸ies¸, Neamt¸ and in Mihoveni and Valea Moldovei, Suceava), or if she steps over a rope or a chain during this time. It is also thought to be dangerous for a pregnant woman to make a knot in her hair [6] (in Vicovu de Jos, Suceava) as her pregnancy might become “knotted,” with the result (in Bojila, Ias¸i) that the child’s tongue might be affected and he might not be able to speak intelligibly (in Secuieni, Neamt¸; in Mogos¸es¸ti and Siret, Ias¸i; in Moara Nica˘, Suceava; and in S¸indrilari, Vrancea). In April 2006 I was told that a pregnant woman, by knotting or braiding her hair, also knots the growth of the foetus (in Ba˘lta˘ret¸, Galat¸i), and the child might be born with a handicap (in Putna, Suceava) or even die (in Costines¸ti, Botos¸ani). Any type of cord or string worn around the neck or body by the pregnant woman could also result in the child being born with a mark of the string on his neck (in Talpa, Neamt¸) or elsewhere on his body (in Valea Seaca˘, Ias¸i; and in Botos¸ana and Botes¸ti, Suceava), while in other cases it is thought that he might be born with unsightly features, or with lots of blisters (in Bistricioara, Neamt¸). [7] The cord could affect the child on every level since it is believed that he might not be able to speak (in Baia and Ma˘na˘stirea Humoruluin, Suceava) or walk (in Suhulet¸, Ias¸i; and in Baia and Vatra Moldovit¸ei, Suceava) because it has bound his mouth and legs. Villagers in Tanacu, Vaslui believe that a child’s whole life will be full of obstacles as a result of his mother wearing a cord or a string while pregnant. The mother herself could also suffer as a result of her action—she may not be able to breastfeed the baby because the string might magically prevent her from doing so (in Stornes¸ti, Ias¸i). Somewhat similar ideas are found in Sabajevo, Estonia in relation to weaving linen for a child prior to his birth. It was thought that, as a result, “the child’s legs will be bandy or his face will have marks” (Mikkor 2000, 113). It was also believed that he might have developmental difficulties as the thread used in the weaving process might tie his intestines (in Bla˘ges¸ti, Ias¸i) and make them as thin as a shoelace (in Perieni, Vaslui). Development difficulties may

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 also arise for the foetus if the pregnant woman passes under the wooden door-bar traditionally placed in a middle position across the entrance to the house.

Contagion and its Consequences Besides the interdictions discussed above, there is also a whole series of taboos imposed on a woman by pregnancy. It is traditionally believed that if a pregnant woman steps over a rope to which an animal is tethered, the woman will bellow (in pain) during the birth (in Ba˘lta˘ret¸, Galat¸i in 2006), and her child could become strangulated during expulsion from the womb (in Rocna and Piatra S¸oimului, Neamt¸; and in T¸oles¸ti and Horodniceni, Suceava). The fact that the animal is tied by a rope is also thought to affect the growth of the child (in Agafton, Botos¸ani and in Lunca Rates¸, Ias¸i), whereas in German tradition the belief was that the birth would be two months overdue if the tethered animal was a mare (Franklin 2005, 59). The Romanian belief shows a perceived incompatibility between two types of 272 Adina Hulubas¸

situations—one (involving restraint) has to cease in order for the other (birth, development) to continue—whereas the focus of the German idea is on the restraining power of the rope, culminating with the symbolic figure of the mare. Another contact taboo is concerned with avoiding what are regarded as impure domestic animals. According to a widespread tradition in Romania, a pregnant woman should avoid kicking a dog as otherwise her child might be born with excessive body hair. Almost every woman we spoke to knew the traditional reason for this interdiction, indicating the retentive nature of Romanian tradition concerning childbirth beliefs. [8] The preservation of traditional memory is very evident in Romanian villages, especially in Moldova. Information that proves to be rare and archaic in other societies is abundant and current there, and people are often aware of the significance of the tradition. A pregnant woman should avoid kicking a dog for other reasons also; her child might fail to thrive due to “doggy disease”—actually a nutritional deficiency called athrepsia or marasmus. The contact with a dog might further result in the child having physical similarities to the animal: the child might be born with a muzzle (in Dumeni, Botos¸ani and in Da˘nila, Suceava), a canine jaw (in Pojoraˆta, Suceava), fangs (in Costines¸ti, Botos¸ani), or canine ears (in Ortoaia, Suceava), and instead of speaking he might bark (in Gohor, Galat¸i), yelp (in Ples¸ani and Vla˘deni, Botos¸ani), or snore (in Viforeni, Baca˘u). The kicking of cats could also give rise to hairy babies, and if the pregnant woman pushes aside a pig, thick hairs might grow on the infant, especially on his back (in Iba˘nes¸ti, Raˆnghiles¸ti and Hut¸ani, Botos¸ani; and in Bivolari and Heles¸teni, Ias¸i). These are called “evil hairs” and can be removed by rubbing them with breast milk (in Mos¸na and Rugionoasa, Ias¸i). Another consequence of touching this animal inappropriately could be a harmful change in the child’s physical features. The baby might be born with a snout (in Dumeni, Botos¸ani) and the sounds he makes might resemble the grunting of a pig (in Ples¸ani, Botos¸ani). The pregnant woman should avoid kicking cows or hens. The latter action could result in the child having marks resembling feathers (in Sa˘la˘truc, Baca˘u), small wings (in Fundu Moldovei, Suceava), or wing stubs (in Ceahla˘u, Neamt¸) on his back, and these need to be rubbed with milk or oil, in order to remove what is actually a particular type of skin condition. Unsafe contact of this kind is also thought to be produced if the

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 woman holds a cat or a lamb in her arms (in Na˘rtes¸ti, Galat¸i and in Buhalnit¸a, Neamt¸), or if she steps over a cat, dog (in Tanacu, Vaslui), rabbit, or frog (in Breaza, Suceava), while pregnant. In the course of her pregnancy, the woman should avoid corpses and wakes. The explanation I received for this in Bra˘ha˘s¸es¸ti, Galat¸i, was that the child could become numb as a result of the impure contagion connected with the corpse. However, I was told in Na˘rtes¸ti, Galat¸i in January 2009 that if the woman was obliged to go to a wake, she should not bring flowers for the deceased, because if she did, the child might be born weak and flaccid. While in the presence of the mourning family, the woman should tie a red thread to her little finger (in Vama, Suceava) so that the baby will not become sallow like the corpse (in Conces¸ti, Botos¸ani). According to widespread traditional imagery, the little finger is thought to hold the soul (see, for example, van Gennep 1996, 131); therefore the rite induces an element of spiritual protection for the child into the situation. In other villages, the pregnant woman opens a button of her shirt while attending a wake (in Romanian Beliefs and Rites of Pregnancy 273

Romaˆnes¸ti, Ias¸i)—a symbolic gesture intended to counteract any adverse outcome resulting from the presence of the corpse. She does not kiss the icon laid on the chest of the dead person (in Pripones¸ti, Galat¸i), and avoids seeing the deceased when he or she is carried to the cemetery (in Ba˘lta˘ret¸, Galat¸i), for fear that she might put her pregnancy in danger, or get sick with fear (whether for herself, or for the baby). She should certainly not kiss the deceased person as the baby might be born dead (in Galbeni, Vrancea). She is forbidden to look at carrion, or into a tomb, for the same reason (in Ungureni and Orbeni, Baca˘u). If she goes into a church where there is a ceremony for burial in progress, she should leave before the coffin is brought out—otherwise she will have a difficult delivery (in Botes¸ti, Suceava). Participation in other rites of passage must be avoided since the pregnant woman herself is experiencing an ontological transition. She should not, therefore, be a sponsor either for a young marrying couple or for a child. If she is, the newlyweds will suffer from bad luck (in Iba˘nes¸ti, Miha˘ileni and Pa˘ltinis¸, Botos¸ani), and one of the two children she holds (the child in her womb or the child in her arms) will die (in Tecuci, Galat¸i). In August 2009, a woman from Dragosloveni, Vrancea, gave as motivation for the interdiction that the religious commitment is taken for the baby in the womb, and not for one she is sponsoring at the christening. She would have to pledge faith in Christ and to abjure Satan in the name of the child she is sponsoring, which is made impossible by the fact she is already carrying a baby herself. There are also food taboos involving the pregnant woman. She must not eat leftovers from a meal, or the flesh of animals that have been torn by other animals or birds, or which have been shot. If the animal has been torn by a bird of prey, the imprint of the claws of the bird might appear on the child, and a wolf-kill might cause a skin mark to appear on the infant’s neck (in Viis¸oara, Vrancea). Also, the pregnant woman is forbidden to eat a pike’s head (in Pechea, Galat¸i), the wings from a chicken (in Ceahla˘u, Neamt¸), or hare meat (Viis¸oara, Vrancea), because of the physical abnormalities which they might activate in the child. The future mother has also to avoid stepping on molehills, because the child could suffer from swellings (in Brehuies¸ti, Botos¸ani; in Bivolari, Ias¸i; and in Gura Idrici, Vaslui). Pustules could appear on the newborn if his mother stepped on flour after bolting it (in S¸indrilari, Vrancea), through a process of contagious magic. The same

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 happens if she sits on a cereal sack, or on her knapsack (in Buciumi, Baca˘u), because of the rough texture of the sackcloth. The pregnant woman should have contact only with spaces, beings, and foods that are clean, both ritually and physically, in order to protect her unborn child. Women generally fear a twin pregnancy, which is reflected as being abnormal and troubling at an unconscious level. [9] On a pragmatic level, a greater effort is required to raise two children of the same age than that needed for a single infant. The idea that a twin pregnancy is caused by eating a conjoined fruit, whether it be prunes, nuts, mulberries, apples, or grapes, is very common in Romania, and this also applies to vegetables. The latter may be cucumbers, potatoes, or onions. Attached seeds and twigs should also be avoided. Sometimes conjoined food items are thought to cause the baby to have conjoined fingers (in Ba˘iceni, Botos¸ani). In April 2004, a mother of twins from Furcenii Vechim, Galat¸i, told me that a woman destined to have twins tends to encounter conjoined fruit long before her special pregnancy. It is thought that by eating an egg that has two yolks 274 Adina Hulubas¸

also leads to a similar outcome. If the pregnant woman eats meat from an animal that had a twin (a calf, for example), it is thought that she certainly will give birth to twins (in Sa˘la˘truc, Baca˘u in July 1987; in Curtes¸ti, Baca˘u; and in Dumbra˘veni, Suceava). The informants spoken to in Cert¸es¸ti, Galat¸i and in Poiana Ma˘rului, Ias¸i, believe that if a woman eats the testicles of a cock this will lead to a multiple pregnancy. If the parents are born under the Gemini sign (in Copa˘la˘u, Botos¸ani and in Fra˘ta˘ut¸ii Noi, Suceava), or if the baby is due during the Gemini period (in Fundu Moldovei, Suceava), this could provoke the birth of twins. The pregnant woman should also not insert two loaves of bread into the oven at the same time (in Godines¸ti, Baca˘u) or carry two bags at once (in Argel, Suceava), as this could also lead to the birth of twins. Thus, doubling-up gestures that usually concern a single entity or object are thought to influence the fragile creation process. All of these traditional injunctions and requirements are not regarded as oppressive by peasant women; on the contrary, they move easily among them, with the secure conviction of being part of a higher order. On a sociological level, “the care of the group for the individual and the desire to do his utmost for the group is expressed through the medium of taboos” (Rozˇman 1999, 294). The cultural bond is most effective in relation to the “what not to do” list, because transgression in this context puts the entire social harmony at risk and thus affects every member of the community.

Handling the Future One of the first questions which the parents of an unborn child tend to ask themselves is: “Will we have a boy or a girl?” The sex can be foretold even from the anticipatory rites of pregnancy. Some villagers say that by simply sitting on the upturned bathtub of a child who has been christened and washed by its Godmother the day after baptism, will lead to the birth of a girl, while leaping over this wooden container, or dancing on it while holding the godmother’s hand, is sure to lead to the birth of a boy (in Ples¸ani, Botos¸ani). We find here a very explicit signification of the sex characteristics of the unborn child: the feminine principle is considered to be static, while the masculine principle is regarded as being dynamic. Different perspectives on the physical appearance of the pregnant woman are

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 applied in order to give answers to the question concerning the sex of the unborn child. The shape of the abdomen is thought to reveal the first clues: if the upper abdomen is hard and has a tapering form, with the foetus positioned on the right side, people say that a boy will be born. [10] Many people in Moldova also say that the woman about to have a boy is thin, but if she has swollen feet, is large on the left side, and has, overall, a difficult pregnancy, then she is sure to have a baby girl. The same is said about a low-positioned foetus. Foetal movements are also thought to predict the sex of the child. If the first movement of the foetus is powerful, and on the right side, the woman believes that she will have a boy, while movement on the left side of the womb is thought of as indicating a female birth. Similar beliefs are found elsewhere [11] and are based on the folk observation that a boy kicks more powerfully in the womb than a girl. The pregnant woman’s face is also said to offer hints about the sex of her unborn child. It is generally believed that multiple pigmentation marks indicate the birth of a girl, but their location is also important. Pigmentation on the cheek is said to Romanian Beliefs and Rites of Pregnancy 275

signify a female birth but if it appears on the nose it is said to indicate a male birth (in Agaˆrcia, Neamt¸). It is expected that a woman who has swollen lips and a heavy appearance will have a girl (in Da˘ra˘ma˘neasca, Baca˘u; in Pupezeni, Galat¸i; in Ta˘ta˘rus¸i, Ias¸i; in Topolit¸a, Neamt¸; in Buda, Suceava; and in Pa˘dureni, Vrancea), while a male-sex foetus is thought to enhance her beauty (in Praja, Baca˘u and in Lupcina, Suceava). The same ideas are found in Estonia: A prevalent belief in Sabajevo was that a woman’s fine, clean and fresh complexion denoted the birth of a son. In Povodimovo, the respondents agreed that an ugly spotted face foretold the birth of a daughter, and a normal unchanged face denoted a son (Mikkor 2000, 113). When a birth is overdue, people consider this to be an indication that a baby boy will be born (in Bors¸ani, Baca˘u and in Botes¸ti, Suceava). Labour pains start from the back if a boy is ready to be born (in Arbore, Suceava), whereas abdomen contractions are said to announce the birth of a girl (in Cas¸in, Baca˘u). A magical way to determine the sex of the child is to sprinkle salt on the head of the future mother without her being aware of what is happening. The spot she touches afterwards reveals the gender of the foetus: a boy will be born if she raises her hand to her mouth or to her nose, or if she looks up or touches the spot that has been salted. If a girl is to be born, she will touch her eyes, chin or ear, she will reach down, or she will straighten her headkerchief. The decoding of such actions is very frequently performed in Moldovan villages, the most recent attestation of which occurred in Ba˘lta˘ret¸, Galat¸i in April 2006. [12] The perceived magical powers of salt are often used to fight against evil, but the substance is also thought to produce signs of what is to come, and this is why it is used to find out the sex of the foetus or, on New Year’s Eve, to learn about the weather for the coming year. At other times, the woman with child is asked to show her hands; if she shows her palms, a girl will be born; if she shows the back of her hands, a male birth will be expected (in Sta˘uceni, Botos¸ani in April 1989). Additional means of trying to determine the sex of the unborn child centre around how the pregnant women deals with certain kinds of objects. In picking up a headkerchief she will grab it by the edges when having a boy, or by its centre when carrying a girl (in Mos¸na, Ias¸i). If she chooses the eye of a needle that has been hidden in bread (in Pa˘ltinis¸, Botos¸ani and in Mois¸a, Suceava), paper (in

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 Costes¸ti, Ias¸i and in Dragosloveni, Vrancea), or inside a person’s fist (in Vla˘sines¸ti, Botos¸ani and in Mos¸na, Ias¸i), the pregnant woman will have a baby girl; but if she chooses the tip (corresponding to the male sex) she will have a boy. When the pregnant woman finishes weaving, she momentarily places the yarns (in Mihoveni, Suceava) or the sticks that hold firm the warp (in Udes¸ti, Suceava) between her legs, and then goes outside. The child is said to have the same sex as the first person she lays eye on after leaving the house. If there is a pregnant woman in the house, the sex of the first guest to arrive on Christmas Eve is thought to indicate the sex of the unborn child (in Rediu, Botos¸ani). The same is said about New Year’s Day, when children come into every house in the village in order to throw wheat grains on each family member (in Ra˘deana, Baca˘u). This is a winter custom that is performed in order to promote fertility for the coming year. The sex of the first child, who performs the custom in the house in which there is a pregnant woman, is said to represent the sex of the foetus. If a cow or a sheep brings forth its young before the pregnant woman does, she expects that the 276 Adina Hulubas¸

baby will be of the same sex as the newborn animal (in Ra˘deana, Baca˘u). The same kinds of clues as to the sex of the child are found in many parts of the world (see Bartoli 2007, 60–8). Signs about the future child come from everywhere—all that is required is traditional knowledge in order to recognise them. Even when out walking, if the pregnant woman finds nails and screws on the road (in Bra˘tila, Baca˘u and in Buda, Suceava), then she expects to have a male child, while the finding of feminine objects such as a comb or hair accessories (in Ba˘hna˘s¸eni, Baca˘u and in Obaˆrs¸eni, Vaslui) are regarded as an obvious hint of the female sex of the unborn child.

Aesthetics and Morality The future mother also takes great care in relation to her baby’s looks. She must, as indicated above, avoid unsafe contagion or magical contamination that would unfavourably impact on her child. Thus the pregnant woman should not sit on a stump on which fire wood is split for her child might be born with a cleft lip—a belief told to us in Oituz, Baca˘u and in Sadova, Suceava. The same opening of the upper lip could appear if she sleeps with an axe for splitting wood under her bed (in Talpa, Neamt¸ in May 1989), or if a malevolent person strikes the doorstep on which she has stood (in Lichites¸eni, Baca˘u). She should also not split wood on the threshold as this, too, could result in the child being born with a cleft lip (in Farcas¸a, Neamt¸ and in Gohor, Galat¸i). If the future mother stands carelessly in the doorway, her child could be born a hunchback (in Dra˘ga˘nes¸ti, Neamt¸). On the other hand, if she performs an aesthetic action such as combing her hair in the doorway every Sunday during her pregnancy, she will have a beautiful child, according to traditional belief (in Berzunt¸i, Baca˘u). This latter situation is also thought to arise if the foetus makes a powerful movement just as the pregnant woman looks at a handsome person (in Za˘nes¸ti, Neamt¸). The power of observation is thought to be so strong that the woman can have a child who looks like the handsome man she has just seen, as we were told in Dobrova˘t¸, Ias¸i. In fact, it is recommended that the pregnant woman should turn her eyes to something beautiful when experiencing foetal activity for the first time (in Sta˘nit¸a, Neamt¸). All over the world, researchers have encountered beliefs

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 suggesting a high element of receptivity by the unborn child and, at the same time, a strong preoccupation with beauty as a key feature of social success. Peasants in Romania take care of the aesthetic dimension on a magical level before the child is even born and also during his first weeks of life. The future mother is said to be also preoccupied with her child’s hair, especially if it is going to be a girl. She is forbidden to scrape burnt milk from a pot, because the infant could be born hairless (in Cis¸mea, Botos¸ani and in T¸ipiles¸ti, Ias¸i). Women dream of curly-haired babies and, to achieve this beauty goal, they steal coiled wood shavings, representative of curls, according to people from six Moldovan districts. At other times, the expectant mother simply carries these shavings in her bosom or on her waist. However, she should not put wood chips on her lap, because the child could suffer from dandruff as a result (in Dumbra˘vit¸a, Ias¸i). Other villagers believe that frizzy hair is formed by the pregnant mother’s tight coiffure (in S¸endriceni, Botos¸ani), whereas, as indicated above, hair knots are thought to stunt the child’s growth and development; Romanian Beliefs and Rites of Pregnancy 277

according to different informants, knotted hair tangles the hair of the baby (in Bra˘ha˘s¸es¸ti, Galat¸i and in Tanacu, Vaslui) or, even worse, makes him/her bold and unruly (in Buda, Ias¸i). It is thought that an ox-yoke could lead to an unpleasant form of contagion if the future mother steps over it, as the child could be born with a thick nape of the neck (in Da˘rma˘neasca, Baca˘u). An additional consequence of lingering on the doorstep of the house is that the child could be born with a squint (in Ghidigeni, Galat¸i). The same defect could arise if the woman kicked a dog (in Ives¸ti, Vaslui) or if somebody else passed in front of her and did not allow her to go first (in S¸endres¸ti, Baca˘u). The child could be born with a tail if his/her mother carried him over a rope, according to villagers from Mirosloves¸ti, Ias¸i. The child’s character and temper are also said to be influenced by the pregnant woman’s deeds. In many hamlets, informants described how stealing during pregnancy could lead to mice imitating her actions by coming to eat stolen objects in her house (in Glodu, Suceava). [13] Stealing could also result in the child being born a thief. The woman could avoid this by thinking about her unborn child while taking the object (in Poiana Micului, Suceava and in Pojoraˆta, Suceava). The mother can also provide magical protection for her “thief” child if she gives birth to him/her while holding two cloves of garlic in her hands, so that he will never get caught, according to villagers in Mot¸ca, Ias¸i. Drinking alcohol during pregnancy is said to induce alcohol addiction in the child, who will end up being a drunkard (in Breaza, Suceava). In many villages it is said that if a pregnant woman kicks a dog, her child will be mean, wicked, mischievous and foul-mouthed. Hurting cats is thought to make an infant sly and discontented and tending to continually lament about poverty. Stepping over a fire while pregnant might cause the child to have a lewd character (in Sulit¸a and Dracs¸ani, Botos¸ani). This also happens if the future mother stays standing on the doorstep (in Repedea, Vrancea), as it is believed that by staying in the “unsafe” boundary area she teaches the child to be a wanderer (in Galbeni, Vrancea). The child might also become a vagrant if the mother stepped over a rope during pregnancy (in Galbeni, Vrancea). When a mother hides her pregnancy, it is said that the infant will tend to tell lies frequently (in Topolit¸a, Neamt¸). The complexity of a human being leads to the existence of a tremendous number of beliefs concerning the unborn child in

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 Romania and to community pressure on the pregnant woman to observe them.

The Time is Coming In every village which we investigated, we found that women believed that by announcing the probable date of delivery of their child, that their suffering at birth would be intensified. Even the midwife, whose role was to neutralise evil and to ease the passage of the child into the world (van Gennep 1996, 52), kept her destination secret when she was called on to assist a mother about to give birth (Berezeni, Vaslui). Women hold the belief that each person who knows about the birth provokes one more hour of excruciating pain during the birth process (in Buhalnit¸a, Neamt¸). One explanation for this idea is that the pregnant woman takes upon herself all the sins of the people to whom she has announced the expected date of delivery, and these sins serve to torment her when her hour comes (in Agafton and Ma˘na˘stirea Doamnei, Botos¸ani). But the biggest fear that keeps a 278 Adina Hulubas¸

pregnant woman from telling other people about her expected date of delivery is that she could be killed by charms performed by women who want to marry her husband. In most cases, it is thought that a barbecue spit is used to cast the fatal spell and the maximum effect is achieved if it is bewitched by three different enchanters. When the woman has a prolonged delivery and cannot eject the foetus, the midwife, suspecting magical interference, puts nine red-hot barbecue spits into a new, small, earthenware pot containing water, according to informants in Cas¸in, Baca˘u. Presumably the cooling of the spits in the water is thought to lessen or quench the power of the spell, thus enabling the woman to give birth. It is considered to be even more advantageous for the pregnant woman if the ritual is performed before her labour begins, as it acts as a form of protective magic undertaken for her benefit. In other cases, it is thought that wedges are thrust into a tree trunk and that the enchanters surround it. If the wedges have been fully inserted into the wood, it is said that the pregnant woman will perish. In order to save the woman in labour, it is necessary that the magical ritual be repeated for her benefit in the manner already performed by the enchanters. Thus an old woman thrusts the wedges into the tree once again and thereby abolishes the evil effects of the previous actions. Informants were also of the opinion that rituals could be performed in order to harm the pregnant woman or her husband. One such ritual consisted of using a fork to kill a fish as a magical alter ego. If the fish killed is a barbel, the woman dies; if it is a dace, the husband passes away (in Cas¸in, Baca˘u). In all of these cases, they say of the pregnant woman that “her birth was tied up,” and that the child was born dead because the mother had been bewitched and did not “mend” the situation. Women are careful not to answer when they are called outside, unless the summons is repeated four times (in Copa˘la˘u, Botos¸ani). In this way, they can be sure that it is a real visitor who is calling them, and not the voice of enchanters trying to lure them out in order to harm them. They are also conscious of the necessity of wearing a needle in their clothes in order to ward off magic spells (in Curtes¸ti, Botos¸ani). The notion that pregnancy is a period of constant danger, since “the woman and her little child are the favourite prey of evil spirits who want to come in contact with the real world” (Bartoli 2007, 74), is widespread in Romania. Whenever the pregnant woman leaves the protective space of home she is thought to become

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 vulnerable to evil spirits that can produce a miscarriage or kill her unborn child. Especially at night time, if she wishes to leave the house, the pregnant woman must carry protective substances consisting of bread and sugar (in Rogos¸es¸ti, Botos¸ani), or frankincense sewn to her skirt hem (in Curtes¸ti, Botos¸ani), or garlic and basil from Epiphany Day tied in her headkerchief or under her girdle (in Rogos¸es¸ti, Botos¸ani). She only goes out when it is absolutely necessary to do so and not before she has sprinkled her clothes with holy water (in Bogonos, Ias¸i). Other dangers of which she must be mindful are represented as “the evil hour” (when calls are made to her at the window or at the corner of the house) or “the evil winds“ (which knock at the door after nightfall in order to lure her out of the house). In other cases, it is thought that Satan, who can appear in the form of a cat, fox, or crow, scares the woman and causes her to have a miscarriage. To prevent the loss of the foetus, a midwife burns the fur of the animal that frightened the pregnant woman so that the smoke wafts over her and nullifies the potential harm to her (in Rediu, Botos¸ani and in Ceahla˘u, Neamt¸). She can also it is asserted, be Romanian Beliefs and Rites of Pregnancy 279

bewitched by an evil eye (especially if the person involved had been weaned and then breast-fed again). All of these unwanted influences can be warded off if the pregnant woman wears two woven belts so as to set the child under the magical protection of the circle (in Paˆraˆu Negru, Botos¸ani). Different actions are performed during pregnancy in order to ease delivery. At the same time, the woman avoids actions that are said to increase the burden of labour. She does not work on high feast days (in Urs¸it¸a, Ias¸i) and gives alms to small children during her first weeks of pregnancy (in Micla˘us¸eni, Ias¸i). She fasts on Fridays (in Breaza, Suceava) or Saturdays (in Bolova˘nis¸, Baca˘u) and receives the Eucharist some days before her delivery. On a more archaic level, she aims to have magical contact with things characterised by rapid evacuation. The pregnant woman scrapes the skin from a hen’s gizzard, dries it out, boils it, and drinks it as a tea. The reason she does this, according to informants in Arbore, Suceava, is in order to make the woman eject her child as easily as a hen lays an egg. When the future mother learned that a woman was in labour, she entered and left the woman’s house as quickly as possible so that her own child would be born just as fast (in Berezlogi, Ias¸i). In Vulpa˘s¸es¸ti, Neamt¸, she puts flour on her lap and feeds it to a cow, saying that she will give birth as easily as a cow gives birth to a calf. In another hamlet, the pregnant woman takes the garbage on her lap and then throws it away so that the child will be born quickly (in Heci, Ias¸i). When the delivery time approaches she eats fresh fish in the belief that it will shorten her birth pains (in Pra˘joaia, Baca˘u).

Conclusion As indicated above, the pregnant woman enters a special period that places her between worlds: she is part of the community that she can magically influence and, at the same time, she is exposed to unseen forces from beyond. She is frail because her miracle is in progress and she can be harmed by both human society and by spirits. That is why every step is carefully watched and analysed on a pattern of similarities: her gestures build the child’s future, her actions decide the type of birth she will experience. Everything that comes in contact with the pregnant woman acquires a particular status. The most expressive example of this

Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 transformation, arising from her powers of conception, is her ability to bring rain as soon as she or her domestic objects are touched by water. Animals around her, objects, food, and border areas, also shift dimensions—they are no longer thought of as being part of the profane world. Her main aim is to avoid impure circum- stances that could affect her and her child. As a consequence, she is confined within a protective circle that separates planes: the sacred universe of the creators does not interfere with the limited world of everyday, where each action is eroded by time. The future mother carefully builds the health and character of her child, paying attention also to the delivery moment. Christian beliefs, which have not been discussed here, are combined with archaic convictions in a harmonious mixture. Romanians know how to make peace with God and pagan divinities at the same time. Even priests and high-ranking members of priestly hierarchies have learned to respect and treasure cultural heritage. During the course of pregnancy right up to the days before birth, the woman follows a historical pattern of similitude and contagion. She thus assimilates the energies that make life 280 Adina Hulubas¸

unfold and does not forget to spread them around by bringing the rain when needed, and helping childless wives to become mothers. In sum, pregnancy in Moldova, is still thought of in a traditional manner, along lines that are still found in many parts of the world. However, the current vitality of traditional rites and beliefs concerning pregnancy, childbirth, and the newborn child in Moldova is striking. Cultural memory, traditional information and perceptions about this rite of passage continue to be transmitted. Untrained midwives ceased from delivering babies almost fifty years ago; weaving looms once associated with magical practices linked to pregnancy are less and less used; and domestic life has now become much less rustic in character; but trepidation still surrounds the birth of children. No doubt, the ultimate purpose of the various beliefs and rites dealt with in this article is to confer peace of mind on the future mother by ensuring that energies and forces perceived to be surrounding her are harnessed in a positive manner for the benefit of both herself and her child.

Notes [1] Moldova is one of the five provinces of Romania, along with Transylvania, Muntenia, Banat and Dobrogea. The geographical distribution of the various beliefs mentioned in the paper is provided by first giving the village name where the material was collected, followed by the name of the relevant administrative district to which the village belongs. In this article, the main focus is on Moldovan birth traditions, with reference also being made to such beliefs in the wider Romanian tradition. However, on this occasion, the European context is referred to only on a limited basis. [2] Here the beliefs differ radically from other cultures. It takes forty days (in Egypt) to four months (in Africa) to break the news because in the latter culture the foetus needs to be secured against evil influences (Bartoli 2007, 76–7). [3] The adverse effect of observing a snake while pregnant is also referred to in other cultures. For example, among the Mohave population it is said: “If either parent looked at a snake, the infant would be born with teeth” (McKeever Furst, 2001, 37). [4] In Bolivia, knitting is forbidden during pregnancy (Franklin 2005, 61), while in France, even reeling in a thread is deeply feared (Bartoli 2007, 98). Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013 [5] A tangled umbilical cord was apparently also blamed on weaving while pregnant by the Nootka of western Canada (Dundes 2003, 89). Vietnam is another location of this conviction, according to Lise Bartoli (2007, 98). [6] The Inuit Eskimos advised the future mother not to braid her hair for the same reason (Franklin 2005, 61). [7] In Korea, Taiwan, and Cameroon, it is also thought to be harmful for the baby in the womb if a woman wears a string around her neck during pregnancy (Bartoli 2007, 98). [8] During the years 1984 and 1989, Marika Mikkor interviewed Estonian women on the same topic: “Two respondents from Sabajevo said that an expecting mother was not allowed to kick a cat or a dog; only one of them knew that in folk tradition the prohibition was explained by the fact that it could result in the birth of a hairy child” (Mikkor 2000, 112). [9] Arnold van Gennep wrote about the “abnormal” case of having twins that immediately forced the mother to pass through a more elaborate rite of reintegration to society, and discussed an example from Congo population, ishogo (van Gennep 1996, 52). Romanian Beliefs and Rites of Pregnancy 281

[10] The exact same interpretation is found in Guadalupe (Bartoli 2007, 67), and in Estonia, where “a pointed salient [prominent] belly is a sign of a son” (Mikkor 2000, 113). [11] “Dans bien des pays, les movements du be´be´ sont aussi analyse´s. Le plus souvent, on croit que l’enfant male bouge beaucoup plus que la petite fille” [“In many countries, the movements of the baby are also analysed. Most often, it is believed that the male child moves much more than does the little girl”] (Bartoli 2007, 68). [12] Salt is used in Vietnam, too, in a similar type of divination (Bartoli 2007, 68). [13] The idea that birthmarks arise from the act of stealing has been dealt with above.

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Biographical Note Adina Hulubas¸ is a Ph.D. researcher at the Romanian Academy, Ias¸i Section, Ethnography and Folklore Department of the “A. Philippide” Institute of Romanian Philology, Ias¸i. Her interests include initiation rites, birth customs and traditional pottery. She has published a book entitled Initiatory Courses in Romanian Literary Folklore. Stylistic Structures (Ias¸i, 2009) and numerous articles in magazines in Romania and The Republic of Moldova. Downloaded by [109.53.45.203] at 01:53 10 September 2013