Platonic Themes in Gersonides' Commentary on Song of Songs

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Platonic Themes in Gersonides' Commentary on Song of Songs Yehuda Halper The Sex Life of a Metaphysical Sceptic: Platonic Themes in Gersonides’ Commentary on Song of Songs In his bestselling book Born to Kvetch, the popular Yiddishist Michael Wex recounts how, as pupils at a religious yeshivah, he and his friends learned of Rashi’s explana- tion of the first reference to breasts in the Song of Songs as, in fact, referring to Moses and Aaron, who were responsible for nourishing the Children of Israel in the desert. In his account, the boys then proceeded to notice the “Moses and Aaron” on various women around town and one would expect that they could hardly suppress giggles at any mention of Moses and Aaron in any other context.1 Rashi’s de-eroticization of Song of Songs thus had as a side effect that it simultaneously eroticized Moses and Aaron precisely among the impressionable youth whom he had intended to shield. De-eroticization is a tricky business; comparison of the erotic to the non-erotic tends rather to eroticize the non-erotic. Whether Rashi was aware of this effect I leave to the scholars of that pious man of Troyes. Gersonides, however, who lived 200 years after Rashi and much further South, was certainly aware of how eros can spread from the allegory to the allegorized. Ger- sonides explains that the expressions of love between the interlocutors of the Song of Songs are allegories of the soul’s path to intellectual perfection, a path that moves from ethical perfection, to the perfection of imagination and thought, to mathemat- ics, to the physical sciences, and, finally, to metaphysics.2 Far from removing eros from the picture, Gersonides uses Song of Songs’ highly erotic language to describe the desire of the soul, its faculties, and even the hylic intellect for the active intel- lect. These desires are described not only as teshuqah (desire), but especially by the term ḥesheq, which refers to an erotic desire, particularly in the context of the Song of Songs.3 Realization of such desires leads to pleasure (taʽanug), joy (simḥah), embraces 1 Michael Wex, Born to Kvetch: Yiddish Language and Culture in All of Its Moods (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2005), 88–90. 2 A critical edition of Gersonides’ Commentary on Song of Songs appeared as Rabbi Levi ben Gershom, Commentary on Song of Songs [Heb.], ed. Menachem Kellner (Ramat Gan, Israel: Bar Ilan University Press, 2003). An English translation was published as Levi ben Gershom, Commentary on Song of Songs, trans. Menachem Kellner (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998). Quotations from the Com- mentary will list the Hebrew edition first, followed by the English translation. 3 Note, however, that the term ḥesheq does not appear in the Song of Songs itself. Yet it was also associated with the Song of Songs by Gersonides’ contemporary Baḥya ben Asher, who distinguishes between ’ahabah and ḥesheq, explicitly connecting the latter with intellectual conjunction or conjun- ction of thought (debequt hamaḥshabah). See his Kad Haqemaḥ, in Kitve Rabbenu Baḥya, ed. Charles B. Chavel (Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook, 1969), 34–35. Another of Gersonides’ contemporaries, Open Access. © 2018 Yehuda Halper, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110553321-009 The Sex Life of a Metaphysical Sceptic 147 (teḥabqeni), and, of course, kisses (neshiqot). But the characters in the Song of Songs do not go “all the way,” and the erotic desires both in the Song of Songs and in Gerson- ides’ characterization remain unconsummated. In a sense, Gersonides’ Song of Songs commentary resembles Diotima’s account of eros in Plato’s Symposium. Both describe a love of that which the lover does not possess, i.e., for Gersonides, an eros of the soul and the hylic intellect for the active intellect. Moreover, like Diotima’s eros, Gersonides’ ḥesheq is all-consuming, as all of the faculties of the soul subject themselves to it and the entire ḥosheq (“desirer”) is consumed by the desire. This subjugation of the powers of the soul to this final desire is akin to Diotima’s description of the so-called Ladder of Love in the Symposium. According to Diotima, the path to eros of the beautiful begins with the young person’s desire for beautiful bodies, continues with the abstraction of that love to the eros for beautiful souls, and from there to the love of the sciences, and then to the love of beauty itself, i.e., the form of beauty.4 Joseph Kaspi, also says that the primary meaning of the Song of Songs is in uncovering the relations- hip between ḥesheq and cognition of the intelligibles. See his short commentary on Song of Songs in Mikra’ot Gedolot ‘HaKeter’: The Five Scrolls, ed. Menachem Cohen (Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan University Press, 2012), p. 28 [Hebrew pagination]. Gersonides also uses the term ḥesheq to refer to desire for higher knowledge, which is a knowledge that is similarly accompanied by pleasure, though it reaches its height only after one’s death, in Wars of the Lord, (Leipzig: Lorck, 1866), 90. See also Seymour Feldman’s translation, vol. 1, (Philadelphia: JPS, 1984), 225. These uses of ḥesheq to refer to erotic love probably derive, at least to some extent, from Samuel Ibn Tibbon’s use of the term to translate the Arabic term for erotic, passionate love, ‘ishq, in Maimonides’ Guide of the Perplexed III 51. On the background of Maimonides’ use of this term, see Steven Harvey, “Avicenna and Maimonides on Prayer and Intellectual Worship,” in Exchange and Transmission across Cultural Boundaries: Philoso- phy, Mysticism and Science in the Mediterranean World, ed. Haggai Ben-Shammai (Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 2013): 82–105. See also, Steven Harvey, “The Meaning of Terms Designating Love in Judaeo-Arabic Thought and Some Remarks on the Judaeo-Arabic Interpretation of Maimonides,” in Studies in Muslim-Jewish Relations III, ed. Norman Golb. (Reading, UK: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1996): 175–196. The term ḥesheq also appears in Shem Tob ibn Falaquera’s translation/summary of Al-Fārābī’s Philosophy of Plato, in Reshit Ḥokhmah, ed. Mortiz David (Berlin: 1902), 74–75. Al-Fārābī’s Arabic term with which Falaquera is translating ḥesheq is ‘ishq (see Alfarabius, De Platonis Philosophia, ed. Franz Rosenthal and Richard Walzer [London: Warburg Institute, 1943]: 14–15 of the Arabic pages). Al-Fārābī is characterizing Socrates’ discussion in Plato’s Phaedrus and the underlying Greek term is almost certainly ἔρως. A similar use of the term ḥesheq is also attributed to Plato in Judah Al-Ḥarizi, Mussare Hafilosofim, (ed. A. Loewenthal [Frankfurt am Main: Kaufmann, 1895]: 15. There Plato is said to compare the ḥesheq of one soul for another to the ḥesheq of one body for another. This work is a translation of Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq’s ’ādāb al-falāsifah, but unfortunately this passage in Hebrew is among several chapters not found in the Arabic. See Abdurrahman Badawi’s edition of the Arabic text (Kuwait: l’Institut des Manuscrits Arabes, 1985), 61–62, which is missing text corresponding to Chapters 18–20 of the Hebrew edition. Accordingly, we cannot know if the underlying Arabic term is also ‘ishq. 4 See Plato, Symposium, 210a–212b. 148 Yehuda Halper For Gersonides, the text operates on various layers: there is, of course, the text of the Song itself, with its descriptions of erotic desires for bodies. Then, there is the understanding of this as an allegory referring to the soul. Thus he differentiates between the allegory itself (hamashal) and that to which the allegory refers (hanim- shal). The reader who understands that this is an allegory understands that there is a “hidden meaning” (hanistar) and can search for the allegory.5 This allegory concerns the sciences, which culminate in a metaphysical approach to the active intellect.6 The similarities between this progression from the plain text to approaching the active intellect and Diotima’s Ladder of Love in the Symposium are, I think, quite clear. Most significantly, at each stage of this progression we find a new understanding of the object of the ḥesheq. That is to say, eros is present at every stage of the interpretation, though its object and direction change throughout. The process of studying science leads the desirer from the most open kind of desire and the most easily identifiable to the most concealed desire, the desire for the active intellect, which is also the most difficult, if not impossible to grasp. Gersonides’ use of “concealed” (nistar) to refer to what is allegorized suggests that the plain meaning of the text is “revealed” (nigleh). Moreover, Gersonides’ statement that the secrets ought to be kept hidden “from those who are not fit for them”7 implies that the revealed meaning of the text need not be kept hidden from the many. Gersonides is thus distinguished from how most other medieval and rab- binic interpreters of Song of Songs are usually understood. Other interpreters, in 5 One place Gersonides delineates these distinctions is on 66–67 / 13–14: “You must not fail to note that some of the attributes with which the lovers described each other relate both to the allegory (hamashal) and to its intended meaning (hanimshal) […] This was done in order to indicate the hidden meaning (hanistar), so that one would not mistakenly think that the statements in this book should be taken according to their external sense (hanigleh).” 6 See, e.g., 66–68 / 13–15. Menachem Kellner compares the approach to the active intellect through the sciences in the Commentary on Song of Songs with some of Gersonides’ other works in “Gerso- nides on Imitatio Dei and the Dissemination of Scientific Knowledge,” Jewish Quarterly Review 85 (1995): 275–296.
Recommended publications
  • TALMUDIC STUDIES Ephraim Kanarfogel
    chapter 22 TALMUDIC STUDIES ephraim kanarfogel TRANSITIONS FROM THE EAST, AND THE NASCENT CENTERS IN NORTH AFRICA, SPAIN, AND ITALY The history and development of the study of the Oral Law following the completion of the Babylonian Talmud remain shrouded in mystery. Although significant Geonim from Babylonia and Palestine during the eighth and ninth centuries have been identified, the extent to which their writings reached Europe, and the channels through which they passed, remain somewhat unclear. A fragile consensus suggests that, at least initi- ally, rabbinic teachings and rulings from Eretz Israel traveled most directly to centers in Italy and later to Germany (Ashkenaz), while those of Babylonia emerged predominantly in the western Sephardic milieu of Spain and North Africa.1 To be sure, leading Sephardic talmudists prior to, and even during, the eleventh century were not yet to be found primarily within Europe. Hai ben Sherira Gaon (d. 1038), who penned an array of talmudic commen- taries in addition to his protean output of responsa and halakhic mono- graphs, was the last of the Geonim who flourished in Baghdad.2 The family 1 See Avraham Grossman, “Zik˙atah shel Yahadut Ashkenaz ‘el Erets Yisra’el,” Shalem 3 (1981), 57–92; Grossman, “When Did the Hegemony of Eretz Yisra’el Cease in Italy?” in E. Fleischer, M. A. Friedman, and Joel Kraemer, eds., Mas’at Mosheh: Studies in Jewish and Moslem Culture Presented to Moshe Gil [Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1998), 143–57; Israel Ta- Shma’s review essays in K˙ ryat Sefer 56 (1981), 344–52, and Zion 61 (1996), 231–7; Ta-Shma, Kneset Mehkarim, vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Medieval Jewish Philosophy and Its Literary Forms'
    H-Judaic Lawee on Hughes and Robinson, 'Medieval Jewish Philosophy and Its Literary Forms' Review published on Monday, March 16, 2020 Aaron W. Hughes, James T. Robinson, eds. Medieval Jewish Philosophy and Its Literary Forms. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019. viii + 363 pp. $100.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-253-04252-1. Reviewed by Eric Lawee (Bar-Ilan University)Published on H-Judaic (March, 2020) Commissioned by Barbara Krawcowicz (Norwegian University of Science and Technology) Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=54753 Among the religious and intellectual innovations in which medieval Judaism abounds, none sparked controversy more than the attempt of certain rabbis and scholars to promote teachings of ancient Greek philosophy. Most notable, of course, was Moses Maimonides, the foremost legist and theologian of the age. Not only did he cultivate Greco-Arabic philosophy and science, but he also taught the radical proposition that knowledge of some of its branches was essential for a true understanding of revealed scripture and for worship of God in its purest form. As an object of modern scholarship, medieval philosophy has not suffered from a lack of attention. Since the advent of Wissenschaft des Judentums more than a century and half ago, studies have proliferated, whether on specific topics (e.g., theories of creation), leading figures (e.g., Saadiah Gaon, Judah Halevi, Maimonides), or the historical, religious, and intellectual settings in which Jewish engagements with philosophy occurred—first in
    [Show full text]
  • Bernard Revel Graduate School of Jewish Studies
    Bernard Revel Graduate School of Jewish Studies Table of Contents Ancient Jewish History .......................................................................................................................................... 2 Medieval Jewish History ....................................................................................................................................... 4 Modern Jewish History ......................................................................................................................................... 8 Bible .................................................................................................................................................................... 17 Jewish Philosophy ............................................................................................................................................... 23 Talmud ................................................................................................................................................................ 29 Course Catalog | Bernard Revel Graduate School of Jewish Studies 1 Ancient Jewish History JHI 5213 Second Temple Jewish Literature Dr. Joseph Angel Critical issues in the study of Second Temple literature, including biblical interpretations and commentaries, laws and rules of conduct, historiography, prayers, and apocalyptic visions. JHI 6233 Dead Sea Scrolls Dr. Lawrence Schiffman Reading of selected Hebrew and Aramaic texts from the Qumran library. The course will provide students with a deep
    [Show full text]
  • Maharam of Padua V. Giustiniani; the Sixteenth-Century Origins of the Jewish Law of Copyright
    Draft: July 2007 44 Houston Law Review (forthcoming 2007) Maharam of Padua v. Giustiniani; the Sixteenth-Century Origins of the Jewish Law of Copyright Neil Weinstock Netanel* Copyright scholars are almost universally unaware of Jewish copyright law, a rich body of copyright doctrine and jurisprudence that developed in parallel with Anglo- American and Continental European copyright laws and the printers’ privileges that preceded them. Jewish copyright law traces its origins to a dispute adjudicated some 150 years before modern copyright law is typically said to have emerged with the Statute of Anne of 1709. This essay, the beginning of a book project about Jewish copyright law, examines that dispute, the case of the Maharam of Padua v. Giustiniani. In 1550, Rabbi Meir ben Isaac Katzenellenbogen of Padua (known by the Hebrew acronym, the “Maharam” of Padua) published a new edition of Moses Maimonides’ seminal code of Jewish law, the Mishneh Torah. Katzenellenbogen invested significant time, effort, and money in producing the edition. He and his son also added their own commentary on Maimonides’ text. Since Jews were forbidden to print books in sixteenth- century Italy, Katzenellenbogen arranged to have his edition printed by a Christian printer, Alvise Bragadini. Bragadini’s chief rival, Marc Antonio Giustiniani, responded by issuing a cheaper edition that both copied the Maharam’s annotations and included an introduction criticizing them. Katzenellenbogen then asked Rabbi Moses Isserles, European Jewry’s leading juridical authority of the day, to forbid distribution of the Giustiniani edition. Isserles had to grapple with first principles. At this early stage of print, an author- editor’s claim to have an exclusive right to publish a given book was a case of first impression.
    [Show full text]
  • Miracles and the Natural Order in Nahmanides*
    Miracles and the Natural Order in Nahmanides* MMIRACLESIRACLES ANDAND THETHE NATURALNATURAL ORDERORDER IINN NNAHMANIDESAHMANIDES* From: Rabbi Moses Nahmanides (Ramban): Explorations in his Religious and Literary Virtuosity, ed. by Isadore Twersky (Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Mass., 1983), pp. 107-128. The centrality of miracles in Nahmanides’ theology cannot escape the attention of even the most casual observer, and his doctrine of the hidden miracle exercised a particularly profound and abiding influence on subsequent Jewish thought. Nevertheless, his repeated emphasis on the miraculous—and particularly the unrestrained rhetoric of a few key passages—has served to obscure and distort his true position, which was far more moderate, nuanced and complex than both medieval and modern scholars have been led to believe. I To Nahmanides, miracles serve as the ultimate validation of all three central dogmas of Judaism: creation ex nihilo, divine knowledge, and providence (hiddush, yedi‘ah, hashgahah).1 In establishing the relationship between miracles and his first dogma, Nahmanides applies a philosophical argument in a particularly striking way. “According to the believer in the eternity of the world,” he writes, “if God wished to shorten the wing of * Some of the issues analyzed in this article were discussed in a more rudimentary form in chapters one, three, and four of my master’s essay, “Nahmanides’ Attitude Toward Secular Learning and its Bearing upon his Stance in the Maimonidean Controversy” (Columbia University, 1965), which was directed by Prof. Gerson D. Cohen. 1 Torat HaShem Temimah (henceforth THT), in Kitvei Ramban, ed. by Ch. Chavel I (Jerusalem, 1963), p. 150. On Nahmanides’ dogmas and their connection with miracles, see S.
    [Show full text]
  • NACHMANIDES: VAYEITZEI: LOCATION of JACOB’S LADDER Gavriel Z
    THOUGHT OF NACHMANIDES: VAYEITZEI: LOCATION OF JACOB’S LADDER Gavriel Z. Bellino – November 18, 2015 פרוש הרמב”ן על ספר בראשית כח:יז Nachmanides on Genesis 28:17 17. THIS IS NONE OTHER THAN THE HOUSE OF G-D, AND THIS IS THE GATE OF HEAVEN. This refers to the Sanctuary which is the gate through which the prayers and sacrifices ascend to heaven. Rashi comments, Rabbi Elazar the son of Rabbi Jose the son of Zimra said, “This ladder stood in Beer-Sheba and its slope reached unto the Sanctuary in Jerusalem. Beer-Sheba is situated in the southern part of Judah, and Jerusalem is to its north on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin, and Beth-El was in the northern portion of Benjamin's territory, on the boundary between Benjamin's territory and that of the children of Joseph. It follows, therefore, that a ladder whose base is in Beer-Sheba and whose top is in Beth-el has its slope reaching opposite Jerusalem. Now regarding the statement of our Rabbis: “This righteous man has come to the place where I dwell, (Chullin 91b)” and they also said, “Jacob gave the name Bethel to Jerusalem,” (Pesachim 88b) this place which he called Bethel was Luz and not Jerusalem! And from where did they learn to say so, [implying that Luz is identical with Jerusalem]? I therefore say that Mount Moriah [the Temple site in Jerusalem] was removed from its place and came here to Luz, and this is “the springing of the earth” which is mentioned in Shechitat Chullin, that the site on which the Sanctuary was later to stand came towards him to Bethel.
    [Show full text]
  • The Philosophy of Don Hasdai Crescas
    Hl~ ILLINOI S UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN PRODUCTION NOTE University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Library Brittle Books Project, 2009. 296 W56p Ri _ _ r THE PHILOSOPHY OF DON HASDAJ CRESCAS COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS SALES AGENTS NEW YORK: LEMCKE & BUECHNER 30-32 EAST 20TH STREET LONDON : HUMPHREY MILFORD AMEN CORNER, E.C. SHANGHAI : EDWARD EVANS & SONS, LTD. 30 NORTH SZECHUEN ROAD COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL STUDIES VOL. XVII THE PHILOSOPHY OF DON HASDAI CRESCAS BY MEYER WAXMAN SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, IN THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Qltu Pork COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 1920 All rights reserved PRINTED IN ENGLAND AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS NOTE A PECULIAR interest attaches to Hasdai Crescas. He swam against the current of the philosophical exposition of his day. He was bold enough to oppose the speculative reasoning of Aristotle, the man who held nearly all the philosophers in his grip during so many centuries; and, above all, he dared to criticize the introduction of Aristotelian views into the religious philosophy of his own people, even though these views were dressed in Jewish garb by the master hand of Maimonides. The current passed him by; it could not overwhelm him. In the following pages Dr. Meyer Waxman has given us a detailed and a very interesting exposition of Crescas's philosophic system; and he has added to this a comparison of Crescas's views, not only with those of Maimonides, but also with those of Spinoza. We have thus lined up for us the three greatest minds that speculative Jewish theology produced during the Middle Ages; and the means are afforded us to estimate the value of their dip into the Unknown.
    [Show full text]
  • REVISED FM Comm Bible
    FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS What does “Miqra’ot Gedolot” mean? “Miqra’ot Gedolot” is a Hebrew expression meaning something like “Large- Format Bible” or, more colloquially,“The Big Book of Bible.”The famous “Second Rab- binic Bible” of R. Jacob b. Hayyim (1525) was a Miqra’ot Gedolot. What do you mean “a” Miqra’ot Gedolot? Are there more than one? Absolutely. There are “Miqra’ot Gedolot”to the Torah or Pentateuch,to the Megillot (the Five Scrolls), and to the other biblical books as well. Moreover, the same biblical book can appear in different versions:“Miqra’ot Gedolot” refers to the format, not the contents. So what is the Miqra’ot Gedolot format? It consists of the Hebrew biblical text in large print; a “Targum”or translation of the text (in rare cases more than one); and commentaries on the text, often accompanied by explana- tory notes.That’s why we have titled this English version The Commentators’ Bible. Which translation is included in this Miqra’ot Gedolot? We have included two translations:the old Jewish Publication Society translation of 1917 and the new JPS translation of 1985. Why include both? Both were translated by the preeminent Jewish biblical scholars of their day, but the OJPS is more literal and the NJPS freer and more readable. More importantly, the purpose of the Miqra’ot Gedolot is to help explain difficulties in the biblical text. Because translators are often forced to pick a single one of several possible explanations of what the Hebrew text means, comparing two different translations is the best way for someone who doesn’t know Hebrew to judge whether there is a difficulty in the original text.
    [Show full text]
  • Medieval Thought by Rabbi Shai Cherry
    The Ziegler School of Rabbinic Studies Walking with History Edited By Rabbi Bradley Shavit Artson and Rabbi Patricia Fenton In Memory of Harold Held and Louise Held, of blessed memory The Held Foundation Melissa Held Bordy Joseph and Lacine Held Robert and Lisa Held Published in partnership with the United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism, the Rabbinical Assembly, the Federation of Jewish Men’s Clubs and the Women’s League for Conservative Judaism. UNIT 5: MEDIEVAL THOUGHT RAbbI SHAI CHERRY, PH.D. “In the beginning” - It may be counter-intuitive, but “In the beginning” is an appropriate opening for an essay on Jewish thought in the Middle Ages. This opening phrase of the Book of Genesis first entered the vocabulary of English speakers in the 1380s, with John Wycliffe’s translation of the Latin Bible into English. The words were “canonized” in the English language in 1611 with the publication of the Authorized King James version of the Bible. What is so interesting about these three words as the translation of the very first word of the Torah, b’reishit, is that for Jews, the translation is a medieval innovation! As we will see, during the entire rabbinic period, which dates from the 1st century destruction of the Second Temple to the Muslim conquest of the early 7th century, there was not one single Jewish voice that claimed that the first word of the Torah meant what some medieval Jewish thinkers understood “b’reishit” to mean. We will survey the three emerging genres of medieval Jewish thought - Bible commentary, philosophy and mysticism, in order to appreciate the gloriously inconsistent ways in which our ancestors understood the Torah’s opening utterance.
    [Show full text]
  • The Question Kidneys' Counsel
    The Question of the Kidneys’ Counsel Natan Slifkin Copyright © 2010 by Natan Slifkin Version 1.3 http://www.ZooTorah.com http://www.RationalistJudaism.com This monograph is adapted from an essay that was written as part of the course requirements for a Master’s degree in Jewish Studies at the Lander Institute (Jerusalem). This document may be purchased at www.rationalistjudaism.com Other monographs available in this series: The Evolution of the Olive Shiluach HaKein: The Transformation of a Mitzvah The Sun’s Path at Night Messianic Wonders and Skeptical Rationalists Sod Hashem Liyreyav: The Expansion of a Useful Concept 2 The Question of the Kidneys’ Counsel Introduction The kidneys (kelayot) are mentioned in Scripture in two contexts. On several occasions they are listed amongst the organs of an animal that are offered on the altar.1 But on over a dozen other occasions they are described as organs with functions relating to cognition (which itself may be the reason why they play a role in sacrificial rites, due to the animals’ kidneys representing the parallel organ in man2); specifically, functioning as the mind, conscience, or the source of counsel/ free will: You are present in their mouths, but far from their kidneys. (Jer. 12:2) I bless God, Who has counseled me; my kidneys admonish me at night. (Ps. 16:7) On several occasions, the kidneys are mentioned in this context together with the heart: God of Hosts, just Judge, Who examines the kidneys and heart... (Jer. 11:20) I, God, probe the heart, and examine the kidneys, and repay each man according to his ways, with the fruit of his deeds.
    [Show full text]
  • Observing Niddah in Our Day: an Inquiry on the Status of Purity and the Prohibition of Sexual Activity with a Menstruant
    OBSERVING NIDDAH IN OUR DAY: AN INQUIRY ON THE STATUS OF PURITY AND THE PROHIBITION OF SEXUAL ACTIVITY WITH A MENSTRUANT Rabbi Avram Israel Reisner This paper was approved by the CJLS on September 13, 2006, by a vote of thirteen in favor, two opposed and four abstaining (13- 2-4). Members voting in favor: Rabbis Kassel Abelson, Elliot Dorff, Aaron Mackler, Robert Harris, Robert Fine, David Wise, Loel Weiss, Daniel Nevins, Alan Lucas, Joel Roth, Paul Plotkin, Avram Reisner, and Vernon Kurtz. Members voting against: Rabbis Gordon Tucker and Susan Grossman. Members abstaining: Rabbis Joseph Prouser, Leonard Levy, Myron Geller, and Pamela Barmash. :שאלה Is it necessary, in our day, to continue the prohibition of sexual activity during and after a woman’s menstruation? Is it still necessary for a menstruant to immerse in a mikveh before resuming sexual relations? If so, what are the parameters that apply? PROLOGUE Fundamental to the Biblical description of reality is the notion of the twinned states of tum’ah (impurity) and tohorah (purity), one of which (tum’ah) is incompatible with the sacred (kodesh). It is difficult to concede the reality of these designations in a twenty-first century that is dominated by scientific thought, and which cannot find any trace of these entities in reality. Yet the Torah clearly understands these to be either physical or metaphysical states and defines modes of contracting them and modes of being relieved of them which are quite physical in their nature. It would be convenient, but inconsistent with the Biblical foundation of our religion, to simply profess disbelief in a system described by the Torah at length.
    [Show full text]
  • Was Rashi a Corporealist?
    81 Was Rashi a Corporealist? By: NATAN SLIFKIN Views of God in Medieval France Rabbi Shlomo Yitzchaki of France (1040-1105), better known by the acronym Rashi, is revered for his lucid commentaries on the entire Scriptures and most of the Talmud. His writings have probably been more widely studied than those of any other rabbinic scholar in his- tory. But in this essay, we will address a question that has never been comprehensively and methodically investigated before: Was Rashi a corporealist? Did he believe that God possesses form? Most Orthodox Jews living in the last few hundred years would be shocked and offended at the question. They would immediately— and indignantly—answer that, of course, Rashi never believed any such nonsense. A simple chain of logic produces this conclusion: 1. It is heretical to believe that God possesses form. 2. Rashi was a Torah scholar of inconceivable greatness. 3. Hence Rashi could not have believed that God possesses form. However, the huge number of manuscripts available to us today reveals that in medieval Europe, and especially in Rashi’s homeland of France, it was by no means unthinkable to believe that God pos- sesses form. The Tosafist R. Moshe Taku asserts that God some- times takes on human form, and considers it heretical to deny—as Rambam does—His ability to do so.1 Rabbi Isaiah ben Elijah of Trani (known as Riaz, 1235-1300, grandson of Rid) speaks of schol- ars who believed in a corporeal God. He notes that they do not be- 1 Kesav Tamim, in Otzar Nechmad (Vienna, 1860).
    [Show full text]