Medieval Jewish Philosophy and Its Literary Forms'
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TALMUDIC STUDIES Ephraim Kanarfogel
chapter 22 TALMUDIC STUDIES ephraim kanarfogel TRANSITIONS FROM THE EAST, AND THE NASCENT CENTERS IN NORTH AFRICA, SPAIN, AND ITALY The history and development of the study of the Oral Law following the completion of the Babylonian Talmud remain shrouded in mystery. Although significant Geonim from Babylonia and Palestine during the eighth and ninth centuries have been identified, the extent to which their writings reached Europe, and the channels through which they passed, remain somewhat unclear. A fragile consensus suggests that, at least initi- ally, rabbinic teachings and rulings from Eretz Israel traveled most directly to centers in Italy and later to Germany (Ashkenaz), while those of Babylonia emerged predominantly in the western Sephardic milieu of Spain and North Africa.1 To be sure, leading Sephardic talmudists prior to, and even during, the eleventh century were not yet to be found primarily within Europe. Hai ben Sherira Gaon (d. 1038), who penned an array of talmudic commen- taries in addition to his protean output of responsa and halakhic mono- graphs, was the last of the Geonim who flourished in Baghdad.2 The family 1 See Avraham Grossman, “Zik˙atah shel Yahadut Ashkenaz ‘el Erets Yisra’el,” Shalem 3 (1981), 57–92; Grossman, “When Did the Hegemony of Eretz Yisra’el Cease in Italy?” in E. Fleischer, M. A. Friedman, and Joel Kraemer, eds., Mas’at Mosheh: Studies in Jewish and Moslem Culture Presented to Moshe Gil [Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1998), 143–57; Israel Ta- Shma’s review essays in K˙ ryat Sefer 56 (1981), 344–52, and Zion 61 (1996), 231–7; Ta-Shma, Kneset Mehkarim, vol. -
3 Al-Farabi, Avicenna, and Averroes in Hebrew: Remarks on the Indirect Transmission of Arabic-Islamic Philosophy in Medieval Judaism
3 Al-FArAbi, AvicennA, And Averroes in Hebrew: remArks on tHe indirect trAnsmission oF ArAbic-islAmic PHilosophy in medievAl JudAism James T. Robinson erhaps as early as the eighth century, in the Islamic East, the traditional Sanskrit tales about the Buddha’s enlightenment—about his recognition of his own mortality and training with an ascetic monk—were translated into Persian and Arabic. The Arabic version, entitled Bilawhar wa-Būdhāsaf, then served as Pthe basis for renderings into Georgian, Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and a long list of European vernacular languages.1 These renderings were, more often than not, not straightforward translations but adaptations, often introducing significant modifications into the frame narrative. The Greek version, for example, transformed Bilawhar—an ascetic teacher—into Barlaam, a saintly Christian monk, and his disciple Budasaf or Yudasaf—the Buddha—into Joasaph or Josaphat, a saintly Christian Neophyte.2 The Hebrew version is no less surprising than the Greek, when Bilawhar be- comes not a Jewish sage but a Neoplatonic philosopher, and his 1 For the Arabic and Persian versions, see D. Gimaret (1972); D. Gimaret (1971). See also S. M. Stern and S. Walzer (1971). For the Georgian and Greek versions, see: D. M. Lang (1957), idem (1966); John Damascene (1914). The Hebrew version was edited by A. M. Habermann (1951), with extensive apparatus and commentary. For the vernacular versions, see most recently the studies of the German and English versions: S. Calomino (1990); K. Ikegami (1999). 2 In fact, both Barlaam and Joasaph/Josaphat became Christian saints. 60 The Judeo-Christian-Islamic Heritage final lesson to his young disciple is not a lesson in religious prac- tice but an introduction to neoplatonic metaphysics, based on the Arabic versions of Plotinus—namely, that complex of texts associated with the Theology of Aristotle.3 This is one example of the indirect transmission of Greek and Arabic philosophy in medieval Judaism. -
The Attitude Towards Democracy in Medieval Jewishphilosophy*
THE ATTITUDE TOWARDS DEMOCRACY IN MEDIEVAL JEWISHPHILOSOPHY* Avraham Melamed Medieval Jewish thought, following Platonic and Muslim political was philosophy, on the one hand, and halakhic concepts, on the other, basically, although reluctantly, monarchist, and inherently anti democratic. It rejected outright what we term here as the ancient Greek variety of liberal democracy, which went against its basic philosophical and theological assumptions. I the In his various writings Professor DJ. Elazar characterized Jewish polity as a "republic with strong democratic overtones," an which nevertheless was in reality generally "aristocratic repub ? lic in the classic sense of the term rule by a limited number who as take upon themselves an obligation or conceive of themselves a to It is true having special obligation to their people and God." a in that the Jewish polity is "rooted in democratic foundation," that it is based upon the equality of all (adultmale) Jewsand their basic rightand obligation to participate in the establishmentand is as far as the maintenance of the body politic.1 But this was a true "democratic overtones" of this republic went. It republic no some of what is enough, but democracy. It did have components was a termed "communal democracy," but not liberal democracy. over the centuries were The various Jewish polities which existed JewishPolitical Studies Review 5:1-2 (Spring 1993) 33 This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.82.205 on Tue, 27 Nov 2012 07:16:21 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 34 Avrahatn Melamed generally very aristocratic in terms of their actual regimes. -
אוסף מרמורשטיין the Marmorstein Collection
אוסף מרמורשטיין The Marmorstein Collection Brad Sabin Hill THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER Manchester 2017 1 The Marmorstein Collection CONTENTS Acknowledgements Note on Bibliographic Citations I. Preface: Hebraica and Judaica in the Rylands -Hebrew and Samaritan Manuscripts: Crawford, Gaster -Printed Books: Spencer Incunabula; Abramsky Haskalah Collection; Teltscher Collection; Miscellaneous Collections; Marmorstein Collection II. Dr Arthur Marmorstein and His Library -Life and Writings of a Scholar and Bibliographer -A Rabbinic Literary Family: Antecedents and Relations -Marmorstein’s Library III. Hebraica -Literary Periods and Subjects -History of Hebrew Printing -Hebrew Printed Books in the Marmorstein Collection --16th century --17th century --18th century --19th century --20th century -Art of the Hebrew Book -Jewish Languages (Aramaic, Judeo-Arabic, Yiddish, Others) IV. Non-Hebraica -Greek and Latin -German -Anglo-Judaica -Hungarian -French and Italian -Other Languages 2 V. Genres and Subjects Hebraica and Judaica -Bible, Commentaries, Homiletics -Mishnah, Talmud, Midrash, Rabbinic Literature -Responsa -Law Codes and Custumals -Philosophy and Ethics -Kabbalah and Mysticism -Liturgy and Liturgical Poetry -Sephardic, Oriental, Non-Ashkenazic Literature -Sects, Branches, Movements -Sex, Marital Laws, Women -History and Geography -Belles-Lettres -Sciences, Mathematics, Medicine -Philology and Lexicography -Christian Hebraism -Jewish-Christian and Jewish-Muslim Relations -Jewish and non-Jewish Intercultural Influences -
The Aristotelian Curriculum in Arabic and Hebrew
1 The Aristotelian Curriculum (Excluding Mathematics) In Arabic and Hebrew (occasionally also Greek, Syriac, Persian, Latin) Handout for “Aristotle in the Middle Ages,” James Robinson, U. Chicago, Winter 2013 General background: Christina d’Ascona, “Greek Sources in Arabic and Islamic Philosophy,” Stanford Encyc. of Philosophy Online: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/arabic-islamic-greek/ M. Zonta, “The Influence of Arabic and Islamic Philosophy on Judaic Thought,” Stanford Encyc. of Philosophy: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/arabic-islamic-judaic/ Dag Hasse, “The Influence of Arabic and Islamic Philosophy on the Latin West,” Stanford Encyc. of Philosophy: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/arabic-islamic-influence/ Tony Street, “Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic,” Stanford Encyc. of Philosophy: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/arabic-islamic-language/ J. McGinnis, “Arabic and Islamic Natural Philosophy and Natural Science,” Stanford Encyc. of Philosophy: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/arabic-islamic-natural/ Alfred Ivry, “Arabic and Islamic Psychology and Philosophy of Mind,” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/arabic-islamic-mind/ Amos Bertolacci, “Arabic and Islamic Metaphysics,” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/arabic-islamic-metaphysics/ Useful Resources: Arist. semitico-latinus: http://www.brill.com/publications/aristoteles-semitico-latinus Online dictionary of Arabic philosophical terms: http://www.arabic-philosophy.com/dict Hans Daiber -
Platonic Themes in Gersonides' Commentary on Song of Songs
Yehuda Halper The Sex Life of a Metaphysical Sceptic: Platonic Themes in Gersonides’ Commentary on Song of Songs In his bestselling book Born to Kvetch, the popular Yiddishist Michael Wex recounts how, as pupils at a religious yeshivah, he and his friends learned of Rashi’s explana- tion of the first reference to breasts in the Song of Songs as, in fact, referring to Moses and Aaron, who were responsible for nourishing the Children of Israel in the desert. In his account, the boys then proceeded to notice the “Moses and Aaron” on various women around town and one would expect that they could hardly suppress giggles at any mention of Moses and Aaron in any other context.1 Rashi’s de-eroticization of Song of Songs thus had as a side effect that it simultaneously eroticized Moses and Aaron precisely among the impressionable youth whom he had intended to shield. De-eroticization is a tricky business; comparison of the erotic to the non-erotic tends rather to eroticize the non-erotic. Whether Rashi was aware of this effect I leave to the scholars of that pious man of Troyes. Gersonides, however, who lived 200 years after Rashi and much further South, was certainly aware of how eros can spread from the allegory to the allegorized. Ger- sonides explains that the expressions of love between the interlocutors of the Song of Songs are allegories of the soul’s path to intellectual perfection, a path that moves from ethical perfection, to the perfection of imagination and thought, to mathemat- ics, to the physical sciences, and, finally, to metaphysics.2 Far from removing eros from the picture, Gersonides uses Song of Songs’ highly erotic language to describe the desire of the soul, its faculties, and even the hylic intellect for the active intel- lect. -
Miracles and the Natural Order in Nahmanides*
Miracles and the Natural Order in Nahmanides* MMIRACLESIRACLES ANDAND THETHE NATURALNATURAL ORDERORDER IINN NNAHMANIDESAHMANIDES* From: Rabbi Moses Nahmanides (Ramban): Explorations in his Religious and Literary Virtuosity, ed. by Isadore Twersky (Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Mass., 1983), pp. 107-128. The centrality of miracles in Nahmanides’ theology cannot escape the attention of even the most casual observer, and his doctrine of the hidden miracle exercised a particularly profound and abiding influence on subsequent Jewish thought. Nevertheless, his repeated emphasis on the miraculous—and particularly the unrestrained rhetoric of a few key passages—has served to obscure and distort his true position, which was far more moderate, nuanced and complex than both medieval and modern scholars have been led to believe. I To Nahmanides, miracles serve as the ultimate validation of all three central dogmas of Judaism: creation ex nihilo, divine knowledge, and providence (hiddush, yedi‘ah, hashgahah).1 In establishing the relationship between miracles and his first dogma, Nahmanides applies a philosophical argument in a particularly striking way. “According to the believer in the eternity of the world,” he writes, “if God wished to shorten the wing of * Some of the issues analyzed in this article were discussed in a more rudimentary form in chapters one, three, and four of my master’s essay, “Nahmanides’ Attitude Toward Secular Learning and its Bearing upon his Stance in the Maimonidean Controversy” (Columbia University, 1965), which was directed by Prof. Gerson D. Cohen. 1 Torat HaShem Temimah (henceforth THT), in Kitvei Ramban, ed. by Ch. Chavel I (Jerusalem, 1963), p. 150. On Nahmanides’ dogmas and their connection with miracles, see S. -
Latin Averroes Translations of the First Half of the Thirteenth Century
D.N. Hasse 1 Latin Averroes Translations of the First Half of the Thirteenth Century Dag Nikolaus Hasse (Würzburg)1 Palermo is a particularly appropriate place for delivering a paper about Latin translations of Averroes in the first half of the thirteenth century. Michael Scot and William of Luna, two of the translators, were associated with the court of the Hohenstaufen in Sicily and Southern Italy. Michael Scot moved to Italy around 1220. He was coming from Toledo, where he had already translated at least two major works from Arabic: the astronomy of al-BitrÚºÍ and the 19 books on animals by Aristotle. In Italy, he dedicated the translation of Avicenna’s book on animals to Frederick II Hohenstaufen, and he mentions that two books of his own were commissioned by Frederick: the Liber introductorius and the commentary on the Sphere of Sacrobosco. He refers to himself as astrologus Frederici. His Averroes translation, however, the Long Commentary on De caelo, is dedicated to the French cleric Étienne de Provins, who had close ties to the papal court. It is important to remember that Michael Scot himself, the canon of the cathedral of Toledo, was not only associated with the Hohenstaufen, but also with the papal court.2 William of Luna, the other translator, was working apud Neapolim, in the area of Naples. It seems likely that William of Luna was associated to Manfred of Hohenstaufen, ruler of Sicily.3 Sicily therefore is a good place for an attempt to say something new about Michael Scot and William of Luna. In this artic le, I shall try to do this by studying particles: small words used by translators. -
The Philosophy of Don Hasdai Crescas
Hl~ ILLINOI S UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN PRODUCTION NOTE University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Library Brittle Books Project, 2009. 296 W56p Ri _ _ r THE PHILOSOPHY OF DON HASDAJ CRESCAS COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS SALES AGENTS NEW YORK: LEMCKE & BUECHNER 30-32 EAST 20TH STREET LONDON : HUMPHREY MILFORD AMEN CORNER, E.C. SHANGHAI : EDWARD EVANS & SONS, LTD. 30 NORTH SZECHUEN ROAD COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL STUDIES VOL. XVII THE PHILOSOPHY OF DON HASDAI CRESCAS BY MEYER WAXMAN SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, IN THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Qltu Pork COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1920 All rights reserved PRINTED IN ENGLAND AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS NOTE A PECULIAR interest attaches to Hasdai Crescas. He swam against the current of the philosophical exposition of his day. He was bold enough to oppose the speculative reasoning of Aristotle, the man who held nearly all the philosophers in his grip during so many centuries; and, above all, he dared to criticize the introduction of Aristotelian views into the religious philosophy of his own people, even though these views were dressed in Jewish garb by the master hand of Maimonides. The current passed him by; it could not overwhelm him. In the following pages Dr. Meyer Waxman has given us a detailed and a very interesting exposition of Crescas's philosophic system; and he has added to this a comparison of Crescas's views, not only with those of Maimonides, but also with those of Spinoza. We have thus lined up for us the three greatest minds that speculative Jewish theology produced during the Middle Ages; and the means are afforded us to estimate the value of their dip into the Unknown. -
In the Thirteenth Century, the Traditional Jewish Communities of Southern
SECONDARY FORMS OF PHILOSOPHY: ON THE TEACHING AND TRANSMISSION OF PHILOSOPHY IN NON-PHILOSOPHICAL LITERARY GENRES James T. Robinson n the thirteenth century, the traditional Jewish communities of southern France (called ‘Provence’ in Hebrew sources), where Talmud and Midrash had Ireigned supreme, were transformed into the leading centres of Jewish philo- sophy. There in Rousillon, Languedoc, Comtat Venaissin, and Provence proper, in the communities of Perpignan, Béziers, Carcassonne, Narbonne, Lunel, Mont- pellier, Arles, and Marseilles, Jews devoted themselves — with religious zeal — to the teaching of philosophical ideas. This cultural transformation in southern France, a transformation from tradi- tional Jew to philosopher, from yeshiva student to enthusiast of Aristotle, is really quite remarkable. Especially remarkable is the speed with which philosophical texts, ideas, principles, ideals, and aspirations spread throughout the region. By 1306, when the Jews were expelled from France, Greek and Arabic philosophical ideas were discussed freely and openly, in Hebrew and Romance, in every area of Jewish life and letters. How did this transformation take place? There were certainly many factors — sociological, political, economic, religious, and even geographical. The purpose of the present paper is to focus on the literary: the way that different literary genres and forms — different media, if you will — were used to teach and disseminate philosophy to the general public. In other words, the paper will focus on the popu- larization of philosophy in Provence, the creating of a literary foundation for philo- sophy within the traditional community, the creation of a philosophical culture. The paper will survey the main literary-pedagogical developments in thirteenth- century Provence: translation; reference works and study aids; popular literature, 246 James T. -
“Viewing Mendelssohn, Viewing Elijah”
APRIL 29-MAY 1, 2009 “Viewing Mendelssohn, Viewing Elijah” assimilation, interpretation and culture Ariella Amar a rreses eearcharch cconferenceonference atat ArizonaArizona StateState UniversityUniversity Hebrew University of Jerusalem Julius Reder Carlson University of California, Los Angeles David Conway University College London Sinéad Dempsey-Garratt University of Manchester, England Colin Eatock University of Toronto, Canada Todd Endelman University of Michigan Deborah Hertz University of California, San Diego Luke Howard Brigham Young University sponsored by Daniel Langton University of Manchester, England JEWISH STUDIES an academic unit of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Jonathan D. Lawrence Canisius College Angela Mace FACULTY OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES Duke University IN THE SCHOOL OF HISTORICAL, PHILOSOPHICAL AND RELIGIOUS STUDIES Sara Malena Wells College an academic unit of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Michael Ochs Ochs Editorial SCHOOL OF MUSIC an academic unit of the Herberger College of the Arts Marcus Rathey Yale University Jeffrey Sposato University of Houston http://jewishstudies.asu.edu/elijah Michael P. Steinberg Brown University R. Larry Todd Duke University Donald Wallace United States Naval Academy Barry Wiener Graduate Center, City University of New York Viewing Mendelssohn, Viewing Elijah: assimilation, interpretation and culture a research conference at Arizona State University / April 29 – May 1, 2009 Conference Synopsis From child prodigy to the most celebrated composer of his time: Felix Mendelssohn -
Encyclopedia Interrupta, Or Gale's Unfinished
Judaica Librarianship Volume 16/17 195-209 12-31-2011 Encyclopedia Interrupta, or Gale’s Unfinished: the Scandal of the EJ2 Barry D. Walfish [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://ajlpublishing.org/jl Part of the Bilingual, Multilingual, and Multicultural Education Commons, Information Literacy Commons, Jewish Studies Commons, and the Reading and Language Commons Recommended Citation Walfish, Barry D.. 2011. "Encyclopedia Interrupta, or Gale’s Unfinished: the Scandal of the EJ2." Judaica Librarianship 16: 195-209. doi:10.14263/2330-2976.1012. Encyclopedia Interrupta, or Gale’s Unfinished: the Scandal of the EJ2 Erratum On p. 203, the birthdate of Maimonides was corrected from 1038 to 1138. This review is available in Judaica Librarianship: http://ajlpublishing.org/jl/vol16/iss1/13 Reviews 195 text. To the extent that a rabbinic text is a window into rabbinic culture as well as the rabbis’ attitudes toward and interactions with the surrounding cul- ture(s), it is impossible to explain fully its broader significance until its cultural and ideological connotations have been explored. Here, too, one runs the risk of including so much in the discussion of a text that the focus of discourse moves away from the document itself towards a set of questions more properly belonging to other disciplines. However, the field of rabbinics has been insulat- ed from other academic disciplines longer and more completely than any other field of Jewish studies. Therefore it is crucial that we broaden our discus- sion of rabbinic texts to include the scholarship of those who have applied the tools and insights of disciplines other than philology to the study of rabbinic literature.