Introduction: P. V. Vologodskii and His Diary
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An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development. -
Spatial Integration of Siberian Regional Markets
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Spatial Integration of Siberian Regional Markets Gluschenko, Konstantin Institute of Economics and Industrial Engineering, Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Novosibirsk State University 2 April 2018 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/85667/ MPRA Paper No. 85667, posted 02 Apr 2018 23:10 UTC Spatial Integration of Siberian Regional Markets Konstantin Gluschenko Institute of Economics and Industrial Engineering, Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IEIE SB RAS), and Novosibirsk State University Novosibirsk, Russia E-mail address: [email protected] This paper studies market integration of 13 regions constituting Siberia with one another and all other Russian regions. The law of one price serves as a criterion of market integration. The data analyzed are time series of the regional costs of a basket of basic foods (staples basket) over 2001–2015. Pairs of regional markets are divided into four groups: perfectly integrated, conditionally integrated, not integrated but tending towards integration (converging), and neither integrated nor converging. Nonlinear time series models with asymptotically decaying trends describe price convergence. Integration of Siberian regional markets is found to be fairly strong; they are integrated and converging with about 70% of country’s regions (including Siberian regions themselves). Keywords: market integration, law of one price; price convergence; nonlinear trend; Russian regions. JEL classification: C32, L81, P22, R15 Prepared for the Conference “Economy of Siberia under Global Challenges of the XXI Century” dedicated to the 60th anniversary of the IEIE SB RAS; Novosibirsk, Russia, June 18–20, 2018. 1. Introduction The national product market is considered as a system with elements being its spatial segments, regional markets. -
Russia: the Impact of Climate Change to 2030: Geopolitical Implications
This paper does not represent US Government views. This page is intentionally kept blank. This paper does not represent US Government views. This paper does not represent US Government views. Russia: The Impact of Climate Change to 2030: Geopolitical Implications Prepared jointly by CENTRA Technology, Inc., and Scitor Corporation The National Intelligence Council sponsors workshops and research with nongovernmental experts to gain knowledge and insight and to sharpen debate on critical issues. The views expressed in this report do not reflect official US Government positions. CR 2009-16 September 2009 This paper does not represent US Government views. This paper does not represent US Government views. This page is intentionally kept blank. This paper does not represent US Government views. This paper does not represent US Government views. Scope Note Following the publication in 2008 of the National Intelligence Assessment on the National Security Implications of Global Climate Change to 2030, the National Intelligence Council (NIC) embarked on a research effort to explore in greater detail the national security implications of climate change in six countries/regions of the world: India, China, Russia, North Africa, Mexico and the Caribbean, and Southeast Asia and the Pacific Island States. For each country/region we have adopted a three-phase approach. • In the first phase, contracted research explores the latest scientific findings on the impact of climate change in the specific region/country. For Russia, the Phase I effort was published as a NIC Special Report: Russia: Impact of Climate Change to 2030, A Commissioned Research Report (NIC 2009-04, April 2009). • In the second phase, a workshop or conference composed of experts from outside the Intelligence Community (IC) determines if anticipated changes from the effects of climate change will force inter- and intra-state migrations, cause economic hardship, or result in increased social tensions or state instability within the country/region. -
3. Energy Reserves, Pipeline Routes and the Legal Regime in the Caspian Sea
3. Energy reserves, pipeline routes and the legal regime in the Caspian Sea John Roberts I. The energy reserves and production potential of the Caspian The issue of Caspian energy development has been dominated by four factors. The first is uncertain oil prices. These pose a challenge both to oilfield devel- opers and to the promoters of pipelines. The boom prices of 2000, coupled with supply shortages within the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), have made development of the resources of the Caspian area very attractive. By contrast, when oil prices hovered around the $10 per barrel level in late 1998 and early 1999, the price downturn threatened not only the viability of some of the more grandiose pipeline projects to carry Caspian oil to the outside world, but also the economics of basic oilfield exploration in the region. While there will be some fly-by-night operators who endeavour to secure swift returns in an era of high prices, the major energy developers, as well as the majority of smaller investors, will continue to predicate total production costs (including carriage to market) not exceeding $10–12 a barrel. The second is the geology and geography of the area. The importance of its geology was highlighted when two of the first four international consortia formed to look for oil in blocks off Azerbaijan where no wells had previously been drilled pulled out in the wake of poor results.1 The geography of the area involves the complex problem of export pipeline development and the chicken- and-egg question whether lack of pipelines is holding back oil and gas pro- duction or vice versa. -
FULL LIST of WINNERS the 8Th International Children's Art Contest
FULL LIST of WINNERS The 8th International Children's Art Contest "Anton Chekhov and Heroes of his Works" GRAND PRIZE Margarita Vitinchuk, aged 15 Novocherkassk, Rostov Oblast, Russia for “The Lucky One” Age Group: 14-17 years olds 1st place awards: Anna Lavrinenko, aged 14 Novocherkassk, Rostov Oblast, Russia for “Ward No. 6” Xenia Grishina, aged 16 Gatchina, Leningrad Oblast, Russia for “Chameleon” Hei Yiu Lo, aged 17 Hongkong for “The Wedding” Anastasia Valchuk, aged 14 Prokhladniy, Kabardino-Balkar Republic, Russia for “Ward Number 6” Yekaterina Kharagezova, aged 15 Novocherkassk, Rostov Oblast, Russia for “Portrait of Anton Chekhov” Yulia Kovalevskaya, aged 14 Prokhladniy, Kabardino-Balkar Republic, Russia for “Oversalted” Valeria Medvedeva, aged 15 Serov, Sverdlovsk Oblast, Russia for “Melancholy” Maria Pelikhova, aged 15 Penza, Russia for “Ward Number 6” 1 2nd place awards: Anna Pratsyuk, aged 15 Omsk, Russia for “Fat and Thin” Maria Markevich, aged 14 Gomel, Byelorussia for “An Important Conversation” Yekaterina Kovaleva, aged 15 Omsk, Russia for “The Man in the Case” Anastasia Dolgova, aged 15 Prokhladniy, Kabardino-Balkar Republic, Russia for “Happiness” Tatiana Stepanova, aged 16 Novocherkassk, Rostov Oblast, Russia for “Kids” Katya Goncharova, aged 14 Gatchina, Leningrad Oblast, Russia for “Chekhov Reading Out His Stories” Yiu Yan Poon, aged 16 Hongkong for “Woman’s World” 3rd place awards: Alexander Ovsienko, aged 14 Taganrog, Russia for “A Hunting Accident” Yelena Kapina, aged 14 Penza, Russia for “About Love” Yelizaveta Serbina, aged 14 Prokhladniy, Kabardino-Balkar Republic, Russia for “Chameleon” Yekaterina Dolgopolova, aged 16 Sovetsk, Kaliningrad Oblast, Russia for “The Black Monk” Yelena Tyutneva, aged 15 Sayansk, Irkutsk Oblast, Russia for “Fedyushka and Kashtanka” Daria Novikova, aged 14 Smolensk, Russia for “The Man in a Case” 2 Masha Chizhova, aged 15 Gatchina, Russia for “Ward No. -
Russia's Arctic Cities
? chapter one Russia’s Arctic Cities Recent Evolution and Drivers of Change Colin Reisser Siberia and the Far North fi gure heavily in Russia’s social, political, and economic development during the last fi ve centuries. From the beginnings of Russia’s expansion into Siberia in the sixteenth century through the present, the vast expanses of land to the north repre- sented a strategic and economic reserve to rulers and citizens alike. While these reaches of Russia have always loomed large in the na- tional consciousness, their remoteness, harsh climate, and inaccessi- bility posed huge obstacles to eff ectively settling and exploiting them. The advent of new technologies and ideologies brought new waves of settlement and development to the region over time, and cities sprouted in the Russian Arctic on a scale unprecedented for a region of such remote geography and harsh climate. Unlike in the Arctic and sub-Arctic regions of other countries, the Russian Far North is highly urbanized, containing 72 percent of the circumpolar Arctic population (Rasmussen 2011). While the largest cities in the far northern reaches of Alaska, Canada, and Greenland have maximum populations in the range of 10,000, Russia has multi- ple cities with more than 100,000 citizens. Despite the growing public focus on the Arctic, the large urban centers of the Russian Far North have rarely been a topic for discussion or analysis. The urbanization of the Russian Far North spans three distinct “waves” of settlement, from the early imperial exploration, expansion of forced labor under Stalin, and fi nally to the later Soviet development 2 | Colin Reisser of energy and mining outposts. -
Lavic-Eurasian Esearch Enter News
Annual Newsletter of the Slavic-Eurasian Research Center, Hokkaido University LAVIC-EURASIAN ESEARCH NO. 27 ENTER NEWS March 2021 2020 Summer International Symposium “Northeast Asia: Pitfalls and Prospects, Past and Present” On July 2–3, 2020, the Slav- ic-Eurasian Research Center held its international summer sympo- sium on “Northeast Asia: Pitfalls and Prospects, Past and Present.” As a response to COVID-19, the event was held online over Zoom, rather than in person. The first half of the symposium, sessions 1 and 2, were devoted to providing a platform for researchers associ- ated with the NIHU Area Studies Project for Northeast Asia (NoA- SRC) to discuss their findings Zoom symposium outgoing with researchers from overseas, while the latter half, sessions 3 and 4, was turned over to debate among the members of David Wolff’s JSPS project on “Multi-Archival Analysis of Critical Junctures in Post-war Northeast Asia.” With the strategic concerns of the United States and China shifting south, to the In- do-Pacific, the focus of Sessions 1 and 2 was on bringing novel perspectives and shining new light on Northeast Asia as a regional ideal, one which has not been institutionalized in the aftermath of the Cold War. Session 1, on “Bottlenecks to Regional Cooperation,” was divided into two parts. The first of these debated the hard bottleneck of contested sovereignty, and the soft bottleneck represented by the ‘politics of distrust’ in Japan and Korea, which not only poisons international relations between the two countries but also is at the root of many social problems. -
Russia and Ukraine: Military-Strategic Options, and Possible Risks, for Moscow
Russia and Ukraine: Military-strategic options, and possible risks, for Moscow Johan Norberg & Fredrik Westerlund A further Russian military intervention in Ukraine would long-term strategic buffer zone against NATO without not only be damaging to the security of both Ukraine and taking significant military-strategic risks. Russia’s armed Europe. It could also entail significant military-strategic forces are nominally impressive in size, but are spread risks for Russia, reducing its military options in other thinly over the country’s enormous territory in peacetime, strategic directions such as Central Asia and the Caucasus. based on Russia’s current threat assessments. While Russian officials still claim they have a one- Russian strategic and doctrinal documents reveal a million-strong army, it may still face military-strategic world view that sees military threats and dangers from overstretch should the Kremlin decide to launch extended all directions. Apart from NATO expansion to Russia’s combat operations in Ukraine. What are the reasons for west, instability looms in the Caucasus and Central Asia this? What military options are available to secure Russia to the south. Furthermore, Russia’s force posture in the from perceived threats in its western strategic direction? Eastern Military District (MD) clearly shows that China What risks do operations beyond Crimea entail? A closer is a military concern, requiring preparations to augment look at the military-strategic issues is warranted, beginning Russian forces there. Although the armed forces are with the Russian threat assessment and peacetime military geographically dispersed, Russia can concentrate forces for posture, however other Russian rationales for intervention offensive operations to seize and hold territory but only in in Ukraine – such as political and economic considerations one strategic direction at a time. -
Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05
CO VERIN G CO N FLICT Reporting on Conflicts in the N orth Caucasus in the Russian M edia N M AY 2008 ARTICLE 19, 6-8 Am w ell Street, London EC1R 1U Q , U nited Kingdom Tel +44 20 7278 9292 · Fax +44 20 7278 7660 · info@ article19.org · http://w w w .article19.org ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media May 2008 © ARTICLE 19 ISBN 978-1-906586-01-0 Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 i i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 ii i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION A CKN O W LED G EM EN TS This report was researched and written by the Europe Programme of ARTICLE 19. Chapter 6, on ‘International Standards of Freedom of Expression and Conflict Reporting’ was written by Toby Mendel, Director of ARTICLE 19’s Law Programme. Chapter 5, ‘Reporting Conflict: Media Monitoring Results’ was compiled by Natalia Mirimanova, independent conflict resolution and media consultant. The analysis of media monitoring data was carried out by Natalia Mirimanova and Luitgard Hammerer, (formerly) ARTICLE 19 Regional Representative - Europe, CIS. -
The Russian Language Summer School 4-25 JULY, 2019 Welcome to Dostoevsky Omsk State University
The Russian Language Summer School 4-25 JULY, 2019 Welcome to Dostoevsky Omsk State University ROOMS: The teachers will conduct Russian lessons in the following rooms: Prof. Konstantin Shestakov 201A Prof. Ekaterina Ekimova 106 Prof. Olga Zajtseva 121 Prof. Marina Kharlamova 226 Prof. Lubov Zinkovskaya 221 Culture classes are held in room 201A. HOMEWORK: Your teachers will assign homework to you and you will receive feedback on each lesson. CERTIFICATE: You will receive Certificate (7 ECTS) at the end of the course only if you attend at least 80% of the course! In case you are feeling under the weather and cannot attend the class, please inform your teacher, classmates or someone at the International Relations Office. THE OPENING CEREMONY THE CLOSING CEREMONY will be held on July 4, 2019, it will start will be held on July 25, 2019 at 11:30am. at 10:30am. There you will get to know There you will receive 7 ECTS certificates of organizers and professors take a completion, present powerpoints on topic “My placement test so that you can be assigned Omsk”, and play interactive game called to a group according to your Russian “Sights of Omsk city”. The ceremony language level and play ice-breaking concludes with a tea party. games. The ceremony concludes with a tea party. RUSSIAN LANGUAGE AND CULTURE LESSONS WEEK 1 (July 5-12) Time July 5, July 8, July 9, July 10, July 12, July 12, 2019 2019 2019 2019 2019 2019 09:00- Russian Russian Russian Russian Russian Russian 10:30 lesson lesson lesson lesson lesson lesson 10:40- Russian Russian Russian -
Proposals for Amending the Intergovernmental Agreement on the Asian Highway Network
ESCAP/AHWG/2019/3/Corr.1 Distr.: General 11 September 2019 Chinese, English and Russian only Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific Working Group on the Asian Highway 8th meeting Bangkok, 18 and 19 September 2019 Item 6 of the provisional agenda* Consideration of proposals for amending the Intergovernmental Agreement on the Asian Highway Network Proposals for amending the Intergovernmental Agreement on the Asian Highway Network Corrigendum Annex Amendments to annex I to the Intergovernmental Agreement on the Asian Highway Network 1. Amendment proposal from the Government of China In the table, replace AH1, AH5 and AH6 with the following AH1 Tokyo – Fukuoka – ferry – Busan – Gyeongju – Daegu – Daejon – Seoul – Munsan – Gaesung – Pyongyang – Sinuiju – Dandong – Shenyang – Beijing – Shijiazhuang – Zhengzhou – Xinyang – Wuhan – Changsha – Xiangtan – Guangzhou (– Shenzhen) – Nanning – Youyiguan – Huu Nghi – Dong Dang – Ha Noi – Vinh – Dong Ha – Hue – Da Nang – Hoi An – Nha Trang – Bien Hoa (– Vung Tau) – Ho Chi Minh City – Moc Bai – Bavet – Phnom Penh – Poipet – Aranyaprathet – Kabin Buri – Hin Kong – Bang Pa-in (– Bangkok) – Nakhon Sawan – Tak – Mae Sot – Myawadi – Payagyi (– Yangon) – Meiktila – Mandalay – Tamu – Moreh – Imphal – Kohima – Dimapur – Nagaon – Jorabat (– Guwahati) – Shillong – Dawki – Tamabil – Sylhet – Katchpur – Dhaka – Jessore – Benapol – Bongaon – Kolkata – Barhi – Kanpur – Agra – New Delhi – Attari – Wahgah – Lahore – Rawalpindi (– Islamabad) – Hassanabdal – Peshawar – Torkham – Kabul – Kandahar – Dilaram -
Novorossiya: a Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists
Novorossiya: A Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 357 September 2014 Marlene Laruelle The George Washington University The Ukraine crisis is a game changer for Russia’s domestic landscape. One of the most eloquent engines of this is the spread of the concept of “Novorossiya,” or New Russia. With origins dating from the second half of the 18th century, the term was revived during the Ukraine crisis and gained indirect official validation when Russian President Vladimir Putin used it during a call-in show in April 2014 to evoke the situation of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. It appeared again in May when the self- proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics (DNR and LNR) decided to unite in a “Union of Novorossiya.” In August, a presidential statement was addressed to the “Insurgents of Novorossiya,” though the text itself referred only to “representatives of the Donbas.” The powerful pull of Novorossiya rests on its dual meaning in announcing the birth of a New Russia geographically and metaphorically. It is both a promised land to be added to Russia and an anticipation of Russia’s own transformation. As such, “Novorossiya” provides for an exceptional convergence of three underlying ideological paradigms that I briefly analyze here. “Red” Novorossiya The first ideological motif nurturing Novorossiya emphasizes Soviet memory. Novorossiya is both a spatial and ideological gift to Russia’s reassertion as a great power: it brings new territory and a new mission. This inspiration enjoys consensus among the Russian population and is widely shared by Russian nationalists and the Kremlin.